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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


THE    LIFE 


OP 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


BY 

WASHINGTON    IRVING. 


IN  FOUR  VOLUMES. 
VOL.  II. 


NEW  YORK: 

JOHN  B,  ALDEN,  PUBLISHER, 

1887. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

Lord  Dunmore — His  Plans  of  Harassing  Virginia — Lee's  Policy 
Respecting  Tory  Governors  and  Placemen — Rhode  Island  Har- 
assed by  Wallace  and  his  Cruisers,  and  Infested  by  Tories — 
Lee  Sent  to  its  Relief — His  Vigorous  Measures — The  Army 
Disbanding — Washington's  Perplexities — Sympathy  of  General 
Greene — His  Loyalty  in  Time  of  Trouble — The  Crisis — Cheer- 
ing News  from  Canada — Gloomy  Opening  of  the  New  Year 
— 'News  from  Colonel  Knox.  11 


CHAPTER  II. 

Military  Preparations  in  Boston — A  Secret  Expedition  —  Its  Ob- 
ject— Lee's  Plan  for  the  Security  of  New  York — Opinion  of 
Adams  on  the  Subject — Instructions  to  Lee — Transactions  of 
Lee  in  Connecticut — Lee's  Policy  in  Regard  to  the  Tories — 
Uneasiness  in  New  York — Letter  of  the  Committee  of  Safety 
to  Lee — His  Reply — His  Opinion  of  the  People  of  Connecticut 
— Of  the  Hysterical  Letter  from  the  New  York  Congress.  .  17 


CHAPTER  HI. 

Montgomery  Before  Quebec — His  Plan  of  Operations — A  Summons 
to  Surrender — A  Flag  Insulted — The  Town  Besieged — Plan  of 
an  Escalade — Attack  of  the  Lower  Town — Montgomery  in  the 
Advance — His  Death — Retreat  of  Colonel  Campbell — Attack 
by  Arnold — Defence  of  the  Lower  Town — Arnold  Wounded 
— Retreat  of  the  Americans — Gallant  Resolve  of  Arnold.  ,  22 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Correspondence  of  Washington  and  Schuyler  on  the  Disasters  in 
Canada — Reinforcements  Required  from  New  England — Dan- 
gers in  the  Interior  of  New  York — Johnson  Hall  Beleagured — 
Sir  John  Capitulates  —  Generous  Conduct  of  Schuyler — Gov- 
ernor Tryon  and  the  Tories — Tory  Machinations — Lee  at  New 


CONTENTS. 


york — Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  the  Harbor— Menaces  of  Lee— 
The  City  and  River  Fortified— Lee's  Treatment  of  theTori.es— 
His  Plans  of  Fortification — Ordered  to  the  Command  in  Canada 
— His  Speculations  on  Titles  of  Dignity.  .  .  .  30 


CHAPTER  V. 

Monotonous  State  of  Affairs  Before  Boston— Washington  Anxious 
for  Action — Exploit  of  Putnam — Its  Dramatic  Consequences 
— The  Farce  of  the  Blockade  of  Boston — An  Alarming  Inter- 
ruption— Distresses  of  the  Besieged — Washington's  Irksome 
Predicament — His  Bold  Proposition — Demur  of  the  Council  of 
War — Arrival  of  Knox  with  Artillery — Dorchester  Heights  to 
be  Seized  and  Fortified — Preparations  for  the  Attempt.  .  37 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Affair  of  Dorchester  Heights — American  and  English  Letters 
Respecting  It — A  Laborious  Night  —  Revelations  at  Daybreak 
— Howe  in  a  Perplexity — A  Night  Attack  Meditated — Stormy 
Weather  —  The  Town  to  be  Evacuated  —  Negotiations  and 
Arrangements  —  Preparations  to  Embark  —  Excesses  of  the 
Troops — Boston  Evacuated — Speech  of  the  Duke  of  Manchester 
on  the  Subject — A  Medal  Voted  by  Congress.  .  .  .42 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Destination  of  the  Fleet — Commission  of  the  Two  Howes — Char- 
acter of  Lord  Howe — The  Colonies  Divided  into  Departments 
— Lee  Assigned  to  the  Southern  Department — General  Thomas 
to  Canada — Character  of  Lee,  by  Washington — Letters  of  Lee 
from  the  South — A  Dog  in  a  Dancing  School — Committee  of 
Safety  in  Virginia — Lee's  Grenadiers — Putnam  in  Command 
at  New  York— State  of  Affairs  There — Arrival  of  Washington 
— New  Arrangements — Perplexities  with  Respect  to  Canada — 
England  Subsidizes  Hessian  Troops 53 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Arnold  Blockades  Quebec  —  His  Difficulties  —  Arrival  of  General 
Wooster — Of  General  Thomas — Abortive  Attempt  on  Quebec 
— Preparations  for  Retreat  —  Sortie  of  Carleton  —  Retreat  of 
the  Americans — Halt  at  Point  Descharfrbault — Alarm  in  the 
Colonies  at  the  Retreat  of  the  Army — Popular  Clamor  against 
Schuyler — Slanders  Refuted.  .  .  .  .  61 


CONTEKTS. 
CHAPTER  IX. 

PAGE 

Gates  Sent  to  Philadelphia  with  the  Canada  Dispatches — Pro- 
moted to  the  Rank  of  Major-General — Washington  Summoned 
to  Philadelphia — Putnam  Left  ia  Command— Conference  with 
Congress — Army  Arrangements — A  Board  of  War  Instituted 
— The  Clintons  of  New  York — Mrs.  Washington  Inoculated — 
Reed  made  Adjutant-General.  .  .  .  .  .66 


CHAPTER  X. 

Affairs  in  Canada — Disaster  at  the  Cedars — Hostile  Designs  of  the 
Johnsons — A  Bloody  Summer  Expected — Forts  in  the  High- 
lands— Colonel  James  Clinton  in  Command — Fortifications 
at  King's  Bridge  and  on  Long  Island 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Retreat  of  General  Thomas — His  Death — General  Sullivan  in  Com- 
mand— Scene  on  the  Sorel — Sanguine  Expectations  of  Sulli- 
van— Washington's  Opinion  of  Sullivan's  Character — Gates  Ap- 
pointed to  the  Command  in  Canada — Reinforcements  of  the 
Enemy — Reverses — Thompson  Captured — Retreat  of  Sullivan 
— Close  of  the  Invasion  of  Canada.  ...  .75 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Designs  of  the  Enemy  against  New  York  and  the  Hudson — Plot 
of  Tryon  and  the  Tories — Arrival  of  a  Fleet — Alarm  Posts — 
Treachery  up  the  Hudson — Fresh  Arrivals — General  Howe  at 
Staten  Island — Washington's  Preparations 80 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

First  Appearance  of  Alexander  Hamilton — His  Early  Days — Gen 
eral  Hugh  Mercer  in  Command  of  the  Flying  Camp  —  Decla 
ration  of  Independence — Announced  to  the  Army — Downfall  of 
the  King's  Statue.  .  .  .  .  ....  85 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Arrival  of  More  Ships — Movements  of  the  Phoanix  and  the  Rose — 
Panic  in  the  City — Hostile  Ships  up  the  Hudson — Stir  of  War  • 
Along  the  River — General  George   Clinton,  and  the  Militia  of 
Ulster  County — Fresh  Agitation  of  New  York — Arrival  of  Lord 
Howe 90 


CONTEKTS. 
CHAPTER  XV. 

PAGE 

Precautions  Against  Tories— Secret  Committees—  Declaration  of 
Lord  Howe — His  Letter  to  the  Colonial  Governors — His  Letter 
to  Washington  Rejected — Interview  Between  the  British  Ad- 
jutant-General and  Colonel  Reed — Reception  of  the  Adjutant- 
General  by  Washiugon — The  Phoenix  and  Rose  in  the  Tappan 
Sea,  and  Haverstraw  Bay — Arming  of  the  River  Yeomanry- 
George  Clinton  at  the  Gates  of  the  Highlands.  .  .  .  94 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Question  of  Command  Between  Gates  and  Schuyler — Condition  of 
the  Army  at  Crown  Point — Discontent  and  Departure  of  Sul- 
livan— Fortifications  at  Ticonderoga — The  Question  of  Com- 
mand Adjusted — Secret  Discontents — Sectional  Jealousies  in 
the  Army — Southern  Troops — Smallwood's  Macaroni  Battalion 
— Connecticut  Light- Horse 100 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Southern  Cruise  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton — Fortifications  at  Charleston 
— Arrival  there  of  General  Lee — Battle  at  Sullivan's  Island — 
Washington  Announces  the  Result  to  the  Army.  .  .  .  108 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Putnam's  Military  Projects — Chevaux-de-frise  at  Fort  AVashington 
— Meditated  Attack  on  Stalen  Island  —  Arrival  of  Ships — 
Hessian  Reinforcements  —  Scotch  Highlanders  —  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  and  Lord  Cornwallis — Putnam's  Obstructions  of  the 
Hudson — The  Phoenix  and  Rose  Attacked  by  Row  Galleys  at 
Tarrytown — General  Order  of  Washington  on  the  Subject  of 
Sectional  Jealousies  —  Profane  Swearing  Prohibited  in  the 
Camp — Preparations  Against  Attack — Levies  of  Yeomanry — 
George  Clinton  in  Command  of  the  Levies  along  the  Hudson 
— Alarms  of  the  People  of  New  York — Benevolent  Sympathy 
of  Washington — The  Phoenix  Grappled  by  a  Fire  Ship  —  The 
Ships  Evacuate  the  Hudson 113 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
The  Battle  of  Long  Island 121 

CHAPTER  XX. 

The  Retreat  from  Long  Island.         .         .  .  134 


CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER  XXI. 

PAGE 

Long  Island  in  Possession  of  the  Enemy — Distressed  Situation  of 
!he  American  Army  at  New  York— Question  of  Abandoning 
the  City — Letters  from  either  Camp — Enemy's  Ships  in  the 
Sound — Removal  of  Womeu  and  Children  from  the  City — 
Yearning  for  Home  among  the  Militia — Tolerant  Ideas  of 
Washington  and  Greene — Fort  Constitution  —  Conference  of 
Lord  Howe  with  a  Committee  from  Congress.  .  .  .  139 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Movements  of  the  Enemy  —  Councils  of  War  —  Question  of  the 
Abandonment  of  the  City — Distribution  of  the  Army — Ships  in 
the  East  River— The  Enemy  at  Hell  Gate— Skirmish  at  Turtle 
Bay — Panic  of  the  Connecticut  Militia — Rage  and  Personal 
Peril  of  Washington — Putnam's  Perilous  Retreat  from  the  City 
— British  Regale  at  Murray  Hill.  .  .  .  .  .  146 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Fortified  Camp  at  King's  Bridge— American  and  British  Lines — 
The  Morris  House — Alexander  Hamilton — The  Enemy  Ad- 
vance— Successful  Skirmish — Death  of  Knowlton  — Great  Fire 
in  New  York — Reorganization  of  the  Army — Exchange  of 
Prisoners — Daniel  Morgan  Regained — De  Lancey's  Tory  Bri- 
gade— Robert  Rogers,  the  Partisan — His  Rangers — The  Roe- 
buck, Phoenix,  and  Tartar  in  the  Hudson— Military  Move- 
ments by  Land  and  Water — Letter  of  John  Jay.  .  .  .  152 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Lee  Expected  in  Camp— His  Letter  of  Advice  to  the  President  of 
Congress — The  Enemy  at  Throg's  Neck — Washington's  Ar- 
rangements— Rides  to  Throg's  Neck — The  Enemy  Brought  to  a 
Stand — Military  Movements— Arrival  of  Lee — A  Command  As- 
signed to  Him  —  Criticises  the  Conduct  of  Congress  and  the 
Army — Council  of  War — The  Army  to  Move  to  the  Mainland 
—Fort  Washington  to  be  Kept  Up.  .  .  .  .  .164 

f 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Army  Arrangements — Washington  at  White  Plains — The  Enemy 
at  Throg's  Point  —  Skirmish  of  Colonel  Glover  —  Attempt  to 
Surprise  Rogers,  the  Renegade — Troopers  in  a  Rough  Country 
— Alarms  at  White  Plains — Cannonading  of  Ships  at  Fort 
Washington  —  March  of  Lee  —  Fortified  Camp  at  White 
Plains — Reconnoitering — The  Affair  at  Chatterton  Hill — Rel- 
ative Situation  of  the  Armies — Change  of  Position — Contrast 
of  the  Appearance  of  the  Troops — George  Clinton's  Idea  of 
Strategy  —  Movement  of  the  British  Army  —  Incendiaries  at 
White  Plains.  ....  17.0 


CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER  XXVI. 


PAGE 


Conjectures  as  to  the  Intentions  of  the  Enemy— Consequent  Precau- 
tions—Correspondence with  Greene  Respecting  Fort  Washing- 
ton —  Distribution  of  the  Army  —  Lee  Left  in  Command  at 
Northcastle— Instructions  to  Him— Washington  at  Peckskill  — 
Visits  to  the  Posts  in  the  Highlands.  .  .  .  .179 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Affairs  on  Lake  Champlain— Gates  at  Ticonderoga— Arnold's  Flo- 
tilla—Military Preparations  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton  at  St.  Johns 
—Nautical  Encounters— Gallant  Conduct  of  Arnold  and  Water- 
bury— Carleton  in  Possession  of  Crown  Point — His  Return  to 
Canada  and  Winter  Quarters 185 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Washington  Crosses  the  Hudson— Arrives  at  Fort  Lee — Affairs  at 
For  Washington  —  Question  About  its  Abandonment—  Move- 
ments of  Howe-— The  Fort  Summoned  to  Surrender — Refusal 
of  Colonel  Magaw — The  Fort  Attacked — Capture  of  the  Fort  A 
and  Garrison  —  Comments  of  Washington  on  the  State  of 
Affairs 190 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

The  Enemy  Cross  the  Hudson — Retreat  of  the  Garrison  from  Fort 
Lee — The  Crossing  of  the  Hackensack — Lee  Ordered  to  Move 
to  the  West  Side  of  the  River— Reed's  Letter  to  Him — Second 
Move  of  the  Army  Beyond  the  Passaic — Assistance  Sought  from 
Various  Quarters — Correspondence  and  Schemes  of  Lee — Heath 
Stanch  to  his  Instructions— Anxiety  of  George  Clinton  for  the 
Safety  of  the  Hudson — Critical  Situation  of  the  Army — Dis- 
paraging Correspondence  Between  Lee  and  Reed — Washington 
Retreats  Across  the  Raritan — Arrives  at  Trenton — Removes  his 
Baggage  Across  the  Delaware — Dismay  and  Despondency  of 
the  Country— Proclamation  of  Lord  Howe — Exultation  of  the 
Enemy — Washington's  Resolve  in  Case  of  Extremity.  .  .  198 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

Lee  at  Peekskill— Stanch  Adherence  of  Heath  to  Orders  —  Lee 
Crosses  the  Hudson  —  Washington  at  Trenton — Lee  at  the 
Heels  of  the  Enemy — His  Speculations  on  Military  Greatness — 
Forced  March  of  Cornwallis — Washington  Crosses  the  Delaware 
— Putnam  in  Command  at  Philadelphia — Baffling  Letters  of 
Lee — Hopes  to  Reconquer  the  Jerseys — Gates  r  n  the  March — 
Lee  Quartered  at  Baskingridge— Surprised  and  Captured— Spec 
ulations  on  his  Conduct.  .  .211 


CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER  XXXI. 

PAGE 

Washington  Clothed  with  Additional  Powers — Recruitment  of 
the  Army — Increased  Pay — Colonel  John  Cadwalader — Arrival 
of  Sullivan — Gates — Wilkinson — A  Coup  de  Main  Meditated — 
Posture  of  Affairs  at  Trenton — Gates  Declines  to  Take  a  Part 
— His  Comments  on  Washington's  Plans — Preparations  for 
the  Coup  de  Main  —  Crossing  of  the  Delaware — Attack  on 
the  Enemy's  Forces  at  Trenton — Death  of  Rahl — His  Char- 
acter. .  222 


CHAPTER  XXXH. 

Treatment  of  the  Hessian  Prisoners— Their  Interviews  with  Wash- 
ington— Their  Reception  by  the  People.          .        .          .         .  237 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Episode — Colonel  Griffin  in  the  Jerseys — Donop  Decoyed — Inroad 
of  Cadwalader  and  Reed  —  Retreat  and  Confusion  of  the 
Enemy's  Outposts — Washington  Recrosses  the  Delaware  with 
his  Troops — The  Game  Reversed — The  Hessians  Hunted  Back 
through  the  Country — Washington  made  Military  Dictator.  .  239 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

Howe  Hears  of  the  Affair  at  Trenton — Cornwallis  Sent  Back  to  the 
Jerseys — Reconnoitering  Expedition  of  Reed — His  Exploit* — 
— Washington  in  Peril  at  Trenton — Reinforced  by  Troops  under 
Cadwalader  and  Mifflin — Position  of  his  Men — Cornwallis  at 
Trenton — Repulsed  at  tlte"  Assunpink — The  American  Camp 
Menaced — Night  March  of  Washington — Affair  at  Princeton 
— Death  of  Mercer — Rout  of  British  Troops — Pursued  by 
Washington — Cornwallis  at  Princeton — Baffled  and  Perplexed 
— Washington  at  Morristown  —  His  System  of  Annoyance  — 
The  Tables  Turned  upon  the  Enemy.  .-•,..  .  .  244 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Burke  on  the  State  of  Affairs  in  America — New  Jersey  Roused 
to  Arms — Washington  Grants  Safe  Conduct  to  Hessian  Convoys 
— Encampment  at  Morristown — Pulnam  at  Princeton  —  His 
Stratagem  to  Conceal  the  Weakness  of  his  Camp — Exploit  of 
General  Dickinson  near  Somerset  Court  House — Washington's 
Counter  Proclamation — Prevalence  of  the  Small-pox — Inocu- 
lation of  the  Army — Contrast  of  the  British  and  American  Com- 
manders and  their  Camps ,  256 


CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER  XXXVI. 


Negotiations  for  Exchange  of  Prisoners— Case  of  Colonel  Ethan 
AHeii  —  Of  General  ""Lee  —  Correspondence  of  Washington 
with  Sir  William  Howe  About  Exchanges  of  Prisoners— Ref- 
erees Appointed — Letters  of  Lee  from  New  York — Case  of 
Colonel  Campbell — Washington's  Advice  to  Congress  on  the 
Subject  of  Retaliation— His  Correspondence  with  Lord  Howe 
about  the  Treatment  of  Prisoners— The  Horrors  of  the  Jersey 
Prison-Ship  and  the  Sugar  House 263 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

Exertions  to  Form  a  New  Army — Calls  on  the  Different  States  — 
Insufficiency  of  the  Militia  —  Washington's  Care  for  the 
Yeomanry — Dangers  in  the  Northern  Department — Winter  At- 
tack on  Ticonderoga  Apprehended  —  Exertions  to  Reinforce 
Schuyler — Precarious  State  of  Washington's  Army  —  Conjec- 
tures as  to  the  Designs  of  the  Enemy — Expedition  of  the  British 
against  Peekskill 272 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

Sclmyler's  Affairs  in  the  Northern  Department — Misunderstanding 
with  Congress — Gives  Offence  by  a  Reproachful  Letter — Office 
of  Adjutant-General  Offered  to  Gates — Declined  by  Him  — 
Schuyler  Reprimanded  by  Congress  for  his  Reproachful  Letter 
— Gates  Appointed  to  the  Command  at  Ticonderoga — Schuyler 
Considers  Himself  Virtually  Suspended — Takes  his  Seat  as  a 
Delegate  to  Congress,  and  Claims  a  Court  of  Inquiry — Has 
Command  at  Philadelphia 276 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

Foreign  Officers  Candidates  for  Situations  in  the  Army — Difficulties 
in  Adjusting  Questions  of  Rank  —  Ducoudray  —  Conway  — 
Kosciuszko  —  Washington's  Guards  —  Arnold  Omitted  in  the 
Army  Promotions — Washington  Takes  his  Part — British  Expe- 
dition against  Danbury — Destruction  of  American  Stores — Con- 
necticut Yeomanry  in  Arms — Skirmish  at  Ridgefield — Death 
of  General  Wooster— Gallant  Services  of  Arnold — Rewarded 
by  Congress — Exploit  of  Colonel  Meigs  at  Sag  Harbor.  .  282 


CHAPTER  XL. 

Schuyler  on  the  Point  of  Resigning — Committee  of  Inquiry  Report 
in  his  Favor — His  Memorial  to  Congress  Proves  Satisfactory — 
Discussions  Regarding  the  Northern  Department — Gates  Mis- 
taken as  to  his  Position  —  He  Prompts  his  Friends  in  Congress 
—  His  Petulant  Letter  to  Washington— Dignified  Reply  of  the 


COJTTENTS. 

PAGE 

Latter  —  Position  of  Gales  Defined  —  Schuyler  Reinstated  in 
Command  of  the  Department — Gates  Appears  on  the  Floor  of 
Congress — His  Proceedings  there 292 

CHAPTER  XLI. 

The  Highland  Passes  of  the  Hudson  —  George  Clinton  in  Com- 
mand of  the  Forts  —  His  Measures  for  Defence —  Generals 
Greene  and  Knox  Examine  the  State  of  the  Forts — Their  Report 
— The  General  Command  of  the  Hudson  Offered  to  Arnold 
— Declined  "by  Him — Given  to  Putnam — Appointment  of  Dr. 
Craik  in  the  Medical  Department — Expedition  Planned  against 
Fort  Independence — But  Relinquished — Washington  Shifts  his 
Camp  to  Middlcbrook  —  State  of  his  Army  —  General  Howe 
Crosses  into  the  Jerseys — Position  of  the  Two  Armies  at  Mid- 
dlebrook  and  Behind  the  Raritan  —  Correspondence  between 
Washington  and  Colonel  Reed.  .  ...  . .  .  .298 

CHAPTER  XLTT. 

Feigned  Movements  of  Sir  William  Howe  —  Baffling  Caution  of 
Washington — Rumored  Inroads  from  the  North  —  Schuyler 
Applies  for  Reinforcements  —  Renewed  Schemes  of  Howe  to 
Draw  Washington  from  his  Stronghold  —  Skirmish  Between 
Cornwallis  and  Lord  Stirling  —  The  Enemy  Evacuate  the 
Jerseys — Perplexity  as  to  their  Next  Movement — A  Hostile  Fleet 
on  Lake  Champlain — Burgoyne  Approaching  Ticonderoga — 
Speculations  of  Washington  —  His  Purpose  of  Keeping  Sir 
William  Howe  from  Ascending  the  Hudson — Orders  George 
Clinton  to  Call  Out  Militia  from  Ulster  and  Orange  Counties — 
Sends  Sullivan  toward  the  Highlands — Moves  his  own  Camp 
Back  to  Morristown — Stir  among  the  Shipping — Their  Des- 
tination Surmised  to  l>e  Philadelphia  —  A  Dinner  at  Head- 
quarters— Alexander  Hamilton — Graydon's  Rueful  Descrip- 
tion of  the  Army — His  Character  of  Wayne.  _.  .  .  307 

CHAPTER  XLIII. 

British  Invasion  from  Canada  —  The  Plan  —  Composition  of  the 
Invading  Army  —  Schuyler  on  the  Alert  —  His  Speculations  as 
to  the  Enemy's  Designs — Burgoyne  on  Lake  Champlain — His 
War-Speech  to  his  Indian  Allies — Signs  of  his  Approach  De- 
gcried  from  Ticonderoga — Correspondence  on  the  Subject  be- 
tween St.  Clair,  Major  Livingston, 'and  Schuyler — Burgoyne 
Intrenches  near  Ticonderoga — His  Proclamation  —  Schuyler's 
Ex<  rtions  at  Albany  t  >  Forward  Reinforcements — Hears  that 
Ticonderoga  is  Evacuated — Mysterious  Disappearance  of  St. 
Clair  and  his  Troops  —  Amazement  and  Concern  of  Wash- 
ington— Orders  Reinforcements  to  Schuyler  at  Fort  Edward, 
and  to  Putnam  at  Peeksk  ill— Advances  with  his  Main  Army 
to  the  Clove — His  Hopeful  Spirit  Manifested.  .  .  .  314 


CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER  XLIV. 

PAGE 

Particulars  of  the  Evacuation— Indian  Scouts  in  the  Vicinity  of 
the  Fort— Outposts  Abandoned  by  St.  Clair— Burgoyne  Secures 
Mount  Hope— Invests  the  Fortress— Seizes  and  Occupies  Sugar 
Hill— The  Forts  Overlooked  and  in  Imminent  Peril  —  Deter- 
mination to  Evacuate— Plan  of  Retreat — Part  of  the  Garrison 
Depart  for  Skenesborough  in  the  Flotilla— St.  Clair  Crosses 
with  the  Rest  to  Fort  Independence—  A  Conflagration  Reveals 
his  Retreat— The  British  Camp  Aroused— Fraser  Pursues  St. 
Clair— Burgoyne  with  his  Squadron  Makes  after  the  Flotilla 
—Part  of  the  Fugitives  Overtaken— Flight  of  the  Remainder 
to  Fort  Anne— Skirmish  of  Colonel  Long— Retreat  to  Fort 
Edward— St.  Clair  at  Castleton— Attack  of  his  Rear-guard 
— Fall  of  Colonel  Francis — Desertion  of  Colonel  Hale — St. 
Clair  Reaches  Fort  Edward — Consternation  of  the  Country- 
Exultation  of  the  British 334 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

Capture  of  General  Prescott — Proffered  in  Exchange  for  Lee — 
Reinforcements  to  Schuyler — Arnold  Sent  to  the  North — 
Eastern  Militia  to  Repair  to  Saratoga — Furlher  Reinforcements 
— Generals  Lincoln  and  Arnold  Recommended  for  Particular 
Services — Washington's  Measures  and  Suggestions  for  the 
Northern  Campaign — British  Fleet  Puts  to  Sea — Conjectures 
as  to  its  Destination — A  Feigned  Letter — Appearance  and  Dis- 
appearance of  the  Fleet — Orders  and  Counter  Orders  of  Wash- 
ington —  Encamps  at  Germantown — Anxiety  for  the  Security 
of  the  Highlands  —  George  Clinton  on  Guard — Call  on  Con- 
necticut. .  332 


CHAPTER  XL VI. 


Gates  on  the  Alert  for  a  Command — Schuyler  Undermined  in  Con- 
gress— Put  on  his  Guard — Courts  a  Scrutiny,  but  not  Before 
an  Expected  Engagement  —  Summoned  with  St.  Clair  to 
Head -quarters — Gates  Appointed  to  I  he  Northern  Department 
—Washington's  Speculations  on  the  Successes  of  Burgoyne — 
Ill-judged  Meddlings  of  Congress  with  the  Commissariat — 
Colonel  Trumbull  Resigns  in  Consequence 340 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

Washington's  Perplexities  About  the  British  Fleet— Putnam  and 
Governor  Clinton  Put  on  the  Alert  in  the  Highlands — Morgan 
and  his  Riflemen  Sent  to  the  North— Washington  at  Philadel- 
phia —  His  First  Interview  with  Lafayette — Intelligence  About 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

the  Fleet — Explanations  of  its  Movements — Review  of  the 
Army — Lafayette  Mistakes  the  Nature  of  his  Commission — His 
Alliance  with  Washington — March  of  the  Army  Through 
Philadelphia — Encampment  at  Wilmington 344 


CHAPTER  XL VIII. 

Burgoyne  at  Skenesborough — Prepares  to  Move  Toward  the  Hud- 
son— Major  Skene  the  Royalist — Slow  March  to  Fort  Anne — 
Schuyler  at  Fort  Miller — Painted  Warriors — Langlade — St.  Luc 
— Honor  of  the  Tomahawk — Tragical  History  of  Miss  McCrea 
— Ita  Re-ults — Burgoyue  Advances  to  Fort  Edward — Schuyler 
at  Stillwater — Joined  by  Lincoln — Burgoyne  Deserted  by  his 
Indian  Allies.  .  351 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

Difficulties  of  Burgoyne — Plans  an  Expedition  to  Bennington — 
St.  Leger  before  Fort  Stanwix — General  Herkimer  at  Oriskany 
— High  Words  with  his  Officers — A  Dogged  March — An 
Ambuscade — Battle  of  Oriskauy — Johnson's  Greens — Death 
of  Herkimer — Spirited  Sortie  of  Colonel  Willett — Sir  John 
Johnson  Driven  to  ti.e  River — Flight  of  {he  Indians — Sacking 
of  Sir  John's  Camp — Colonel  Gansevoort  Maintains  his  Post 
— Colonel  Willett  Sent  in  Quest  of  Aid — Arrives  at  Schuyler's 
Camp.  .  .  - 356 


CHAPTER  L. 

Schuyler  Hears  of  the  Affair  of  Oriskany — Applies  for  Reinforce- 
ments— His  Appeal  to  the  Patriotism  of  Stark — Schuyler 
Superseded — His  Conduct  Thereupon  —  Relief  Sent  to  Fort 
Stauwix — Arnold  Volunteers  to  Conduct  it — Change  of  En- 
campment— Patriotic  Determination  of  Schuyler — Detachment 
of  the  Enemy  against  Bennington — Germans  and  their  Indian 
Allies — Baum.  the  Hessian  Leader — Stark  in  the  Field — Mus- 
tering of  the  Militia — A 'Belligerent  Parson — Battle  of  Beuning- 
ton — Breyman  to  the  Rescue— Routed — Reception  of  the  News 
in  the  Rival  Camps — Washington  Urges  New  England  to 
Follow  Up  the  Blow 


CHAPTER  LI. 

Stratagem  of  Arnold  to  Relieve  Fort  Stanwix — Yan  Yost  Cuyler 
—The  Siege  Pressed — Indians  Intractable — Success  of  Arnold's 
Stratagem— Harassed  Retreat  of  St.  Leger — Moral  Effect  of  the  - 


CONTENTS. 


Two  Blows  Given  to  the  Enemy— Brightening  Prospects  in  the 
American  Camp— Arrival  of  Gates— Magnanimous  Conduct  of 
Schuyler— Poorly  Requited  by  Gates— Correspondence  Between 
Gates  and  Burgoyne  Concerning  the  Murder  of  Miss  McCrea.  .  372 


CHAPTER  LI  I. 

Landing  of  Howe's  Army  on  Elk  River — Measures  to  Check  it — 
Exposed  Situation  of  AVashington  in  Reconnoitering — Alarm 
of  the  Country — Proclamation  of  Howe — Arrival  of  Sullivan 
— Foreign  Officers  in  Camp  —  Deborre  —  Con  way  —  Fleury — 
Count  Pulaski — First  Appearance  in  the  Army  of  "Light-Horse 
Harry"  of  Virginia — Washington's  Appeal  to  the  Army — Move- 
ments of  the  Rival  Forces — Battle  of  the  Brandy  wine — Retreat 
of  the  Americans — Halt  in  Chester — Scenes  in  Philadelphia 
During  the  Battle  —  Congress  orders  out  Militia  —  Clothes 
Washington  with  Extraordinary  Powers — Removes  to  Lancaster 
—Rewards  to  Foreign  Officers." 378 


CHAPTER  LIII. 

General  Howe  Neglects  to  Pursue  his  Advantage — Washington  Re- 
treats to  Germantown — Recrosses  the  Schuylkill  and  Prepares 
for  Another  Action — Prevented  by  Storms  of  Rain — Retreats  to 
French  Creek — Wayne  Detached  to  Fall  on  the  Enemy's  Rear 
— His  Pickets  Surprised — Massacre  of  Wayne's  Men— Maneu- 
vers of  Howe  on  the  Schuylkill — Washington  sends  for  Rein- 
forcements —  Howe  Marches  into  Philadelphia.  .  .  .  389 


CHAPTER  LIV. 

Dubious  Position  of  Burgoyne— Collects  his  Forces — Ladies  of  Dis- 
tinction in  his  Camp — Lady  Harriet  Ackland — the  Baroness  de 
Riedescl — American  Army  Reinforced  —  Silent  Movements  of 
Burgoyne — Watched  From  the  Summit  of  the  Hills — His  March 
Along  the  Hudson — Position  of  the  Two  Camps — Battle  of  the 
19th  Sept. — Burgoyne  Encamps  Nearer — Fortifies  his  Camp — 
Promised  Co-operation  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton — Determines  to 
Await  it — Quarrel  Between  Gates  and  Arnold — Arnold  Deprived 
of  Command — Burgoyne  Waits  for  Co-operation.  .  .  .  395 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


George  Washington.     From  Trumbull's  painting.  Frontispiece,. 

Deatli  of  General  Montgomery.     From  Trumbull's  painting,       .     30 
General  Miffl in,        .  .  .  .  .  .  .56 

Colonel  Reed,  .  .  .  .56 

General  Muhlenberg,  .  .  '.  .  .56 

Lord  Sterling,    .  .'  .  .  .  .  .56 

General  Marion,      .  .  .  .  ...  .56 

General  George  Clinton,  .  .  .  .  .  .68 

General  Moultrie,  .  .  .  .  .  .112 

Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Long  Island,  ....  120 

General  Sullivan,     .  .  .  .  .  ,  .        130 

John  Jay,  4  '          .  .  .  .  .  .  .  144 

John  Adams,  .  '   .  .  .  .  .        144 

Grin-nil  Benjamin  Lincoln,     .  ...  .  .  .  158 

Plan  of  the  Operations  on  the  Hudson,  between  Dobbs'  Ferry 

and  Newburg,  ......        160 

Map  of  New  Jersey,     .......  164 

Robert  Morris,          .  .  .  .  .  . '         .        172 

Gouverneur  Morris,       .......  172 

Richard  Henry  Lee,  .  .  .  .  .  .172 

Thomas  Paine,  .  •    .  .  .  .  .172 

John  Marshall,          .  .  .  .  .  .  >    "  172 

Operations  on  the  Delaware,  October  and  November,  1777,  .  206 

Washington  Crossing  the  Delaware,       ....        214 

General  Charles  Lee,     .  .  .  :.  .  .220 

Battle  of  Princeton,.  .  .  ..  .  .  .        24ft 

General  Philip  Schuyler,          .         .  .  ...  .296 

Map  of  Burgoyns's  Campaign,       ..."..        314 
Map  of  the  Communications  between  Albany  and  Oswego,  .  320 

General  Henry  Lee,  (Light  Horse  Harry),  .  .        380 

Battle  of  Brandywine,  ,  ,  .  .  ,  .  384 


LIFE  OE  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Lord  Dunmore— His  Plans  of  Harassing  Virginia — Lee's  Policy  Re- 
specting Tory  Governors  and  Placemen — Rhode  Island  Harassed 
by  Wallace  and  bis  Cruisers,  and  Infested  by  Tories — Lee  Sent  to 
its  Relief — His  Vigorous  Measures— Tbe  Army  Disbanding — Wash- 
ington's Perplexities — Sympathy  of  General  Greene — His  Loyalty 
in  Time  of  Trouble — The  Crisis— Cheering  News  from  Canada — 
Gloomy  Opening  of  the  New  Year — News  from  Colonel  Knox. 

IN  the  month  of  December  a  vessel  had  been  captured, 
bearing  supplies  from  Lord  Dunmore  to  the  army  at  Boston. 
A  letter  011  board,  from  his  lordship  to  General  Howe,  in- 
vited him  to  transfer  the  war  to  the  southern  colonies;  or,  at 
all  events,  to  send  reinforcements  thither;  intimating  at  the 
same  time  his  plan  of  proclaiming  liberty  to  indentured  ser- 
vants, negroes,  and  others  appertaining  to  rebels,  and  invit- 
ing them  to  join  his  majesty's  troops.  In  a  word — to  inflict 
upon  Virginia  the  horrors  of  a  servile  war. 

"If  this  man  is  not  crushed  before  spring,"  writes  "Wash- 
ington, "he  will  become  the  most  formidable  enemy  America 
has.  His  strength  will  increase  as  a  snowball.  *  *  * 
Motives  of  resentment  actuate  his  conduct  to  a  degree 
equal  to  the  destruction  of  the  colony." 

General  Lee  took  the  occasion  to  set  forth  his  own  system 
of  policy,  Avhich  was  particularly  rigid  wherever  men  in  au- 
thority and  tories  were  concerned.  It  was  the  old  grudge 
against  ministers  and  their  adherents  set  on  edge. 

"Had  my  opinion  been  thought  worthy  of  attention," 
would  he  say,  "Lord  Dunmore  would  have  been  disarmed  of 
his  teeth  and  claws."  He  would  have  seized  Tryon  too,  "and 
all  histories  at  New  York,"  and,  having  struck  the  stroke, 
would  have  applied  to  Congress  for  approbation. 


12  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  L 

"I  propose  the  following  measures,"  would  he  add:  "To  seize 
every  governor,  government  man,  placeman,  tory  and  enemy 
to  liberty  on  the  continent,  to  confiscate  their  estates;  or  at 
least  lay  them  under  heavy  contributions  for  the  public. 
Their  persons  should  be  secured,  in  some  of  the  interior 
towns,  as  hostages  for  the  treatment  of  those  of  our  party, 
whom  the  fortune  of  war  shall  throw  into  their  hands;  they 
should  be  allowed  a  reasonable  pension  out  of  their  fortunes 
for  their  maintenance."* 

Such  was  the  policy  advocated  by  Lee  in  his  letters  and 
conversation,  and  he  soon  had  an  opportunity  of  carrying  it 
partly  into  operation.  Rhode  Island  had  for  some  time  past 
been  domineered  over  by  Captain  Wallace  of  the  royal  navy; 
who  had  stationed  himself  at  Newport  with  an  armed  vessel, 
and  obliged  the  place  to  furnish  him  with  supplies.  Latterly 
he  had  landed  in  Conanicut  Island,  opposite  to  Newport,  with 
a  number  of  sailors  and  marines,  plundered  and  burned  houses, 
and  driven  off  cattle  for  the  supply  of  the  army.  In  his  ex- 
actions and  maraudings,  he  was  said  to  have  received  counte- 
nance from  the  tory  part  of  the  inhabitants.  It  was  now  re- 
ported that  a  naval  armament  was  coming  from  Boston 
against  the  Island.  In  this  emergency,  the  governor  (Oooke) 
wrote  to  Washington,  requesting  military  aid,  and  an  effi- 
cient officer  to  put  the  island  in  a  state  of  defence,  suggesting 
the  name  of  General  Lee  for  the  purpose. 

Lee  undertook  the  task  with  alacrity.     "I  sincerely  wish," 
said  Washington,  "he  may  be  able  to  do  it  with  effect;  as 
that  place,  in  its  present  state,  is  an  asylum  for  such  as  are 
disaffected  to  American  liberty." 

Lee  set  out  for  Rhode  Island  with  his  guard  and  a  party  of 
riflemen,  and  at  Providence  was  joined  by  the  cadet  company 
of  that  place,  and  a  number  of  minute  men.  Preceded  by 
these,  he  entered  the  town  of  Newport  on  Christmas  day,  in 
military  style.  WThile  there,  he  summoned  before  him  a 
number  of  persons  who  had  supplied  the  enemy;  some  accord- 
ing to  a  convention  originally  made  between  Wallace  and  the 
authorities,  others,  as  it  was  suspected,  through  tory  feelings. 
All  were  obliged  by  Lee  to  take  a  test  oath  of  his  own  devis- 
ing, by  which  they  "religiously  swore  that  they  would 
neither  directly,  nor  indirectly,  assist  the  wicked  instruments 
of  ministerial  tyranny  and  villainy  commonly  called  the  king's 
troops  and  navy,  by  furnishing  them  with  provisions  and  re- 
freshments." They  swore,  moreover,  to  "denounce  all  trai- 

*  Lee  to  Rich.  Henry  Lee.    Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  iv.  248. 


1775.]  THE   ARMY   DISBANDING.  13 

tors  before  the  public  authority,  and  to  take  arms  in  defence 
of  American  liberty,  whenever  required  by  Congress  or  the 
provincial  authority."  T\vo  custom-house  officers,  and  an- 
other person,  who  refused  to  take  the  oath,  were  put  under 
guard  and  sent  to  Providence.  Having  laid  out  works,  and 
given  directions  for  fortifications,  Lee  returned  to  camp  after 
an  absence  of  ten  days.  Some  of  his  proceedings  were  con- 
sidered too  high-handed,  and  were  disapproved  by  Congress. 
Lee  made  light  of  legislative  censures.  "One  must  not  be 
trammeled  by  laws  in  war  time,"  said  he;  "in  a  revolution, 
all  means  are  legal." 

Washington  approved  of  his  measures.  "I  have  seen  Gen- 
eral Lee  since  his  expedition,"  writes  he,  "and  hope  Rhode 
Island  will  derive  some  advantage  from  it.  I  am  told  that 
Captain  Wallace's  ships  have  been  supplied  for  sometime  by 
the  town  of  Newport,  on  certain  conditions  stipulated  be 
tweeu  him  and  the  committee.  *  *  *  I  know  not  what 
pernicious  consequences  may  result  from  a  precedent  of  this 
sort.  Other  places,  circumstanced  as  Newport  is,  may  follow 
the  example,  and  by  that  means  their  whole  fleet  and  army 
will  be  furnished  with  what  it  highly  concerns  us  to  keep 
from  them.  *  *  *  Vigorous  regulations,  and  such  as  at 
another  time  would  appear  extraordinary,  are  now  become 
absolutely  necessary  for  preserving  our  country  against  the 
strides  of  tyranny,  making  against  it."* 

December  had  been,  throughout  a  month  of  severe  trial  to 
Washington;  during  which  he  saw  his  army  dropping  away 
piece-meal  before  his  eyes.  Homeward  every  face  was  turned 
as  soon  as  the  term  of  enlistment  was  at  an  end.  Scarce 
could  the  disbanding  troops  be  kept  a  few  days  in  camp  until 
militia  could  be  procured  to  supply  their  place.  Washington 
made  repeated  and  animated  appeals  to  their  patriotism;  they 
were  almost  unheeded.  He  caused  popular  and  patriot 
songs  to  be  sung  about  the  camp.  They  passed  by  like  the 
idle  wind.  Home!  home!  home!  throbbed  in  every  heart. 
"The  desire  of  retiring  into  a  chimney-corner,"  says  Wash- 
ington reproachfully,  "seized  the  troops  as  soon  as  their  terms 
expired. 

Can  we  wonder  at  it?  They  were  for  the  most  part  yeo- 
manry, unused  to  military  restraint,  and  suffering  all  the 
hardships  of  a  starveling  camp,  almost  within  sight  of  the 
smoke  of  their  own  firesides. 

Greene,  throughout  this  trying  month,  was  continually  by 

*  Washington  to  Gov.  Cooke.    Spirtks,  iii.,  237, 


14  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  I. 

Washington's  side.  His  letters  expressing  the  same  cares 
and  apprehensions,  and  occasionally  in  the  same  language  with 
those  of  the  commander-in-chief,  show  how  completely  he 
was  in  his  councils.  He  could  well  sympathize  with  him  in 
his  solicitudes.  Some  of  his  own  Khode  Island  troops  were 
with  Arnold  in  his  Canada  expedition.  Others  encamped  on 
Prospect  Hill,  and  whose  order  and  discipline  had  been -his 
pride,  were  evincing  the  prevalent  disposition  to  disband. 
"They  seem  to  be  so  sick  of  this  way  of  life,  and  so  home- 
sick," writes  he,  "that  I  fear  the  greater  part  of  the  best 
troops  from  our  colony  Avill  soon  go  home."  To  provide 
against  such  a  contingency,  he  strengthened  his  encampment, 
so  that,  "if  the  soldiery  should  not  engage  as  cheerfully  as  he 
expected,  he  might  defend  it  with  a  less  number."* 

Still  he  was  buoyant  and  cheerful;  frequently  on  his  white 
horse  about  Prospect  Hill,  haranguing  his  men,  and  endeav- 
oring to  keep  them  in  good  humor.  "This  is  no  time  for 
disgusting  the  soldiery,"  would  he  say,  "when  their  aid  is 
so  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  human  nature 
and  the  liberties  of  America." 

He  wore  the  same  cheery  aspect  to  the  commander-in-chief; 
or  rather  he  partook  of  his  own  hopeful  spirit.  "I  expect," 
would  he  say,  "the  army,  notwithstanding  all  the  difficulties 
we  meet  with,  will  be  full  in  about  six  weeks." 

It  was  this  loyalty  in  time  of  trouble;  this  buoyancy  under 
depression,  this  thorough  patriotism,  which  won  for  him  the 
entire  confidence  of  "Washington. 

The  thirty-first  of  December  arrived,  the  crisis  of  the  army; 
for  with  that  month  expired  the  last  of  the  old  terms  of  en- 
listment. "We  never  have  been  so  weak,"  writes  Greene, 
"as  we  shall  be  to-morrow,  when  we  dismiss  the  old  troops." 
On  this  day  Washington  received  cheering  intelligence  from 
Canada.  A  junction  had  taken  place,  a  month  previously, 
between  Arnold  and  Montgomery  at  Point  aux  Trembles. 
They  were  about  two  thousand  strong,  and  were  making 
every  preparation  for  attacking  Quebec.  Carleton  was  said 
to  have  with  him  but  about  twelve  hundred  men,  the  major- 
ity of  whom  were  sailors.  It  was  thought  that  the  French 
would  give  up  Quebec,  if  they  could  get  the  same  conditions 
that  were  granted  to  the  inhabitants  of  Montreal,  f 

Thus  the  year  closed  upon  Washington  with  a  ray  of  light 
from  Canada,  while  all  was  doubt  around  him. 


*  Greene  to  Henry  Ward. 

t  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  Dec.  31, 


1776.J  GLOOMY  INSPECTS.  15 

On  the  following  morning  (January  1st,  1776),  his  army 
did  not  amount  to  ten  thousand  men,  and  was  composed  of 
but  half-filled  regiments.  Even  in  raising  this  inadequate 
force,  it  had  been  necessary  to  indulge  many  of  the  men  with 
furloughs,  that  they  might  visit  their  families  and  friends. 
The  expedients  resorted  to  in  equipping  the  army  show 
the  prevailing  lack  of  arms.  Those  soldiers  who  retired  from 
service  were  obliged  to  leave  their  weapons  for  their  succes- 
sors; receiving  their  appraised  value.  Those  who  enlisted, 
were  required  to  bring  a  gun,  or  were  charged  a  dollar  for  the 
use  of  one  during  the  campaign.  He  who  brought  a  blanket 
\\  us  allowed  two  dollars.  It  was  impossible  to  furnish  uni- 
forms; the  troops,  therefore,  presented  a  motley  appearance, 
in  garments  of  divers  cuts  and  colors;  the  price  of  each  man's 
garb  being  deducted  from  his  pay. 

The  detachments  of  militia  from  the  neighboring  prov- 
inces which  replaced  the  disbanding  troops,  remained  but  for 
brief  periods;  so  that,  in  despite  of  every  effort,  the  lines 
were  often  but  feebly  manned,  and  might  easily  have  been 
forced. 

The  anxiety  of  Washington,  in  this  critical  state  of  the 
army,  may  be  judged  from  his  correspondence  with  Reed. 
"It  is  easier  to  conceive  than  to  describe  the  situation  of  my 
mind  for  some  time  past,  and  my  feelings  under  our  present 
circumstances,"  writes  he  on  the  4th  of  January  "Search 
the  volumes  of  history  through,  and  I  much  question  whether 
a  case  similar  to  ours  is  to  be  found;  namely,  to  maintain  a 
post  against  the  power  of  the  British  troops  for  six  months 
together,  without  powder,  and  then  to  have  one  army  dis- 
banded and  another  raised  within  the  same  distance  (musket 
shot)  of  a  reinforced  enemy.  What  may  be  the  issue  of  the 
last  maneuver,  time  only  can  unfold.  I  wish  this  month  were 
well  over  our  head.  *  *  *  We  are  now  left  with  a  good 
deal  less  than  half-raised  regiments,  and  about  five  thousand 
militia,  who  only  stand  engaged  to  the  middle  of  this  month; 
when,  according  to  custom,  they  will  depart,  let  the  necessity 
of  their  stay  be  ever  so  urgent.  Thus,  for  more  than  two 
months  past,  I  have  scarcely  emerged  from  one  difficulty  be- 
fore I  have  been  plunged  in  another.  How  it  will  end,  God, 
in  his  great  goodness,  will  direct.  I  am  thankful  for  his 
protection  to  this  time.  We  are  told  that  we  shall  soon  get 
the  army  completed,  but  I  have  been  told  so  many  things 
which  have  never  come  to  pass,  that  I  distrust  everything. 

In  a  subsequent  letter  to  Mr.  Reed,  he  reverts  to  the  sub- 
ject, and  pours  forth  his  feelings  with  confiding  frankness. 


16  LIFE  OF  WASHIKGTOK.  [CH.  I. 

What  can  be  more  touching  than  the  picture  he  draws  of 
himself  and  his  lonely  vigils  about  his  sleeping  camp?  "The 
reflection  on  my  situation  and  that  of  this  army  produces 
many  an  unhappy  hour  when  all  around  me  are  wrapped  in 
sleep.  Few  people  know  the  predicament  we  are  in  on  a 
thousand  accounts;  fewer  still  will  believe,  if  any  disaster 
happens  to  these  lines,  from  what  cause  it  flows.  I  have 
often  thought  how  much  happier  I  should  have  been,  if,  in- 
stead of  accepting  the  command,  under  such  circumstances,  I 
had  taken  my  musket  on  my  shoulder  and  entered  the  ranks; 
or,  if  I  could  have  justified  the  measure  to  posterity  and  my 
own  conscience,  had  retired  to  the  back  country  and  lived  in 
a  wigwam.  If  I  shall  be  able  to  rise  superior  to  these  and 
many  other  difficulties,  which  might  be  enumerated,  I  shall 
most  religiously  believe  that  the  finger  of  Providence  is  in  it, 
to  blind  the  eyes  of  our  enemies;  for  surely  if  we  get  well 
through  this  month,  it  must  be  for  want  of  their  knowing 
the  disadvantages  which  we  labor  under." 

Recurring  to  the  project  of  an  attack  upon  Boston,  which 
he  had  reluctantly  abandoned  in  deference  to  the  adverse 
opinions  of  a  council  of  war — "Could  I  have  foreseen  the 
difficulties  which  have  come  upon  us;  could  I  have  known 
that  such  a  backwardness  would  have  been  discovered  among 
the  old  soldiers  to  the  service,  all  the  generals  upon  earth 
should  not  have  convinced  me  of  the  propriety  of  delaying  an 
attack  upon  Boston  till  this  time.  When  it  can  now  be  at- 
tempted, I  will  not  undertake  to  say;  but  thus  much  I  will 
answer  for,  that  no  opportunity  can  present  itself  earlier  than 
my  wishes." 

In  the  midst  of  his  discouragements,  Washington  received 
letters  from  Knox,  showing  the  spirit  and  energy  with  which 
he  was  executing  his  mission,  in  quest  of  cannon  and  ord- 
nance stores.  He  had  struggled  manfully  and  successfully 
with  all  kinds  of  difficulties  from  the  advanced  season,  and 
head  winds,  in  getting  them  from  Ticonderoga  to  the  head  of 
Lake  George.  "Three  days  ago,"  writes  he,  on  the  17th  of 
December,  "it  was  very  uncertain  whether  we  could  get  them 
over  until  next  spring;  but  now,  please  God,  they  shall  go. 
I  have  made  forty-two  exceedingly  strong  sleds,  and  have 
provided  eighty  yoke  of  oxen  to  drag  them  as  far  as  Spring- 
field, where  I  shall  get  fresh  cattle  to  take  them  to  camp." 

It  was  thus  that  hardships  and  emergencies  were  bringing 
out  the  merits  of  the  self-made  soldiers  of  the  Revolution; 
and  showing  their  commander-in-chief  on  whom  he  might 
rely. 


1776.  j  MILITARY   PREPARATIONS  IK   BOSTON. 


CHAPTER  H. 

Military  Preparations  in  Boston— A  Secret  Expedition — Its  Object — 
Lee's  Plan  for  the  Security  of  New  York — Opinion  of  Adams  on 
the  Subject — Instructions  to  Lee — Transactions  of  Lee  in  Con- 
necticut— Lee's  Policy  in  Regard  to  the  Tories — Uneasiness  in  New 
York — Letter  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  to  Lee — His  Reply— His 
Opinion  of  the  People  of  Connecticut — Of  the  Hysterical  Letter 
from  the  New  York  Congress. 

EARLY  in  the  month  of  January  there  was  a  great  stir  of 
preparation  in  Boston  harbor.  A  fleet  of  transports  were 
Inking  in  supplies,  and  making  arrangements  for  the  embar- 
kation of  troops.  Bomb-ketches  and  flat- bottomed  boats  were 
getting  ready  for  sea,  as  were  two  sloops-of- war,  which  were  to 
convey  the  armament.  Its  destination  was  kept  secret;  but 
was  confidently  surmised  by  Washington. 

In  the  preceding  month  of  October,  a  letter  had  been  laid 
before  Congress,  written  by  some  person  in  London  of  high 
credibility,  and  revealing  a  secret  plan  of  operation  said  to 
have  been  sent  out  by  ministers  to  the  commanders  in  Bos- 
ton. The  following  is  the  purport:  Possession  was  to  be 
gained  of  New  York  and  Albany,  through  the  assistance  of 
Governor  Try  on,  on  whose  influence  with  the  tory  part  of  the 
population  much  reliance  was  placed.  These  cities  were  to 
be  very  strongly  garrisoned.  All  who  did  not  join  the  king's 
forces  were  to  be  declared  rebels.  The  Hudson  River,  and 
the  East  River  or  Sound,  were  to  be  commanded  by  a  number 
of  small  men-of-war  and  cutters,  stationed  in  different  parts, 
so  as  wholly  to  cut  off  all  communication  by  water  between 
New  York  and  provinces  to  the  northward  of  it;  and  between 
New  York  and  Albany,  except  for  the  king's  service;  and  to 
prevent,  also,  all  communication  between  the  city  of  New 
York  and  the  provinces  of  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and 
those  to  the  southward  of  them.  "By  these  means,"  said 
the  letter,  "the  administration  and  their  friends  fancy  they 
shall  soon  either  starve  out  or  retake  the  garrisons  of  Crown 
Point  and  Ticonderoga,  and  open  and  maintain  a  safe  inter- 
course and  correspondence  between  Quebec,  Albany  and  New 
York;  and  thereby  offer  the  fairest  opportunity  to  their 
soldiery  and  the  Canadians,  in  conjunction  with  the  Indians 
to  be  procured  by  Guy  Johnson,  to  make  continual  irruptions 


18  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  H 

into  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  and  so 
distract  and  divide  the  Provincial  forces,  as  to  render  it  easy 
for  the  British  army  at  Boston  to  defeat  them,  break  the 
spirit  of  the  Massachusetts  people,  depopulate  their  country, 
and  compel  an  absolute  subjection  to  Great  Britain."* 

It  was  added  that  a  lord,  high  in  the  American  department, 
had  been  very  particular  in  his  inquiries  about  the  Hudson 
River;  what  sized  vessels  could  get  to  Albany;  and  whether, 
if  batteries  were  erected  in  the  Highlands,  they  would  not 
control  the  navigation  of  the  river,  and  prevent  vessels  from 
going  up  and  down. 

This  information  had  already  excited  solicitude  respecting 
the  Hudson,  and  led  to  measures  for  its  protection.  It  was 
now  surmised  that  the  expedition  preparing  to  sail  from 
Boston  and  which  was  to  be  conducted  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
might  be  destined  to  seize  upon  New  York.  How  was  the 
apprehended  blow  to  be  parried?  General  Lee,  who  was  just 
returned  from  his  energetic  visit  to  Rhode  Island,  offered  his 
advice  and  services  in  the  matter.  In  a  letter  to  Washington, 
he  urged  him  to  act  at  once,  and  on  his  own  responsibility, 
without  awaiting  the  tardy  and  doubtful  sanction  of  Congress, 
for  which,  in  military  matters,  Lee  had  but  small  regard. 

"New  York  must  be  secured,"  writes  he,  "but  it  will 
never,  I  am  afraid,  be  secured  by  due  order  of  the  Congress, 
for  obvious  reasons.  They  find  themselves  awkwardly  sit- 
uated on  this  head.  You  must  step  in  to  their  relief.  I  am 
sensible  no  man  can  be  spared  from  the  lines  under  present 
circumstances;  but  I  would  propose  that  you  should  detach 
me  into  Connecticut,  and  lend  your  name  for  collecting  a 
body  of  volunteers.  I  am  assured  that  I  shall  find  no  diffi- 
culty in  assembling  a  sufficient  number  for  the  purposes 
wanted.  This  body,  in  conjunction  (if  there  should  appear 
occasion  to  summon  them)  with  the  Jersey  regiment  under 
the  command  of  Lord  Stirling,  now  at  Elizabethtown,  will 
effect  the  security  of  New  York,  and  the  expulsion  or  sup- 
pression of  that  dangerous  banditti  of  tories,  who  have  ap- 
peared on  Long  Island,  with  the  professed  intention  of  acting 
against  the  authority  of  Congress.  Not  to  crush  these  ser- 
.pents  before  their  rattles  are  grown  would  be  ruinous. 

"This  maneuver,  I  not  only  think  prudent  and  right,  but 
absolutely  necessary  to  our  salvation;  and  if  it  meets,  as  I 
ardently  hope  it  will,  with  your  approbation,  the  sooner  it  is 

*  Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  iii.,  1281. 


1776.J  LEE  IN  CONNECTICUT.  19 

entered  upon  the  better;  the  delay  of  a  single  day  may  be 
fatal." 

Washington,  while  he  approved  of  Lee's  military  sugges- 
tions, was  cautious  in  exercising  the  extraordinary  powers  so 
recently  vested  in  him,  and  fearful  of  transcending  them. 
John  Adams  was  at  that  time  in  the  vicinity  of  the  camp, 
and  he  asked  his  opinion  as  to  the  practicability  and  expedi- 
ency of  the  plan,  and  whether  it  "might  not  be  regarded  as 
beyond  his  line." 

Adams,  resolute  of  spirit,  thought  the  enterprise  might 
easily  be  accomplished  by  the  friends  of  liberty  in  New  York, 
in  connection  with  the  Connecticut  people,  "who  are  very 
ready,"  said  he,  "upon  such  occasions." 

As  to  the  expediency,  he  urged  the  vast  importance,  in  the 
progress  of  this  war,  of  the  city  and  province  of  New  York, 
and  the  Hudson  River,  being  the  nexus  of  the  northern  and 
southern  colonies,  a  kind  of  key  to  the  whole  continent,  as  it 
is  a  passage  to  Canada,  to  the  Great  Lakes,  and  to  all  the  In- 
dian nations.  No  effort  to  secure  it  ought  to  be  omitted. 

That  it  was  within  the  limits  of  Washington's  command, 
he  considered  perfectly  clear,  he  being  "vested  with  full 
power  and  authority,  to  act  as  he  should  think  for  the  good 
and  welfare  of  the  service." 

If  there  was  a  body  of  people  on  Long  Island,  armed  to  op- 
pose the  American  system  of  defence,  and  furnishing  supplies 
to  the  British  army  and  navy,  they  were  invading  American 
liberty  as  much  as  those  besieged  m  Boston. 

If,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  a  body  of  tories  were  waiting 
only  for  a  force  to  protect  them,  to  declare  themselves  on  the 
side  of  the  enemy,  it  was  high  time  that  city  was  secured.* 

Thus  fortified,  as  it  were,  by  congressional  sanction, 
through  one  of  its  most  important  members,  who  pronounced 
New  York  as  much  within  his  command  as  Massachusetts;  he 
gave  Lee  authority  to  carry  out  his  plans.  He  was  to  raise 
volunteers  in  Connecticut;  march  at  their  head  to  New  York; 
call  in  military  aid  from  New  Jersey  ;  put  the  city  and  the 
posts  on  the  Hudson  in  a  posture  of  security  against  sur- 
prise; disarm  all  persons  on  Long  Island  and  elsewhere,  in- 
imical to  the  views  of  Congress,  or  secure  them  in  some  other 
manner  if  necessary;  and  seize  upon  all  medicines,  shirts  and 
blankets,  and  send  them  on  for  the  use  of  the  American 
army. 

Lee  departed  on  his  mission  on  the  8th  of  January.     On 

*  Adams  to  Washington,  Corr.  of  Rev.,  i.,  113. 


20  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [cir.  II. 

the  16th,  he  was  at  New  Haven,  railing  at  the  indecision  of 
Congress.  They  had  ordered  the  enlistment  of  troops  for 
the  security  of  New  York.  A  Connecticut  regiment  under 
Colonel  Waterbury  had  been  raised,  equipped,  and  on  the 
point  of  embarking  for  Oyster  Bay,  on  Long  Island,  to  attack 
the  tories,  who  were  to  be  attacked  on  the  other  side  by  Lord 
Stirling,  "when  suddenly,"  says  Lee,  "Colonel  Waterbury 
received  an  order  to  disband  his  regiment;  and  the  tories  are 
to  remain  unmolested  till  they  are  joined  by  the  king's  assas- 
sins." 

Trumbull,  the  Governor  of  Connecticut,  however,  "like  a 
man  of  sense  and  spirit,"  had  orderel  the  regiment  to  be  re- 
assembled, arid  Lee  trusted  it  would  soon  be  ready  to  march 
with  him.  "I  shall  send  immediately,"  said  he,  "an  ex- 
press to  the  Congress,  informing  them  of  my  situation,  and  at 
the  same  time,  conjuring  them  not  to  suffer  the  accursed 
Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  to  defeat  measures  so  abso- 
'lutely  necessary  to  salvation." 

Lee's  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  showed  that  the 
instructions  dictated  by  the  moderate  and  considerate  spirit 
of  Washington  were  not  strong  enough  on  some  points,  to  suit 
his  stern  military  notions.  The  scheme,  simply  of  disarming 
the  tories,  seemed  to  him  totally  ineffectual;  it  would  only  em- 
bitter their  minds,  and  add  virus  to  their  venom.  They  could 
and  would  always  be  supplied  with  fresh  arms  by  the  enemy. 
That  of  seizing  the  most  dangerous,  would,  from  its  vagueness, 
be  attended  with  some  bad  consequences,  and  could  answer 
no  good  one.  "The  plan  of  explaining  to  these  deluded  people 
the  justice  of  the  American  cause,  is  certainly  generous  and 
humane,"  observed  he;  "but  I  am  afraid  will  be  fruitless. 
They  are  so  riveted  in  their  opinions,  that  I  am  persuaded, 
should  an  angel  descend  from  heaven  with  his  golden  trumpet, 
and  ring  in  their  ears  that  their  conduct  was  criminal,  he 
would  be  disregarded." 

Lee's  notion  of  the  policy  proper  in  the  present  case  was, 
to  disarm  the  disaffected  of  all  classes,  supplying  our  own 
troops  with  the  arms  thus  seized;  to  appraise  their  estates, 
and  oblige  them  to  deposit  at  least  one-half  the  value  with 
(he  Continental  Congress,  as  a  security  for  good  behavior;  to 
administer  the  strongest  oath  that  could  be  devised,  that  they 
would  act  offensively  and  defensively  in  support  of  the  com- 
mon rights;  and  finally,  to  transfer  all  such  as  should  prove 
refractory,  to  some  place  in  the  interior,  where  they  would  not 
be  dangerous. 

The  people  of  New  York,  at  all  times  very  excitable,  were 


1776.]  HYSTERICAL  LETTER.  21 

thrown  into  a  panic  on  hearing  that  Lee  was  in  Connecticut, 
on  his  way  to  take  military  possession  of  the  city.  They  ap- 
prehended his  appearance  there  would  provoke  an  attack  from 
the  ships  in  the  harbor.  Some,  who  thought  the  war  about 
to  be  brought  to  their  own  doors,  packed  up  their  effects,  and 
made  off  into  the  country  with  their  wives  and  children. 
Others  beleaguered  the  committee  of  safety  with  entreaties 
against  the  deprecated  protection  of  General  Lee.  The  com- 
mittee, through  Pierre  Van  Cortlandt,  their  chairman,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Lee,  inquiring  into  the  motives  of  his  com- 
ing with  an  army  to  New  York,  and  stating  the  incapacity  of 
the  city  to  act  hostilely  against  the  ships  of  war  in  port, 
from  deficiency  of  powder,  and  a  want  of  military  works. 
For  these,  and  other  reasons,  they  urged  the  impropriety  of 
provoking  hostilities  for  the  present,  and  the  necessity  of 
"saving  appearances,"  with  the  ships  of  war,  till  at  least  the 
month  of  March,  when  they  hoped  to  be  able  to  face  their 
enemies  with  some  countenance.  "We,  therefore,"  con- 
tinued the  letter,  "ardently  wish  to  remain  in  peace  for  a 
little  time,  and  doubt  not  we  have  assigned  sufficient  reasons 
for  avoiding  at  present,  a  dilemma,  in  which  the  entrance  of 
a  large  body  of  troops  into  the  city  will  almost  certainly  in- 
volve us.  Should  you  have  such  an  entrance  in  design,  we 
beg  at  least  the  troops  may  halt  on  the  western  confines  of 
Connecticut,  till  we  have  been  honored  by  you  with  such  an 
explanation  on  this  important  subject  as  you  may  conceive 
your  duty  may  permit  you  to  enter  upon  with  us,  the  grounds 
of  which,  you  may  easily  see,  ought  to  be  kept  an  entire 
secret." 

Lee,  in  reply,  dated  Stamford,  Jan.  23d,  disclaimed  all  in- 
tention of  commencing  actual  hostilities  against  the  men-of- 
war  in  the  harbor;  his  instructions  from  the  commander-in- 
chief  being  solely  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  taking  post  in 
the  city,  or  lodging  themselves  on  Long  Island.  Some  sub- 
ordinate purposes  were  likewise  to  be  executed,  which  were 
much  more  proper  to  be  communicated  by  word  of  mouth 
than  by  writing.  In  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  com- 
mittee, he  promised  to  carry  with  him  into  the  town  just 
troops  enough  to  secure  it  against  any  present  designs  of  the 
enemy,  leaving  his  main  force  on  the  western  border  of  Con- 
necticut. "I  give  you  my  word,"  added  he,  "that  no  active 
service  is  proposed,  as  you  seem  to  apprehend.  If  the  ships 
of  war  are  quiet,  I  shall  be  quiet;  but  I  declare  solemnly,  that 
if  they  make  a  pretext  of  my  presence  to  fire  on  the  town, 


LIFE  OF  WASHIKGTOK.  [CH.  III. 

the  first  house  set  on  flames  by  their  guns  shall  be  the  fu- 
neral pile  of  some  of  their  best  friends." 

In  a  letter  to  Washington,,  written  on  the  following  day,  he 
says  of  his  recruiting  success  in  Connecticut:  "I  find  the 
people  throughout  this  province  more  alive  and  zealous  than 
my  most  sanguine  expectations.  I  believe  I  might  have  col- 
lected two  thousand  volunteers.  I  take  only  four  companies 
with  me,  and  Waterbury's  regiment.  *  *  *  These  Con- 
necticutians  are,  if  possible,  more  eager  to  go  out  of  tbeir 
country  than,  they  are  to  return  home,  when  they  have  been 
absent  for  any  considerable  time." 

Speaking  of  the  people  of  New  York,  and  the  letter  from 
their  Provincial  Congress,  which  he  incloses:  "The  whigs," 
says  be,  "  I  mean  the  stout  ones,  are,  it  is  said,  very  desirous 
that  a  body  of  troops  should  inarch  and  be  stationed -in  the 
city — the  timid  ones  are  averse,  merely  from  the  spirit  of  pro- 
crastination, which  is  the  characteristic  of  timidity.  The  let- 
ter from  the  Provincial  Congress,  you  will  observe,  breathes 
the  very  essence  of  this  spirit;  it  is  wofully  hysterical." 

By  the  by,  the  threat  contained  in  Lee's  reply  about  a 
"funeral  pile,"  coming  from  a  soldier  of  his  mettle,  was  not 
calculated  to  soothe  the  hysterical  feelings  of  the  committee 
of  safety.  How  he  conducted  himself  on  his  arrival  in  the 
city,  we  shall  relate  in  a  future  chapter. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Montgomery  Before  Quebec — His  Plan  of  Operations — A  Summons  to 
Surrender — A  Flag  Insulted — The  Town  Besieged — Plan  of  an  Es- 
calade— Attack  of  the  Lower  Town — Montgomery  in  the  Advance — 
His  Death— Retreat  of  Colonel  Campbell — Attack  by  Aruold — 
Defence  of  the  Lower  Town — Arnold  Wounded — Retreat  of  the 
Americans — Gallant  Resolve  of  Arnold. 

FRO:M  amid  surrounding  perplexities,  Washington  still 
turned  a  hopeful  eye  to  Canada.  He  expected  daily  to  re- 
ceive tidings  that  Montgomery  and  Arnold  were  within  the 
Avails  of  Quebec,  and  he  had  even  written  to  the  former  to 
forward  as  much  as  could  be  spared  of  the  large  quantities  of 
arms,  blankets,  clothing  and  other  military  stores,  said  to  be 
deposited  there;  the  army  before  Boston  being  in  great  need 
of  such  supplies. 


1775.]  THE    "ICE   BATTERY."  23 

On  the  18th  of  January  came  dispatches  to  him  from  Gen- 
eral Schuyler,  containing  withering  tidings.  The  following 
is  the  purport.  Montgomery,  on  the  2d  of  December,  the 
day  after  his  arrival  at  Point  aux  Trembles,  set  off  in  face  of 
a  driving  snow-storm  for  Quebec,  and  arrived  before  it  on 
the  5th.  The  works,  from  their  great  extent,  appeared  to  him 
incapable  of  being  defended  by  the  actual  garrison;  made  up, 
as  he  said,  of  "Maclean's  banditti,"  the  sailors  from  the 
frigates  and  other  vessels,  together  with  the  citizens  obliged 
to  take  up  arms;  most  of  whom  were  impatient  of  the  fatigues 
of  a  siege,  and  wished  to  see  matters  accommodated  amicably. 
"I  propose,"  added  he,  "amusing  Mr.  Carleton  with  a  formal 
attack,  erecting  batteries,  &c.,  but  mean  to  assault  the  works 
I  believe  toward  the  lower  town,  which  is  the  weakest  part." 

According  to  his  own  account,  his  whole  force  did  not  ex- 
ceed nine  hundred  effective  men,  three  hundred  of  whom  he 
had  brought  wif,h  him;  the  rest  he  found  with  Colonel  Ar- 
nold. The  latter  he  pronounced  an  exceeding  fine  corps, 
inured  to  fatigue,  and  well  accustomed  to  a  cannon  shot, 
having  served  at  Cambridge.  "There  is  a  style  of  discipline 
among  them,"  adds  he,  "much  superior  to  what  I  have  been 
used  to  see  in  this  campaign.  He,  himself  (Arnold),  is  act- 
ive, intelligent  and  enterprising.  Fortune  often  baffles  the 
sanguine  expectations  of  poor  mortals.  I  am  not  intoxicated 
with  her  favors,  but  I  do  think  there  is  a  fair  prospect  of  suc- 
cess."* 

On  the  day  of  his  arrival,  he  sent  a  flag  with  a  summons  to 
surrender.  It  was  fired  upon,  and  obliged  to  retire.  Exas- 
perated at  this  outrage,  which,  it  is  thought,  was  committed 
by  the  veteran  Maclean,  Montgomery  wrote  an  indignant,  re- 
proachful, and  even  menacing  letter  to  Carleton,  reiterating 
the  demand,  magnifying  the  number  of  his  troops,  and  warn- 
ing him  against  the  consequences  of  an  assault.  Finding  it 
was  rejected  from  the  walls,  it  was  conveyed  in  by  a  woman, 
together  with  letters  addressed  to  the  principal  merchants, 
promising  great  indulgence  in  case  of  immediate  submission. 
By  Carleton's  orders,  the  messenger  was  sent  to  prison  for 
a  few  days,  and  then  drummed  out  of  town. 

Montgomery  now  prepared  for  an  attack.  The  ground 
was  frozen  to  a  great  depth,  and  covered  with  snow;  he  was 
scantily  provided  with  intrenching  tools,  and  had  only  a  field 
train  of  artillery,  and  a  few  mortars.  By  dint  of  excessive 
labor  a  breast- work  was  thrown  up,  four  hundred  yards  dis- 

*  Montgomery  to  Schnyler,  Dec.  5, 


24  LIFE   OF   WASHIXGTOX.  [CH  III. 

tant  from  the  walls  and  opposite  to  the  gate  of  St.  Louis, 
which  is  nearly  in  the  center.  It  was  formed  of  gabions, 
ranged  side  by  side,  and  filled  with  snow,  over  which  water 
was° thrown  until  thoroughly  frozen.  Here  Captain  Lamb 
mounted  five  light  pieces  and  a  howitzer.  Several  mortars 
were  placed  in  the  suburbs  of  St.  Hoque,  which  extends  011 
the  left  of  the  promontory,  below  the  heights,  and  nearly  on 
a  level  with  the  river. 

From  the  "Ice  Battery"  Captain  Lamb  opened  a  well-sus- 
tained and  well  -directed  fire  upon  the  walls,  but  his  field- 
pieces  were  too  light  to  be  effective.  With  his  howitzer  he 
threw  shells  into  the  town  and  set  it  on  fire  in  several  places. 
For  five  days  and  nights  the  garrison  was  kept  on  the  alert 
by  the  teasing  fire  of  this  battery.  The  object  of  Montgomery 
was  to  harass  the  town  and  increase  the  dissatisfaction  of 
the  inhabitants.  His  flag  of  truce  being  still  fired  upon,  he 
caused  the  Indians  in  his  camp  to  shoot  arrows  into  the  town, 
having  letters  attached  to  them,  addressed  to  the  inhabitants, 
representing  Carleton's  refusal  to  treat,  and  advising  them  to 
rise  in  a  body,  and  compel  him.  It  was  all  in  vain;  what- 
ever might  have  been  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants  they 
were  completely  under  the  control  of  the  military. 

On  the  evening  of  the  fifth  day,  Montgomery  paid  a  visit  to 
the  ice  battery.  The  heavy  artillery  from  the  wall  had  re- 
paid its  ineffectual  fire  with  ample  usury.  The  brittle  ram- 
parts had  been  shivered  like  glass;  several  of  the  guns  had 
been  rendered  useless.  Just  as  they  arrived  at  the  battery,  a 
shot  from  the  fortress  dismounted  one  of  the  guns,  and  dis- 
abled many  of  the  men.  A  second  shot  immediately  follow- 
ing, was  almost  as  destructive.  "This  is  warm  work,  sir," 
said  Montgomery  to  Captain  Lamb.  "It  is  indeed,  and  cer- 
tainly no  place  for  you,  sir."  "Why  so,  captain?"  "Be- 
cause there  are  enough  of  us  here  to  be  killed,  without  the 
loss  of  you,  which  would  be  irreparable." 

The  general  saw  the  insufficiency  of  the  battery,  and,  on 
retiring,  gave  Captain  Lamb  permission  to  leave  it  whenever 
he  thought  proper.  The  veteran  waited  until  after  dark, 
when,  securing  all  the  guns,  he  abandoned  the  ruined  redoubt. 
The  general  in  this  visit  was  attended  by  Aaron  Burr,  whom 
he  had  appointed  his  aide-de-camp.  Lamb  wondered  that  he 
should  encumber  himself  with  such  a  boy.  The  perfect 
coolness  and  self-possession  with  which  the  youth  mingled  in 
this  dangerous  scene,  and  the  fire  which  sparkled  in  his  eye, 


1775.]  PREPARATIONS   FOR  ASSAULT.  25 

soon  convinced  Lamb,  according  to  his  own  account,  that 
"the  young  volunteer  was  no  ordinary  man."* 

Nearly  three  weeks  had  been  consumed  in  these  futile  op- 
erations. The  army,  ill-clothed  and  ill-provided,  was  be- 
coming impatient  of  the  rigors  of  a  Canadian  winter;  the 
term  for  which  part  of  the  troops  had  enlisted  would  expire 
with  the  year,  and  they  already  talked  of  returning  home. 
Montgomery  was  sadly  conscious  of  the  insufficiency  of  his 
means;  still  he  could  not  endure  the  thoughts  of  retiring 
from  before  the  place  without  striking  a  blow.  He  knew 
that  much  was  expected  from  him,  in  consequence  of  his  late 
achievements,  and  that  the  eyes  of  the  public  were  fixed  upon 
this  Canadian  enterprise.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  at- 
tempt to  carry  the  place  by  escalade.  One-third  of  his  men 
were  to  set  fire  to  the  houses  and  stockades  of  the  suburb  of 
St.  Koque,  and  force  the  barriers  of  the  lower  town;  while 
the  main  body  should  scale  the  bastion  of  Cape  Diamond. 

It  was  a  hazardous,  almost  a  desperate  project,  yet  it  has 
met  with  the  approbation  of  military  men.  He  calculated 
upon  the  devotion  and  daring  spirit  of  his  men;  upon  the 
discontent  which  prevailed  among  the  Canadians,  and  upon 
the  incompetency  of  the  garrison  for  the  defence  of  such  ex- 
tensive works. 

In  regard  to  the  devotion  of  his  men,  he  was  threatened 
with  disappointment.  When  the  plan  of  assault  was  submit- 
ted to  a  council  of  war,  three  of  the  captains  in  Arnold's  divis- 
ion, the  terms  of  whose  companies  were  near  expiring,  de- 
clined to  serve,  unless  they  and  their  men  could  be  transferred 
to  another  command.  This  almost  mutinous  movement,  it  is 
supposed,  was  fomented  by  Arnold's  old  adversary,  Major 
Brown,  and  it  was  with  infinite  difficulty  Montgomery  suc- 
ceeded in  overcoming  it. 

The  ladders  were  now  provided  for  the  escalade,  and  Mont- 
gomery waited  with  impatience  for  a  favorable  night  to  put 
it  into  execution.  Small-pox  and  desertion  had  reduced  his 
little  army  to  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men.  From  certain 
movements  of  the  enemy,  it  was  surmised  that  the  deserters 
had  revealed  his  plan.  He  changed,  therefore,  the  arrange- 
ment. Colonel  Livingston  was  to  make  a  false  attack  on  the 
gate  of  St.  Johns  and  set  fire  to  it;  Major  Brown,  with  an- 
other detachment,  was  to  menace  the  bastion  of  Cape  Dia- 
mond. Arnold,  with  three  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  hardy 
fellows  who  had  followed  him  through  the  wilderness,  strength- 

*  Life  of  John  Lamb,  p.  125, 


26  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  III. 

ened  by  Captain  Lamb  and  forty  of  his  company,  was  to 
assault  the  suburbs  and  batteries  of  St.  Koque;  while  Mont- 
gomery,, with  the  residue  of  his  forces,  was  to  pass  below  the 
bastion  at  Cape  Diamond,  defile  along  the  river,  carry  the 
defences  at  Drummond's  Wharf,  and  thus  enter  the  lower 
town  on  one  side,  while  Arnold  forced  his  way  into  it  on  the 
other.  These  movements  were  all  to  be  made  at  the  same 
time,  on  the  discharge  of  signal  rockets,  thus  distracting  the 
enemy,  and  calling  their  attention  to  four  several  points. 

On  the  31st  of  December,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
the  troops  repaired  to  their  several  destinations,  under  cover 
of  a  violent  snow-storm.  By  some  accident  or  mistake,  such 
as  is  apt  to  occur  in  complicated  plans  of  attack,  the  signal 
rockets  were  let  off  before  the  lower  divisions  had  time  to  get 
to  their  fighting  ground.  They  were  descried  by  one  of 
Maclean's  Highland  officers,  who  gave  the  alarm.  Living- 
ston, also,  failed  to  make  the  false  attack  on  the  gate  of  St. 
Johns,  which  was  to  have  caused  a  diversion  favorable  to 
Arnold's  attack  on  the  suburb  below. 

The  feint  by  Major  Brown,  on  the  bastion  of  Cape  Dia- 
mond, was  successful,  and  concealed  the  march  of  General 
Montgomery.  That  gallant  commander  descended  from  the 
heights  to  Wolfe's  Cove,  and  led  his  division  along  the  shore 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  round  the  beetling  promontory  of  Cape 
Diamond.  The  narrow  approach  to  the  lower  town  in  that 
direction  was  traversed  by  a  picket  or  stockade,  defended  by 
Canadian  militia;  beyond  which  was  a  second  defence,  a 
kind  of  block-house,  forming  a  battery  of  small  pieces,  manned 
by  Canadian  militia,  and  a  few  seamen,  and  commanded  by 
the  captain  of  a  transport.  The  aim  of  Montgomery  was  to 
come  upon  these  barriers  by  surprise.  The  pass  which  they 
defended  is  formidable  at  all  times,  having  a  swift  river  on 
one  side,  and  overhanging  precipices  on  the  other;  but  at 
this  time  was  rendered  peculiarly  difficult  by  drifting  snow, 
and  by  great  masses  of  ice  piled  on  each  other  at  the  foot  of 
the  cliffs. 

The  troops  made  their  way  painfully,  in  extended  and  strag- 
gling files,  along  the  narrow  footway,  and  over  the  slippery 
piles  of  ice.  Among  the  foremost,  were  some  of  the  first  New 
York  regiment,  led  on  by  Captain  Cheeseman.  Montgomery, 
who  was  familiar  with  them,  urged  them  on.  "Forward,  men 
of  New  York!"  cried  he.  "You  are  not  the  men  to  flinch 
when  your  general  leads  you  on!"  In  his  eagerness,  he  threw 
himself  far  in  the  advance,  with  his  pioneers  and  a  few  offi- 
cers,, and  made  a  dash  at  the  first  barrier.  The  Canadians 


1775. J  MONTGOMERY  AT  CAPE  DIAMOND.  27 

stationed  there,  taken  by  surprise,  made  a  few  random  shots, 
then  threw  down  their  muskets  and,  fled.  Montgomery 
sprang  forward,  aided  with  his  own  hand  to  pluck  down  the 
pickets,  which  the  pioneers  were  sawing,  and  having  made  a 
breach  sufficiently  wide  to  admit  three  or  four  men  abreast, 
entered  sword  in  hand,  followed  by  his  staff,  Captain  Cheese- 
111:111,  and  some  of  his  men.  The  Canadians  had  fled  from 
the  picket  to  the  battery  or  block-house,  but  seemed  to  have 
curried  the  panic  with  them,  for  the  battery  remained  silent. 
Montgomery  felt  for  a  moment  as  if  the  surprise  had  been 
complete,  lie  paused  in  the  breach  to  rally  on  the  troops, 
who  were  stumbling  along  the  difficult  pass.  'Tush  on,  my 
lirave  boys,"  cried  he,  "Quebec  is  ours!" 

He  again  dashed  forward,  but,  when  within  forty  paces  of 
the  battery,  a  discharge  of  grape-shot  from  a  single  cannon, 
made,  deadly  havoc.  Montgomery,  and  Mcl'herson,  one  of 
liin  aides,  were  killed  on  the  spot.  Captain  Checsernan,  who 
was  leading  on  his  New  Yorkers,  received  a  canister  shot 
through  the  body;  made  an  effort  to  rise  and  push  forward, 
but  fell  buck  a  corpse;  with  him  fell  h is  orderly  sergeant  and 
several  of  his  men.  This  fearful  slaughter,  and  the  death  of 
tlu-ir  general,  threw  everything  in  confusion.  The  officer 
ne\i  in  lineal  rank  to  the  general,  was  far  in  the  rear;  in  this 
emergency,  Colonel  Campbell,  quarterm;ister-gencral,  took 
the  command,  but,  instead  of  rallying  the  men,  and  endeav- 
oring to  effect  the  junction  with  Arnold,  ordered  a  retreat,  and 
abandoned  the  half-won  field,  leaving  behind  him  the  bodies 
of  the  slain. 

\\  hile  all  this  was  occurring  on  the  side  of  Cape  Diamond, 
Arnold  led  his  division  against  the  opposite  side  of  the  lower 
town  along  the  suburb  and  street  of  St.  Iloqne.  Like  Mont- 
gomery, he  took  the  advance  at  the  head  of  a  forlorn  hope  of 
twenty-five  men,  accompanied  by  his  secretary  Oswald,  for- 
merly one  of  his  captains  at  Ticonderoga.  Captain  Lamb 
and  his  artillery  company  came  next,  with  a  field-piece 
mounted  on  a  sledge.  Then  came  a  company  with  ladders  and 
scaling  implements,  followed  by  Morgan  and  his  riflemen. 
In  the  rear  of  all  these  came  the  main  body.  A  battery  on  a 
wharf  commanded  the  narrow  pass  by  which  they  had  to 
advance.  This  was  to  be  attacked  with  the  field -piece,  and 
then  scaled  with  ladders  by  the  forlorn  hope;  while  Captain 
Morgan  with  his  riflemen,  was  to  pass  round  the  wharf  on  the 
ice. 

The  false  attack  which  was  to  have  been  made  by  Living- 
ston on  the  gate  ol  St.  Johns,  by  way  of  diversion,  had  not 


28  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  fen.  III. 

taken  place;  there  was  nothing,  therefore,  to. call  oft'  the  at- 
tention of  the  enemy  in  this  quarter  from  the  detachment. 
The  troops,  as  they  straggled  along  in  lengthened  file  through 
the  drifting  snow,  were  sadly  galled  by  a  flanking  fire  on  the 
right,  from  walls  and  pickets.  The  field-piece  at  length  be- 
came so  deeply  embedded  in  a  snow-drift,  that  it  could  not 
be  moved.  Lamb  sent  word  to  Arnold  of  the  impediment; 
in  the  mean  time,  he  and  his  artillery  company  were  brought 
to  a  halt.  The  company  with  the  scaling  ladders  would  have 
halted  also,  having  been  told  to  keep  in  the  rear  of  the  artil- 
lery; but  they  were  urged  on  by  Morgan  with  a  thundering 
oath,  who  pushed  on  after  them  with  his  riflemen,  the  artil- 
lery company  opening  to  the  right  and  left  to  let  them 
pass. 

They  arrived  in  the  advance,  just  as  Arnold  was  leading 
on  his  forlorn  hope  to  attack  the  barrier.  Before  he  reached 
it,  a  severe  wound  in  the  right  leg  with  a  musket  ball  com- 
pletely disabled  him,  and  he  had  to  be  borne  from  the  field. 
Morgan  instantly  took  the  command.  Just  then  Lamb  came  up 
with  his  company,  armed  with  muskets  and  bayonets,  having 
received  orders  to  abandon  the  field -piece,  and  support  the 
advance.  Oswald  joined  him  with  the  forlorn  hope.  The 
battery  which  commanded  the  defile  mounted  two  pieces  of 
cannon.  There  was  a.  discharge  of  grape-shot  when  the  as- 
sailants were  close  under  the  muzzles  of  the  guns,  yet  but  one 
man  was  killed.  Before  there  could  be  a  second  discharge, 
the  battery  was  carried  by  assault,  some  firing  into  the  em- 
brasures; others  scaling  the  walls.  The  captain  and  thirty 
of  his  men  were  taken  prisoners. 

The  day  was  just  dawning  as  Morgan  led  on  to  attack  the 
second  barrier,  and  his  men  had  to  advance  under  a  fire  from 
the  town  walls  on  their  right,  which  incessantly  thinned  their 
ranks.  The  second  barrier  was  reached;  they  applied  their 
scaling  ladders  to  storm  it.  The  defence  was  brave  and  ob- 
stinate, but  the  defenders  were  at  length  driven  from  their 
guns,  and  the  battery  was  gained.  At  the  last  moment  one 
of  the  gunners  ran  back,  linstock  in  hand,  to  give  one  more 
shot.  Captain  Lamb  snapped  a  fusee  at  him.  It  missed 
fire.  The  cannon  was  discharged,  and  a  grape-shot  wounded 
Lamb  in  the  head,  carrying  away  part  of  the  cheek  bone,  lie 
was  borne  off  senseless,  to  a  neighboring  shed. 

The  two  harriers  being  now  taken,  the  way  on  this  side 
into  the  lower  town  seemed  open.  Morgan  prepared  to  enter 
it  with  the  victorious  vanguard;  first  stationing  Cap- 


1775.]  ARNOLD'S  RESOLUTION.  29 

tain  Dearborn  and  some  provincials  at  Palace  Gate,  which 
opened  down  into  the  defile  from  the  upper  town.  By  this 
time,  however,  the  death  of  Montgomery  and  retreat  of  Camp- 
bell luul  enabled  the  enemy  to  turn  all  their  attention  in 
tliis  direction.  A  large  detachment  sent  by  General  Carle- 
ton,  sallied  out  of  Palace  Gate  after  Morgan  had  passed  it, 
surprised  and  captured  Dearborn  and  the  guard,  and  com- 
pletely cut  olT  the  advance  party.  The  main  body,  informed 
of  the  death  of  Montgomery,  and  giving  up  the  game  as  lost, 
retreated  to  the  camp,  leaving  behind  the  field-piece  which 
Lamb's  company  had  abandoned,  and  the  mortars  in  the  bat- 
tery of  St.  lioquc. 

MoresD  and  his  men  were  now  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  and 
obliged  to  take  refuge  in  a  stone  house,  from  the  inveterate 
fire  which  assailed  them.  From  the  windows  of  this  house 
they  kept  up  a  desperate  defence,  until  cannon  were  brought 
to  bear  upon  it.  Then,  hearing  of  the  death  of  Montgomery, 
and  seeing  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  relief,  Morgan  and 
his  gallant  handful  of  followers  were  compelled  to  surrender 
themselves  prisoners  of  war. 

Thus  foiled  at  every  point,  the  wreck  of  the  little  army 
abandoned  their  camp,  and  retreated  about  three  miles  from 
the  town;  where  they  hastily  fortified  themselves,  apprehend- 
ing ;i  pursuit  by  the  garrison.  General  Carleton,  however,  con- 
tented himself  with  having  secured  the  safety  of  the  place, 
and  remained  cautiously  passive  until  he  should  be  properly 
reinforced;  distrusting  the  good  faith  of  the  motley  inhabit- 
ants. 1  le  is  said  to  have  treated  the  prisoners  with  a  humanity 
I  hi-  mo]  e  honorable,  considering  the  "habitual  military  sev- 
erity of  his  temper;"  their  heroic  daring,  displayed  in  the  as- 
sault ii] mil  the  lower  town,  having  excited  his  admiration. 

The  remains  of  the  gallant  Montgomery  received  a  soldier's 
grave,  within  the  fortifications  of  Quebec,  by  the  care  of  Cra- 
mahe,  the  lieutenant-governor,  who  had  formerly  known  him. 

Arnold,  wounded  and  disabled,  had  been  assisted  back  to 
the  camp,  dragging  one  foot  after  the  other  for  nearly  a  mile 
in  great  agony,  and  exposed  continually  to  the  musketry  from 
the  walls  at  fifty  yards'  distance,  which  shot  down  several  at 
hi<  side. 

He  took  temporary  command  of  the  shattered  army,  until 
General  Wooster  should  arrive  from  Montreal,  to  whom  he 
sent  an  express,  urging  him  to  bring  on  succor.  "On  this 
occasion,"  says  a  contemporary  writer,  "he  discovered  the  ut- 
most vigor  of  a  determined  mind,  and  a  genius  full  of  re- 


30  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  IV. 

sources.  Defeated  and  wounded,,  as  he  was,  he  put  his 
troops  into  such  a  situation  as  to  keep  them  still  formidable.* 

With  a  mere  handful  of  men,  at  one  time  not  exceeding 
five  hundred,  he  maintained  a  blockade  of  the  strong  fortress 
from  which  he  had  just  been  repulsed.  "I  have  no  thoughts," 
writes  he,  "of  leaving  this  proud  town  until  I  enter  it  in 
triumph.  1  am  in  the  way  of  my  duty,  and  1  know  no  fear!" \ 

Happy  for  him  had  he  fallen  at  this  moment.— Happy 
for  him  had  he  found  a  soldier's  and  a  patriot's  grave,  be- 
neath the  rock-built  walls  of  Quebec.  Those  walls  would  have 
remained  enduring  monuments  of  his  renown.  His  name, 
like  that  of  Montgomery,  would  have  been  treasured  up 
among  the  dearest  though  most  mournful  recollections  of  his 
country,  and  that  country  would  have  been  spared  the  single 
traitorous  blot  that  dims  the  bright  page  of  its  revolutionary 
history. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Correspondence  of  Washington  and  Schuylcron  the  Disasters  in  Canada 
— Reinforcements  Required  from  New  England — Dangers  in  the  In- 
terior of  New  York — Johnson  Hall  Beleagured — Sir  John  Capitu- 
lates—Generous Conduct  of  Schuyler — Governor  Tryon  and  the 
Tories — Tory  Machinations— Lee  at  New  York— Sir  Henry  Clinton 
in  the  Harbor — Menaces  of  Lee — The  City  and  River  Fortified — 
Lee's  Treatment  of  the  Tories — His  Plans  of  Fortification — Ordered 
to  the  Command  in  Canada — His  Speculations  on  Titles  of  "Dignity. 

SOIIUYLHK'S  letter  to  Washington,  announcing  the  recent 
events,  was  written  with  manly  feeling.  "J  wish,"  said  lie, 
"I  had  no  occasion  to  send  my  dear  general  this  melancholy 
account.  My  amiable  friend,  the  gallant  Montgomery,  is  no 
more;  the  brave  Arnold  is  wounded;  and  we  have  met  with  a 
severe  check  in  an  unsuccessful  attempt  on  Quebec.  May 
Heaven  be  graciously  pleased  that  the  misfortune  may  ter- 
minate here  !  I  tremble  for  our  people  in  Canada. " 

Alluding  to  his  recent  request  to  retire  from  the  army,  he 
writes:  "Our  affairs  are  much  worse  than  when  I  made  the 
request.  This  is  motive  sufficient  for  me  to  continue  to  serve 
my  country  in  any  way  I  can  be  thought  most  serviceable; 

*  Civil  War  in  America,  vol.  i.,  p.  112. 

t  See  Arnold's  Letter.    Remembrancer,  ii.,  308. 


1776.]  CAPITULATION  OF  SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON.  31 

but  my  utmost  can  be  but  little,  weak  and  indisposed  as  I 
am." 

Washington  was  deeply  moved  by  the  disastrous  intelli- 
gence. "I  most  sincerely  condole  with  you,"  writes  he,  in 
reply  to  Schuyler,  "upon  the  fall  of  the  brave  and  worthy 
Montgomery.  In  the  death  of  this  gentleman,  America  has 
sustained  a  heavy  loss.  I  am  much  concerned  for  the  in- 
t  re  |  iid  and  enterprising  Arnold,  and  greatly  fear  that  conse- 
quences of  the  most  alarming  nature  will  result  from  this 
well-intended,  but  unfortunate  attempt." 

General  Schuyler,  who  was  now  in  Albany,  urged  the  ne- 
cessity of  an  immediate  reinforcement  of  three  thousand  men 
for  the  army  in  Canada.  Washington  had  not  a  man  to 
spare  from  the  army  before  Boston.  He  applied,  therefore, 
on  his  own  responsibility,  to  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire 
and  Connecticut,  for  three  regiments,  which  were  granted. 
Jlis  prompt  measure  received  the  approbation  of  Congress, 
and  further  reinforcements  were  ordered  from  the  same 
quarters. 

Solicitude  was  awakened  about  the  interior  of  the  province 
of  New  York.  Arms  and  ammunition  were  said  to  be  con- 
cealed in  Tryon  County,  and  numbers  of  the  tories  in  that 
neighborhood  preparing  for  hostilities.  Sir  John  Johnson 
had  fortified  Johnson  Hall,  gathered  about  him  his  Scotch 
Highland  tenants  and  Indian  allies,  and  it  was  rumored  ho 
intended  to  carry  tire  and  sword  along  the  valley  of  the 
Mohawk. 

Schuyler,  in  consequence,  received  orders  from  Congress  to 
take  measures  for  securing  the  military  stores,  disarming  the 
disaffected,  and  apprehending  their  chiefs.  He  forthwith 
hastened  from  Albany,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  soldiers; 
was  joined  by  Colonel  Ilerkimer,  with  the  militia  of  Tryon 
County  marshaled  forth  on  the  frozen  bosom  of  the  Mohawk 
1  fiver,  and  appeared  before  Sir  John's  stronghold,  near 
.lolinstown,  on  the  19th  of  January. 

Thus  beleaguered,  Sir  John,  after  much  negotiation, 
capitulated.  He  was  to  surrender  all  weapons  of  war  and 
military  stores  in  his  possession,  and  to  give  his  parole  not 
to  taki-  arms  against  America.  On  these  conditions  he  was 
to  1)0  at  liberty  to  go  as  far  westward  in  Tryon  County  as 
the  CJerman  Flats  and  Kingsland  districts  and  to  every  part 
of  the  colony  to  the  southward  and  eastward  of  these  dis- 
tricts; provided  he  did  not  go  into  any  seaport  town. 

Sir  John  intimated  a  trust  that  he,  and  the  gentleman  with 
him,  vould  be  permitted  to  retain  such  arms  as  were  their 


32  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  IV. 

own  property.  The  reply  was  characteristic:  "General 
Schuyler's  feelings  as  a  gentleman  induce  him  to  consent  that 
Sir  John  Johnson  may  retain  the  few  favorite  family  arms,  he 
making  a  list  of  them.  General  ISchuyler  never  refused  a 
gentleman  his  side-arms." 

The  capitulation  being  adjusted,  Schuyler  ordered  his 
troops  to  be  drawn  up  in  line  at  noon  (Jan.  20),  between  his 
quarters  and  the  Court  House,  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the 
Highlanders,  enjoining  profound  silence  on  his  officers  and 
men,  when  the  surrender  should  be  made.  Everything  was 
conducted  with  great  regard  to  the  feelings  of  Sir  John's 
Scottish  adherents;  they  marched  to  the  front,  grounded  their 
arms,  and  were  dismissed  with  exhortations  to  good  behavior. 

The  conduct  of  Schuyler,  throughout  this  affair,  drew 
fortli  a  resolution  of  Congress,  applauding  him  for  his  fidelity, 
prudence  and  expedition,  and  the  proper  temper  he  had  main- 
tained toward  the  "deluded  people"  in  question.  Washing- 
ton, too,  'congratulated  him  on  his  success.  "I"  hope," 
writes  he,  "General  Lee  will  execute  a  work  of  the  same  kind 
on  Long  Island.  It  is  high  time  to  begin  with  our  internal 
foes,  when  we  are  threatened  with  such  severity  of  chastise- 
ment from  our  kind  parent  without." 

The  recent  reverses  in  Canada  had,  in  fact,  heightened  the 
solicitude  of  Washington  about  the  province  of  New  York. 
That  province  was  the  central  and  all-important  link  in  the 
confederacy;  but  he  feared  it  might  prove  a  brittle  one.  We 
have  already  mentioned  the  adverse  influences  in  operation 
there.  A  large  number  of  friends  to  the  crown,  among  the 
official  and  commercial  classes;  rank  tories  (as  they  were 
called),  in  the  city  and  about  the  neighboring  country;  par- 
ticularly on  Long  and  Staten  Islands;  king's  ships  at  anchor 
ill  the  bay  and  harbor,  keeping  up  a  suspicious  intercourse 
with  the  citizens;  while  Governor  Tryon,  castled,  as  it  were, 
on  board  one  of  these  ships,  carried  on  intrigues  with  those 
disaffected  to  the  popular  cause,  in  all  parts  of  the  neigh- 
borhood. County  committees  had  been  empowered  by  the 
New  York  Congress  and  convention,  to  apprehend  all 
persons  notoriously  disaffected,  to  examine  into  their  conduct, 
and  ascertain  whether  they  were  guilty  of  any  hostile  act  or 
machination.  Imprisonment  or  banishment  was  the  pen- 
alty. The  committees  could  call  upon  the  militia  to  aid  in 
the  discharge  of  their  functions.  Still,  disaffection  to  the 
cause  was  said  to  be  rife  in  the  province,  and  Washington 
looked  to  General  Leo  for  effective  measures  to  suppress  it. 
Lee  arrived  at  New  York  on  the  4th  of  February,  his  caustic 


LEE  AT  NEW   YORg.  33 

humors  sharpened  by  a  severe  attack  of  the  gout,  which  had 
rendered  it  necessary,  while  on  the  march,  to  carry  him  for  a 
considerable  part  of  the  way  in  a  litter.  His  correspondence 
is  a  complete  mental  barometer.  "I  consider  it  as  a  piece  of 
the  greatest  good  fortune/'  writes  he  to  Washington  (Feb. 
5th),  "that  the  Congress  have  detached  a  committee  to  this 
place,  otherwise  I  should  have  made  a  most  ridiculous  figure, 
besides  bringing  upon  myself  the  enmity  of  the  whole  prov- 
ince. My  hands  were  effectually  tied  up  from  taking  any 
step  necessary  for  the  public  service  by  the  late  resolve  of 
Congress,  putting  every  detachment  of  the  continental  forces 
under  the  .command  of  the  Provincial  Congress  where  such 
detachment  is." 

By  a  singular  coincidence,  on  the  very  day  of  his  arrival 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  the  squadron  which  had  sailed  so 
mysteriously  from  Boston,  looked  into  the  harbor.  "Though 
it  was  Sabbath,"  says  a  letter-writer  of  the  day,  "it  threw 
the  whole  city  into  such  a  convulsion  as  it  never  Knew  before. 
Many  of  the  inhabitants  hastened  to  move  their  effects  into 
the  country,  expecting  an  immediate  conflict.  All  that  day 
and  all  night,  were  there  carts  going  and  boats  loading,  and 
women  and  children  crying,  and  distressed  voices  heard  in  the 
roads  in  the  dead  of  the  night."* 

Clinton  sent  for  the  mayor,  and  expressed  much  surprise 
and  concern  at  the  distress  caused-by  his  arrival;  which  was 
merely,  he  said,  on  a  short  visit  to  his  friend  Tryon,  and  to 
see  how  matters  stood.  He  professed  a  juvenile  love  for  the 
place,  and  desired  that  the  inhabitants  might  be  informed  of 
the  purport  of  his  visit,  and  that  he  would  go  away  as  soon  as 
possible. 

"lie  brought  no  troops  with  him,"  writes  Lee,  "and 
pledges  his  honor  that  none  are  coming.  He  says  it  is 
Jin-rely  a  visit  to  his  friend  Tryon.  If  it  is  really  so,  it  is  the 
most  whimsical  piece  of  civility  I  ever  heard  of." 

A  gentleman  in  New  York,  writing  to  a  friend  in  Phila- 
delphia, reports  one  of  the  general's  characteristic  menaces, 
which  kept  the  town  in  a  fever. 

"Lee  says  he  will  send  word  on  board  of  the  men-of-war, 
that  if  they  set  a  house  on  fire,  he  will  chain  a  hundred  of 
their  friends  by  the  neck,  and  make  the  house  their  funeral 
pile."f 

For  this  time,  the  inhabitants  of  New  York  were  let  off  for 
their  fears.  Clinton,  after  a  brief  visit,  continued  his 

*  Remembrancer,  vol.  iii. 

I  Ani.  Archive*,  5th  Sc-rics,  iv.,  941. 


34  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON,  [en.  IV. 

mysterious  cruise,  openly  avowing  his  destination  to  be  North 
Carolina — which  nobody  believed,  simply  because  he  avowed 
it. 

The  Duke  of  Manchester,  speaking  in  the  House  of  Lords 
of  the  conduct  of  Clinton,  contrasts  it  with  that  of  Lord 
Dunmore,  who  wrapped  Norfolk  in  flames.  "I  will  pass  no 
censure  on  that  noble  lord,"  said  he,  "but  I  could  wish  that 
he  had  acted  with  that  generous  spirit  that  forbade  Clinton 
uselessly  to  destroy  the  town  of  New  York.  My  lords,  Clin- 
ton visited  New  York;  the  inhabitants  expected  its  destruc- 
tion. Lee  appeared  before  it  with  an  army  too  powerful  to  be 
attacked,  and  Clinton  passed  by  without  doing  any  wanton 
damage." 

The  necessity  of  conferring  with  committees  at  every  step, 
was  a  hard  restraint  upon  a  man  of  Lee's  ardent  and  impa- 
tient temper,  who  had  a  soldierlike  contempt  for  the  men  of 
peace  around  him;  yet  at  the  outset  he  bore  it  better  than 
might  have  been  expected. 

"The  Congress  committees,  a  certain  number  of  the  com- 
mittees of  safety,  and  your  humble  servant,"  writes  he  to 
Washington,  "have  had  two  conferences.  The  result  is  such 
as  will  agreeably  surprise  you.  It  is  in  the  first  place  agreed, 
and  justly,  that  to  fortify  the  town  against  shipping  is  imprac- 
ticable; but  we  are  to  fortify  lodgments  on  some  commanding 
part  of  the  city  for  two  thousand  men.  We  are  to  erect  in- 
closed batteries  on  both  sides  of  the  water,  near  Hell  Gate, 
which  will  answer  the  double  purpose  of  securing  the  town 
against  piracies  through  the  Sound,  and  secure  our  commu- 
nication with  Long  Island,  now  become  a  more  important 
point  than  ever;  as  it  is  determined  to  form  a  strong  fortified 
camp  of  three  thousand  men,  on  the  Island,  immediately  op- 
posite to  New  York.  The  pass  in  the  Highlands  is  to  be 
made  as  respectable  as  possible,  and  guarded  by  a  battalion. 
In  short,  I  think  the  plan  judicious  and  complete." 

The  pass  in  the  High  hinds  above  alluded  to,  is  that  grand  de- 
file of  the  Hudson,  where,  for  upward  of  fifteen  miles,  it  wends 
its  deep  channel  between  stern,  forest-clad  mountains  and  rocky 
promontories.  Two  forts,  .about  six  miles  distant  from  each 
other,  and  commanding  narrow  parts  of  the  river  at  its  bends 
through  these  Highlands,  had  been  commenced  in  the  pre- 
ceding autumn,  by  order  of  the  Continental  Congress;  but 
they  were  said  to  be  insufficient  for  the  security  of  that  im- 
portant pass,  and  were  to  be  extended  and  strengthened. 

Washington  had  charged  Lee,  in  his  instructions,  to  keep 
a  stern  eye  upon  the  tories,  who  were  active  in  New  York. 


1776.]  GOVERNOR  TRYOH  DEFIED,  35 

"You  can  seize  upon  the  persons  of  the  principals,"  said  he/ 
"they  must  be  so  notoriously  known,  that  there  will  be  little 
danger  of  committing  mistakes. "  Lee  acted  up  to  the  letter 
of  these  instructions,  and  weeded  out,  with  a  vigorous  hand, 
some  of  the  rankest  of  the  growth.  This  gave  great  offence 
to  the  peace-loving  citizens,  who  insisted  that  he  was  arrogat- 
ing a  power  vested  solely  in  the  civil  authority.  One  of  them, 
well-affected  to  the  cause,  writes:  "To  see  the  vast  number  of 
houses  shut  up,  one  would  think  the  city  almost  evacuated. 
Women  and  children  are  scarcely  to  be  seen  in  the  streets. 
Troops  are  daily  coming  in;  they  break  open  and  quarter 
themselves  in  any  house  they  find  shut."* 

The  enemy,  too,  regarded  his  measures  with  apprehension. 
"That  arch  rebel  Lee,"  writes  a  British  officer,  "has  driven 
all  the  well-affected  people  from  the  town  of  New  York.  If 
something  is  not  speedily  done,  his  Britannic  majesty's 
American  dominions  will  be  confined  within  a  very  narrow 
compass,  "f 

In  the  exercise  of  his  military  functions,  Lee  set  Governor 
Trvon  and  the  captain  of  ths  Asia  at  defiance.  "They  had 
threatened  perdition  to  the  town,"  writes  he  to  Washington, 
"if  the  cannon  were  removed  from  the  batteries  and  wharves, 
but  I  ever  considered  their  threats  as  a  brutum  fulmen,  and 
even  persuaded  the  town  to  be  of  the  same  way  of  thinking. 
We  accordingly  conveyed  them  to  a  place  of  safety  in  the 
middle  of  the  day,  and  no  cannonade  ensued.  Captain 
Parker  publishes  a  pleasant  reason  for  his  passive  conduct. 
IK-  says  that  it  was  manifestly  my  intention,  and  that  of  the 
New  England  men  under  my  command,  to  bring  destruction 
on  this  town,  so  hated  for  their  loyal  principles,  but  that  lie 
\\;i  determined  not  to  indulge  us;  so  remained  quiet  out  of 
spilt'.  The  people  here  laugh  at  his  nonsense,  and  begin  to 
despise  the  menaces  which  formerly  used  to  throw  them  into 
convulsions." 

Washington  appears  to  have  shared  the  merriment.  In 
his  reply  to  Lee,  he  writes,  "I  could  not  avoid  laughing  at 
Captain  Parker's  reasons  for  not  putting  his  repeated  threats 
into  execution," — a  proof,  by  the  way,  under  his  own  hand, 
that  he  could  laugh  occasionally;  and  even  when  surrounded 
by  perplexities. 

According  to  Lee's  account,  the  New  Yorkers  showed  a 
wonderful  alacrity  in  removing  the  cannon.  "Men  and  boys 

*  Fred.  Rhinclnnder  to  Peter  Van  Schaark,  Feb.  23. 
t  Am.  Are-hives,  v.,  425. 


£6  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  IV. 

of  all  ages,"  writes  he,  "worked  with  the  greatest  zeal  and 
pleasure.  I  really  believe  the  generality  are  as  well  affected 
as  any  on  the  continent."  Some  of  the  well-affected,  how- 
ever, "thought  he  was  rather  too  self-willed  and  high-handed. 
"Though  General  Lee  has  many  things  to  recommend  him  as 
a  general,"  writes  one  of  them,  "yet  I  think  he  was  out  of 
luck  when  he  ordered  the  removal  of  the  guns  from  the 
battery;  as  it  was  without  the  approbation  or  knowledge  of 
our  Congress."* — Lee  seldom  waited  for  the  approbation  of 
Congress  in  moments  of  exigency. 

He  now  proceeded  with  his  plan  of  defences.  A  strong 
redoubt,  capable  of  holding  three  hundred  men,  was  com- 
menced at  Horen's  Hook,  commanding  the  pass  at  Hell  Gate, 
so  as  to  block  up  from  the  enemy's  ships,  the  passage  between 
the  mainland  and  Long  Island.  A  regiment  was  stationed 
on  the  Island,  making  fascines,  and  preparing  other  materials 
for  constructing  the  works  for  an  intrenched  camp,  which 
Lee  hoped  would  render  it  impossible  for  the  enemy  to  get  a 
footing  there.  "What  to  do  with  this  city,"  writes  he,  "I 
own,  puzzles  me.  It  is  so  encircled  with  deep  navigable 
water,  that  whoever  commands  the  sea  must  command  the 
town.  To-morrow  I  shall  begin  to  dismantle  that  part  of  the 
fort  next  to  the  town,  to  prevent  its  being  converted  into  a 
citadel.  I  shall  barrier  the  principal  streets,  and,  at  least,  if 
I  cannot  make  it  a  continental  garrison,  it  shall  be  a  disput- 
able field  of  battle."  Batteries  were  to  be  erected  on  an  em- 
inence behind  Trinity  Church,  to  keep  the  enemy's  ships  at 
so  great  a  distance  as  not  to  injure  the  town. 

King's  Bridge,  at  the  upper  end  of  Manhattan  or  New 
York  Island,  linking  it  with  the  mainland,  was  pronounced 
by  Lee  "a  most  important  pass,  without  which  the  city  could 
have  no  communication  with  Connecticut."  It  was,  there- 
fore, to  be  made  as  strong  as  possible. 

Heavy  cannon  were  to  be  sent  up  to  the  forts  in  the  High- 
lands; which  were  to  be  enlarged  and  strengthened. 

In  the  midst  of  his  schemes,  Lee  received  orders  from  Con- 
gress to  the  command  in  Canada,  vacant  by  the  death  of  Mont- 
gomery. He  bewailed  the  defenceless  condition  of  the  city; 
the  Continental  Congress,  as  he  said,  not  having,  as  yet, 
taken  the  least  step  for  its  security.  "The  instant  I  leave 
it,"  said  he,  "I  conclude  the  Provincial  Congress,  and  inhab- 
itants in  general,  will  relapse  into  their  former  hysterics. 
The  men-of-war  and  Mr.  Try  on  will  return  to  their  old 

*  Fred.  Rhinclandcr  to  Peter  Van  Sclianck. 


1776.]  LEE  ON  TITLES.  37 

station  at  the  wharves,  and  the  first  regiments  who  arrive 
from  England  will  take  quiet  possession  of  the  town  and 
Long  Island." 

It  must  be  observed  that,  in  consequence  of  his  military 
demonstrations  in  the  city,  the  enemy's  ships  had  drawn  off 
and  dropped  down  the  bay;  and  he  had  taken  vigorous 
measures,  without  consulting  the  committees,  to  put  an  end 
IM  the  practice  of  supplying  them  with  provisions. 

"Governor  Tryon  and  the  Asia,"  writes  he  to  Washington, 
"continue  between  Nutten  and  Bedlow's  Islands.  It  has 
pleased  his  excellency,  in  violation  of  the  compact  he  has 
made,  to  seize  several  vessels  from  Jersey  laden  with  flour. 
It  has,  in  return,  pleased  my  excellency  to  stop  all  provisions 
from  the  city,  and  cut  off  all  intercourse  with  him — a 
measure  which  has  thrown  the  mayor,  council,  and  tories  into 
agonies.  The  propensity,  or  rather  rage,  for  paying  court  to 
this  great  man,  is  inconceivable.  They  cannot  be  weaned 
from  him.  We  must  put  wormwood  on  his  paps,  or  they 
will  cry  to  suck,  as  they  are  in  their  second  childhood." 

We  would  observe,  in  explanation  of  a  sarcasm  in  the  above 
quoted  letter,  that  Lee  professed  a  great  contempt  for  the 
titles  of  respect  which  it  was  the  custom  to  prefix  to  the  names 
of  men  in  office  or  command.  He  scoffed  at  them,  as  un- 
worthy of  "a.  great,  free,  manly,  equal  commonwealth." 
"For  my  own  part,"  said  he,  "I  would  as  lief  they  would  put 
ratsbane  in  my  mouth,  as  the  excellency  with  which  I  am 
daily  crammed.  How  much  more  true  dignity  was  there  in 
the  simplicity  of  address  among  the  Romans!  Marcus  Tul- 
lius  Cicero,  Decius  1'ruto  Imperatori,  or  Caio  Marcello  Con- 
suli,  than  to  'His  Excellency  Major-General  Noodle,'  or  to  the 
'Honorable  John  Doodle.'  " 


CHAPTER  V. 

Monotonous  State  of  Affairs  Before  Boston — Washington  Anxious  for 
Action — Exploit  of  Putnam — Its  Dramatic  Consequences^Th  c 
Farce  of  the  Blockade  of  Boston — An  Alarming  Interruption — 
Distresses  of  the  Besieged — Washington's  Irksome  Predicament — 
lli>  K-:M  Projxisitioii— Dt-inurof  the  Council  of  War — Arrival  of 
Knox  with  Artillery — Dorchester  Heights  to  be  Seized  and  Forti- 
fied— Preparations  for  the  Attempt. 

THE  siege  of  Boston  continued  through  the  winter,  with- 
out any  striking  incident  to  enliven   its  monotony.     The 


38  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON,  [en.  V. 

British  remained  within  their  works,  leaving  the  beleaguer- 
ing army  slowly  to  augment  its  forces.  The  country  was  dis- 
satisfied with  the  inaction  of  the  latter.  Even  Congress  was 
anxious  for  some  successful  blow  that  might  revive  popular 
enthusiasm.  'Washington  shared  this  anxiety,  and  had  repeat- 
edly, in  councils  of  war,  suggested  an  attack  upon  the  town, 
but  had  found  a  majority  of  his  general  officers  opposed  to 
it.  He  had  hoped  some  favorable  opportunity  would  present, 
when,  the  harbor  being  frozen,  the  troops  might  approach 
the  town  upon  the  ice.  The  winter,  however,  though  severe 
at  first,  proved  a  mild  one  and  the  bay  continued  open. 
General  Putnam,  in  the  mean  time,  having  completed  the 
new  works  at  Lechrnere  Point,  and  being  desirous  of  keeping 
up  the  spirit  of  his  men,  resolved  to  treat  them  to  an  exploit. 
Accordingly,  from  his  "impregnable  fortress"  of  Cobble  Hill, 
he  detached  a  party  of  about  two  hundred,  under  his  favorite 
officer,  Major  Knowlton,  to  surprise  and  capture  a  British 
guard  stationed  at  Charlestown.  It  was  a  daring  enterprise, 
and  executed  with  spirit.  As  Charlestown  Neck  was  com- 
pletely protected,  Knowlton  led  his  men  across  the  mill-dam, 
round  the  base  of  the  hill,  and  immediately  below  the  fort; 
set  fire  to  the  guard-house  and  some  buildings  in  its  vicinity; 
made  several  prisoners,  and  retired  without  loss;  although 
thundered  upon  by  the  cannon  of  the  fort.  The  exploit  was 
attended  by  a  dramatic  effect  on  which  Putnam  had  not  cal- 
culated. The  British  officers,  early  in  the  winter,  had  iitted 
up  a  theater,  which  was  well  attended  by  the  troops  and 
tories.  On  the  evening  in  question,  an  afterpiece  was  to  be 
performed,  entitled  "The  Blockade  of  Boston,"  intended  as 
a  burlesque  on  the  patriot  array  which  was  beleaguering  it. 
Washington  is  said  to  have  been  represented  in  it  "as  an  awk- 
ward lout,  equipped  with  a  huge  wig,  and  a  long  rusty  sword, 
attended  by  a  country  booby  as  orderly  sergeant,  in  rustic 
garb,  with  an  old  firelock  seven  or  eight' feet  long. 

The  theater  was  crowded,  especially  by  the  military.  The 
first  piece  was  over,  and  the  curtain  was  rising  for  the  farce, 
when  a  sergeant  made  his  appearance,  and  announced  that 
"the  alarm  guns  were  firing  at  Charlestown,  and  the  Yankees 
attacking  Bunker's  Hill."  At  first  this  was  supposed  to  be  a 
part  of  the  entertainment,  until  General  Howe  gave  the  word, 
"Officers,  to  your  alarm  posts." 

Great  confusion  ensued;  every  one  scrambled  out  of  the 
theater  as  fast  as  possible.  There  was,  as  usual,  some  shriek- 
ing and  fainting  of  ladies;  and  the  farce  of  "The  Blockade 
of  Boston"  had  a  more  serious  than  comic  termination. 


1776.]  WASHINGTON'S  DIFFICULTIES.  39 

The  London  Chronicle,  in  a  sneering  comment  on  Boston 
a  Hairs-  gave  Burgoyne  as  the  author  of  this  burlesque  after- 
piece, though  perhaps  unjustly.  "General  Burgoyne  has 
opened  a  theatrical  campaign,  of  which  himself  is  sole  man- 
ager, being  determined  to  act  with  the  Provincials  on  the  de- 
IVnsive  only.  Tom  Thumb  has  been  already  represented; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Provincials  are  preparing  to 
exhibit,  early  in  the  spring,  'Measure  for  Measure.'  rt 

Tin-  British  officers,  like  all  soldiers  by  profession,  en- 
deavored to  while  away  the  time  by  every  amusement  within 
their  reach;  but,  in  truth,  the  condition  of  the  besieged  town 
was  daily  becoming  more  and  more  distressing.  The  inhab- 
itants were  without  flour,  pulse,  or  vegetables;  the  troops 
were  nearly  as  destitute.  There  was  a  lack  of  fuel,  too,  as 
well  as  food.  The  small-pox  broke  out,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  inoculate  the  army.  Men,  women  and  children  either  left 
the  city  voluntarily,  or  were  sent  out  of  it;  yet  the  distress 
innvas.-d.  Several  houses  were  broken  open  and  plundered; 
others  were  demolished  by  the  soldiery  for  fuel.  General 
Howe  resorted  to  the  sternest  measures  to  put  a  stop  to  these 
The  provost  was  ordered  to  go  the  rounds  with  the 
hangman,  and  hang  up  the  first  man  he  should  detect  in  the 
hot,  without  waiting  for  further  proof  for  trial.  Offenders 
wen-  punished  with  four  hundred,  six  hundred,  and  even 
one  thousand  hushes.  The  wife  of  a  private  soldier,  convicted 
of  receiving  stolen  goods,  was  sentenced  to  one  hundred 
lashes  mi  her  bare  back,  at  the  cart's  tail,  in  different  parts 
of  the  town,  and  an  imprisonment  of  three  months. 

Meanwhile,  Washington  was  incessantly  goaded  by  the 
impatient  murmurs  of  the  public,  as  we  may  judge  by  his 
letters  to  Mr.  Reed.  "I  know  the  integrity  of  my  own  heart," 
writes  he,  on  the  10th  of  February;  "but  to  declare  it,  unless 
to  a  friend,  may  be  an  argument  of  vanity.  I  know  the  un- 
happy predicament  I  stand  in;  I  know  that  much  is  expected 
of  me;  I  know  that,  without  men,  without  arms,  without 
ammunition,  without  anything  fit  for  the  accommodation  of 
a  soldier,  little  is  to  be  done  and,  what  is  mortifying,  I 
know  that  I  cannot  stand  justified  to  the  world  without  ex- 
posing my  own  weakness,  and  injuring  the  cause,  by  declaring 
my  wants;  which  I  am  determined  not  to  do,  further  than 
unavoidable  necessity  brings  every  man  acquainted  with 
them. 

"My  own  situation  is  so  irksome  to  me  at  times,  that,  if«I 
did  not  consult  the  public  good  more  than  my  own  tran- 
quillity, I  should  long  ere  this  have  put  everything  on  the 


40  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [ci£.  V. 

cast  of  a  die.  So  far  from  my  Laving  an  army  of  twenty 
thousand  men,  well  armed,  I  have  been  here  with  less  than 
one  half  of  that  number,  including  sick,  fnrlonghed,  and  on 
command;  and  those  neither  armed  nor  clothed  as  they 
should  be.  In  short,  my  situation  has  been  such,  that  I  have 
been  obliged  to  use  art,  to  conceal  it  from  my  own  officers." 

JIow  precious  are  those  letters!  And  how  fortunate  that 
the  absence  of  Mr.  Heed  from  camp  should  have  procured  for 
us  such  confidential  outpourings  of  Washington's  heart  at 
this  time  of  its  great  trial. 

lie  still  adhered  to  his  opinion  in  favor  of  an  attempt  upon 
the  town.  He  was  aware  that  it  would  be  attended  with  con- 
siderable loss,  but  believed  it  would  be  successful  if  the  men 
should  behave  well.  Within  a  few  days  after  the  date  of 
this  letter,  the  bay  became  sufficiently  frozen  for  the  trans- 
portation of  troops.  "This,"  writes  he  to  Heed,  "1  thought, 
knowing  the  ice  would  not  last,  a  favorable  opportunity  to 
make  an  assault  upon  the  troops  in  town.  I  proposed  it  in 
council;  but  behold,  though  we  had  been  waiting  all  the  year 
for  this  favorable  even't,  the  enterprise  was  thought  too  dan- 
gerous. Perhaps  it  was;  pehaps  the  irksomeness  of  my  sit- 
uation led  me  to  undertake  more  than  could  be  warranted  by 
prudence.  1  did  not  think  so,  and  1  am  sure  yet  that  the 
enterprise,  if  it  had  been  undertaken  with  resolution,,  must 
have  succeeded;  without  it,  any  would  fail." 

His  proposition  was  too  bold  for  the  field-officers  assembled 
in  council  (Feb.  10th),  who  objected  that  there  was  not  force, 
nor  arms  and  ammunition  sufficient  in  camp  for  such  an  at- 
tempt. Washington  acquiesced  in  the  decision,  it  being 
almost  unanimous;  yet  he  felt  the  irksomeness  of  his  situa- 
tion. "To  have  the  eyes  of  the  whole  continent,"  said  he, 
"fixed  with  anxious  expectation  of  hearing  of  some  great  event, 
and  to  be  restrained  in  every  military  operation  for  want  of 
the  necessary  means  of  carrying  it  on  is  not  very  pleasing,  es- 
pecially as  the  means  used  to  conceal  my  weakness  from  the 
enemy,  conceal  it  also  from  our  friends  and  add  to  their 
wonder." 

In  the  council  of  war  above  mentioned,  a  cannonade  and 
bombardment  were  considered  advisable,  as  soon  as  there 
should  be  a  sufficiency  of  powder:  in  the  mean  time,  prepara- 
tions might  be  made  for  taking  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  and  Noddle's  Island. 

•  At  length  the  camp  was  rejoiced  by  the  arrival  of  Colonel 
Knox  with  his  long  train  of  sledges  drawn  by  oxen,  bringing 
more  than  fifty  cannon,  mortars,  and  howitzers,  beside  sup- 


1776.]  1'LMLIC   GLOOM.  41 

plies  of  lead  and  flints.  The  zeal  and  perseverance  which  he 
had  displayed  in  his  wintry  expedition  across  frozen  lakes  and 
snowy  wastes,  and  the  intelligence  with  which  he  had  fulfilled 
his  instructions,  won  him  the  entire  confidence  of  Washing- 
ton. His  conduct  in  this  enterprise  was  but  an  earnest  of 
that  energy  and  ability  which  he  displayed  throughout  the 
war. 

Further  ammunition  being  received  from  the  royal  arsenal 
at  New  York  and  other  quarters  and  a  reinforcement  of  ten 
regiments  of  militia,  Washington  no  longer  met  with  opposi- 
tion to  his  warlike  measures.  Lechmere  Point,  which  Put- 
nam had  fortified,  was  immediately  to  be  supplied  with 
mortars  and  heavy  cannon,  so  as  to  command  Boston  on  the 
north;  and  Dorchester  J [eights,  on  the  south  of  the  town, 
were  forthwith  to  be  taken  possession  of.  "If  anything," 
,-ai  I  Washington,  "will  induce  the  enemy  to  hazard  an  en- 
ga  Cement,  it  will  be  our  attempting  to  fortify  those  heights, 
as,  in  that  event  taking  place,  we  shall  be  able  to  command 
a  great  part  of  the  town,  and  almost  the  whole  harbor." 
Their  possession,  moreover,  would  enable  him  to  push  his 
works  to  Nook's  Hill,  and  other  points  opposite  Boston, 
whence  a  cannonade  and  bombardment  must  drive  the  enemy 
from  the  city. 

The  council  of  Massachusetts,  at  his  request,  ordered  the 
militia  of  the  towns  contiguous  to  Dorchester  and  Roxbury, 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  repair  to  the  lines  at  those 
places  with  arms,  ammunition  and  accouterments,  on  receiv- 
ing a  preconcerted  signal. 

Washington  felt  painfully  aware  how  much  depended  upon 
the  success  of  this  attempt.  There  was  a  cloud  of  gloom 
and  distrust  lowering  upon  the  public  mind.  Danger  threat- 
ened on  the  north  and  on  the  south.  Montgomery  had 
fallen  before  the  walls  of  Quebec.  The  army  in  Canada  was 
shattered.  Tryon  and  the  tories  were  plotting  mischief  in. 
New  York.  Dunmore  was  harassing  the  lower  part  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  Clinton  and  his  fleet  were  prowling  along  the  coast, 
on  a  secret  errand  of  mischief. 

Washington's  general  orders  evince  the  solemn  and  anx- 
ious state  of  his  feelings.  In  those  of  the  26th  of  February, 
he  forbade  all  playing  at  cards  and  other  games  of  chance. 
"At  this  time  of  public  distress,"  writes  he,  "men  may  find 
enough  to  do  in  the  service  of  God  and  their  country,  without 
abandoning  themselves  to  vice  and  immorality.  *  *  * 
It  is  a  noble  cause  we  are  engaged  in;  it  is  the  cause  of 
virtue  and  mankind;  every  advantage  and  comfort  to  us  and 


42  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  VI. 

our  posterity  depend  upon  the  vigor  of  our  exertions;  in 
short,  freedom  or  slavery  must  be  the  result  of  our  conduct; 
there  can,  therefore,  be  no  greater  inducement  to  men  to  be- 
have well.  But  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  the  troops  to  know, 
that,  if  any  man  in  action  shall  presume  to  skulk,  hide  him- 
self, or  retreat  from  the  enemy  without  the  orders  of  his  com- 
manding officer,  he  vnll  be  instantly  shot  down  as  an 
example  of  cowardice;  cowards  having  too  frequently  discon- 
certed the  best  formed  troops  by  their  dastardly  behavior." 

In  the  general  plan  it  was  concerted,  that,  should  the 
enemy  detach  a  large  force  to  dislodge  our  men  from  Dor- 
chester Heights,  as  had  been  done  in  the  affair  of  Bunker's 
Hill,  an  attack  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  town  should  forth- 
with be  made  by  General  Putnam.  For  this  purpose  he  was 
to  have  four  thousand  picked  men  in  readiness,  in  two  divis- 
ions, under  Generals  Sullivan  and  Greene.  At  a  concerted 
signal  from  lloxbury,  they  were  to  embark  in  boats  near  the 
mouth  of  Charles  Kiver,  cross  under  cover  of  the  fire  of  three 
floating  batteries,  laud  in  two  places  in  Boston,  secure  its 
strong  posts,  force  the  gates  and  works  at  the  Neck  and  let 
in  the  lloxbury  troops. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Altai r  of  Dorchester  Heights — American  and  English  Letters  .Re- 
specting It— A  Laborious  Night — Revelations  at  Daybreak — Howe 
in  a  Perplexity — A  Night  Attack  Meditated — Stormy  Weather — 
The  Town  to  be  Evacuated — Negotiations  and  Arrangements — 
Preparations  to  Embark — Excesses  of  the  Troops — Boston  Evacu- 
ated— Speech  of  the  Duke  of  Manchester  on  the  Subject— A  Medal 
Voted  by  Congress. 

THE  evening  of  Monday  the  4th  of  March  was  fixed  upon 
for  the  occupation  of  Dorchester  Heights.  The  ground  was 
frozen  too  hard  to  be  easily  intrenched;  fascines  therefore 
and  gabions  and  bundles  of  screwed  hay  were  collected 
during  the  two  preceding  nights  with  which  to  form  breast- 
works and  redoubts.  During  these  two  busy  nights  the 
enemy's  batteries  were  cannonaded  and  bombarded  from  op- 
posite points  to  occupy  their  attention  and  prevent  their  no- 
ticing these  preparations.  They  replied  with  spirit,  and  the 
incessant  roar  of  artillery  thus  kept  up,  covered  completely 
the  rumbling  of  wagons  and  ordnance. 


1776.]  THE  AFFAIR  OF   DORCHESTER   HEIGHTS.  43 

How  little  the  enemy  were  aware  of  what  was  impending, 
we  may  gather  from  the  following  extract  of  a  letter 'from  an 
officer  of  distinction  in  the  British  army  in  Boston  to  his 
friend  in  London,  dated  on  the  3d  of  March: 

"For  these  last  six  weeks  or  near  two  months,  we  have 
been  better  amused  than  could  possibly  be  expected  in  our 
situation.  We  had  a  theater,  we  had  balls,  and  there  is  act- 
ually a  subscription  on  foot  for  a  masquerade.  England 
seems  to  have  forgot  us,  and  we  have  endeavored  to  forget 
qurselves.  But  we  were  roused  to  a  sense  of  our  situation 
last  night,  in  a  manner  unpleasant  enough.  The  rebels  have 
been  for  some  time  past  erecting  a  bomb  battery,  and  last  night 
began  to  play  upon  us.  Two  shells  fell  not  far  from  me. 
One  fell  upon  Colonel  Monckton's  house,  but  luckily  did  not 
burst  until  it  had  crossed  the  street.  Many  houses  were 
damaged,  but  no  lives  lost.  The  rebel  army,"  adds  he,  "is 
not  brave,  I  believe,  but  it  is  agreed  on  all  hands  that  their 
artillery  officers  are  at  least  equal  to  ours."* 

The  wife  of  John  Adams,  who  resided  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  American  camp,  and  knew  that  a  general  action  was 
meditated,  expresses  in  a  letter  to  her  husband  the  feelings  of 
a  patriot  woman  during  the  suspense  of  these -nights. 

"J  have  been  in  a  constant  state  of  anxiety,  since  you  left 
me,"  writes  she  on  Saturday.  "It  has  been  said  to-morrow, 
and  to-morrow  for  this  month,  and  wlien  the  dreadful  to- 
morrow will  be,  I  know  not.  But  hark!  The  house  this 
instant  shakes  with  the  roar  of  cannon.  I  have  been  to  the 
door,  and  find  it  is  a  cannonade  from  our  army.  Orders,  I 
find,  are  come, .for  all  the  remaining  militia  to  repair  to  the 
lines  Monday  night,  by  twelve  o'clock.  No  sleep  for  me  to- 
night." x 

On  Sunday  the  letter  is  resumed.  "I  went  to  bed  after 
twelve,  but  got  no  rest;  the  cannon  continued  firing,  and  my 
Ik-art  kept  pace  with  them  all  night.  We  have  had  a  pretty 
quiet  day,  but  what  to-morrow  will  bring  forth,  God  only 
knows." 

On  Monday,  the  appointed  evening,  she  continues:  "t  have 
just  returned  from  Penn's  Hill,  where  I  have  been  sitting  to 
hear  the  amazing  roar  of  cannon,  and  from  whence  I  could  see 
every  shell  which  was  thrown.  The  sound,  I  think,  is  one  of 
the  grandest  in  nature,  and  is  of  the  true  species  of  the  sub- 
lime. 'Tis  now  an  incessant  roar;  but  oh,  the  fatal  ideas 

*  Am.  Archives,  4th  Scries,  v.,  425. 


44  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  VI. 

which  are  connected  with  the  sound!   How  many  of  our  dear 
countrymen  must  fall! 

"I  went  to  bed  about  twelve,  and  rose  again  a  little  after 
one.  I  could  no  more  sleep  than  if  I  had  been  in  the  en- 
gagement; the  rattling  of  the  windows,  the  jar  of  the  house, 
the  continual  roar  of  twenty-four  pounders,,  and  the  bursting 
of  shells,  give  us  such  ideas,  and  realize  a  scene  to  us  of 
which  we  could  scarcely  form  any  conception.  I  hope  to  give 
you  joy  of  Boston,  even  if  it  is  in  ruins,  before  I  send  this 

away." 

On  the  Monday  evening  thus  graphically  described,  as  soon 
as  the  firing  commenced,  the  detachment  under  General 
Thomas  set  out  on  its  cautious  and  secret  march  from  the 
lilies  of  Roxbury  and  Dorchester.  Everything  was  con- 
ducted as  regularly  and  quietly  as  possible.  A  covering  party 
of  eight  hundred  men  preceded  the  carts  with  the  intrench- 
ing tools;  then  came  General  Thomas  with  the  working 
party,  twelve  hundred  strong,  followed  by  a  train  of  three 
hundred  wagons,  laden  with  fascines,  gabions,  and  hay 
screwed  into  bundles  of  seven  or  eight  hundred  weight.  A 
great  number  of  such  bundles  were  ranged  in  a  line  along 
Dorchester  Neck  on  the  side  next  the  enemy,  to  protect  the 
troops,  while  passing,  from  being  raked  by  the  fire  of  the 
enemy.  Fortunately,  although  the  moon,  as  Washington 
writes,  was  shining  in  its  full  luster,  the  ilash  and  roar  of 
cannonry  from  opposite  points,  and  the' bursting  of  bomb- 
shells high  in  the  air,  so  engaged  and  diverted  the  attention 
of  the  enemy,  that  the  detachment  reached  the  heights  about 
eight  o'clock,  without  being  heard  or  perceived.  The  covering 
party  then  divided ;  one  half  proceeded  to  the  point  nearest  Bos- 
ton, the  other  to  the  one  nearest  to  Castle  Williams.  The  work- 
ing party  commenced  to  fortify,  under  the  directions  of 
Gridley,  the  veteran  engineer,  who  had  planned  the  works  on 
Bunker's  Hill.  It  was  severe  labor,  for  the  earth  was  frozen 
eighteen  inches  deep;  but  the  men  worked  with  more  than 
their  usual  spirit;  for  the  eye  of  the  commander-in-chief  was 
upon  them.  Though  not  called  there  by  his  duties,  Wash- 
ington could  not  be  absent  from  this  eventful  operation.  An 
eloquent  orator  has  imagined  his  situation — "All  around  him 
intense  movement;  while  nothing  was  to  be  heard  excepting 
the  tread  of  busy  feet,  and  the  dull  sound  of  the  mattock 
upon  the  frozen  soil.  Beneath  him  the  slumbering  batteries 
of  the  castle;  the  roadsteads  and  harbor  filled  with  the  vessels 
of  the  royal  fleet,  motionless,  except  as  they  swung  round  at 
their  moorings  at  the  turn  of  the  midnight  tide;  the  belea-? 


1776.J  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS.  45 

guered  city  occupied  with  a  powerful  army,  aud  a  considerable 
non-combatant  population,  startled  into  unnatural  vigilance 
by  the  incessant  and  destructive  cannonade,  yet  unobservant 
of  the  great  operations  in  progress  so  near  them;  the  sur- 
rounding country,  dotted  with  a  hundred  rural  settlements, 
roused  from  the  deep  sleep  of  a  New  England  village,  by  the 
umvonk'd  glare  and  tumult."* 

The  same  plastic  fancy  suggests  the  crowd  of  visions,  phan- 
toms of  the  past,  which  may  have  passed  through  Washing- 
ton's mind,  on  this  night  of  feverish  excitement.  "His  early 
training  in  the  wilderness;  his  escape  from  drowning,  and 
the  deadly  rifle  of  the  savage  in  the  perilous  mission  to  Ve- 
nango;  the  shower  of  iron  hail  through  which  he  rode  un- 
harmed on  Braddock's  field;  the  early  stages  of  the  great  con- 
flict now  brought  to  its  crisis,  and  still  more  solemnly,  the 
possibilities  of  the  future  for  himself  and  for  America — the 
ruin  of  the  patriot  cause  if  he  failed  at  the  outset;  the 
triumphant  consolidation  of  the  Revolution  if  he  prevailed." 

The  labors  of  the  night  were  carried  on  by  the  Americans 
with  their  usual  activity  and  address.  'When  a  relief  party 
arrived  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  two  forts  were  in 
sufficient  forwardness  to  furnish  protection  against  small-arms 
and  irrapeshot;  and  such  use  was  made  of  the  fascines  and 
bandies  of  screwed  hay,  that,  at  dawn,  a  formidable-looking 
fortress  frowned  along  the  height.  We  have  the  testimony 
of  a  British  officer  already  quoted,  for  the  fact.  "This 
morning  at  daybreak  we  discovered  two  redoubts  on  Dor- 
chester Point,  and  two  smaller  ones  on  their  flanks.  They 
\\vn-  all  raised  during  the  last  night,  with  an  expedition 
equal  to  that  of  the  genii  belonging  to  Aladdin's  wonderful 
lamp.  From  these  hills  they  command  the  whole  town,  so 
that  we  must  drive  them  from  their  posts,  or  desert  the 
place." 

Howe  gazed  at  the  mushroom  fortress  with  astonishment, 
as  it  loomed  indistinctly,  but  grandly,  through  a  morning  fog. 

''The  rebels,"  exclaimed  he,  "have  done  more  work  in 
one  night,  than  my  whole  army  would  have  done  in  one 
month." 

Washington  had  watched,  with  intense  anxiety,  the  effect 
of  the  revelation  at  daybreak.  "When  the  enemy  first  dis- 
covered our  works  in  the  morning,"  writes  he,  "they  seemed 
to  be  in  great  confusion,  and  from  their  movements,  to  in- 
tend an  attack." 

*  Oration  of  the  Hon.  Edward  Everett  at  Dorchester,  July  4th,  1856, 


46  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  VI. 

An  American,  who  was  on  Dorchester  Heights,  gives  a 
picture  of  the  scene.  A  tremendous  cannonade  was  com- 
menced from  the  forts  in  Boston,  and  the  shipping  in  the 
harbor.  "Cannon  shot,"  writes  he,  "are  continually  rolling 
and  rebounding  over  the  hill,  and  it  is  astonishing  to  observe 
how  little  our  soldiers  are  terrified  by  them.  The  royal 
troops  are  perceived  to  be  in  motion,  as  if  embarking  to  pass 
the  harbor  and  land  on  Dorchester  shore,  to  attack  our  Avorks. 
The  hills  and  elevations  in  this  vicinity  are  covered  with 
spectators  to  witness  deeds  of  horror  in  the  expected  conflict. 
His  excellency,  General  Washington,  is  present,  animating 
and  encouraging  the  soldiers,  and  they  in  return  manifest 
their  joy;  and  express  a  Avarm  desire  for  the  approach  of  the 
enemy;  each  man  knoAvs  his  own  place.  Our  breast- Avorks 
are  strengthened,  and  among  the  means  of  defence  are  a  great 
number  of  barrels,  filled  Avith  stones  and  sand,  and  arranged 
in  front  of  our  Avorks,  Avhich  are  to  be  put  in  motion,  and 
made  to  roll  down  the  hill,  to  break  tlic  legs  of  the  assailants 
as  they  advance." 

General  Thomas  Avas  reinforced  with  tAvo  thousand  men. 
Old  Putnam  stood  ready  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  north 
side  of  the  toAvn,  Avith  his  four  thousand  picked  men,  as  soon 
as  the  heights  on  the  south  should  be  assailed:  "All  the  fore- 
noon," says  the  American  aboAre  cited,  "AVC  were  in  moment- 
ary expectation  of  Avitnessing  an  aAvful  scene;  nothing  less 
than  the  carnage  of  Breed's  Hill  battle  Avas  expected." 

As  Washington  rode  about  the  heights,  he  reminded  the 
troops  that  it  Avas  the  5th  of  March,  the  anniversary  of  the 
Boston  massacre,  and  called  on  them  to  revenge  the  slaughter 
of  their  brethren.  They  answered  him  Avith  shouts.  "Our 
officers  and  men,"  Avrites  he,  "appeared  impatient  for  the 
appeal.  The  event,  I  think,  must  have  been  fortunate; 
nothing  less  than  success  and  victory  on  our  side." 

Ho\ve,  in  the  mean  time,  Avas  perplexed  betAveen  his  pride 
and  the  hazards  of  his  position.  In  his  letters  to  the  minis- 
try, he  had  scouted  the  idea  of  "being  in  danger  from  the  reb- 
els." He  had  "hoped  they  Avould  attack  him."  Apparently, 
they  were  about  to  fulfill  his  hopes,  Avith  formidable  advan- 
tages of  position.  He  must  dislodge  them  from  Dorchester 
Heights,  or  evacuate  Boston.  The  latter  was  an  alternative 
too  mortifying  to  be  readily  adopted.  He  resolved  on  an 
attack,  but  it  Avas  to  be  a  night  one. 

"A  body  of  light  infantry,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Mulgrave,  and  a  body  of  grenadiers,  are  to  embark  to-night 
at  seven,"  writes  the  gay  British  officer  already  quoted.  "I 


me.]  Don'  in  SIKH  HEIGHTS.  4? 

think  it  likely  to  be  a  general  affair.  Adieu  balls,  masquer- 
ades, &c.,  for  this  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  opening  of  the 
pampaign." 

In  the  evening  the  British  began  to  move.  Lord  Percy  was 
to  lead  the  attack.  Twenty-five  hundred  men  were  embarked 
in  transports,  which  were  to  convey  them  to  the  rendezvous  at 
( 'astle  Williams.  A  violent  storm  set  in  from  the  east.  The 
transports  could  not  reach  their  place  of  destination.  The 
men-of-war  could  not  cover  and  support  them.  A  furious  surf 
IH  at  on  the  shore  where  the  boats  would  have  to  land.  The 
attack  was  consequently  postponed  until  the  following  day. 

That  day  was  equally  unpropitious.  The  storm  continued 
witli  torrents  of  rain.  The  attack  was  again  postponed.  In 
the  mean  time,  the  Americans  went  on  strengthening  their 
works;  by  the  time  the  storm  subsided,  General  Howe 
deemed  them  too  strong  to  be  easily  carried;  the  attempt, 
therefore,  was  relinquished  altogether. 

What  was  to  be  done?  The  shells  thrown  from  the  heights 
into  the  town,  proved  that  it  was  no  longer  tenable.  The 
fleet  was  equally  exposed.  Admiral  Shuldham,  the  successor 
to  Graves,  assured  Howe  that  if  the  Americans  maintained 
possession  of  the  heights,  his  ships  could  not  remain  in  the 
harbor.  It  was  determined,  therefore,  in  a  council  of  war, 
to  evacuate  the  place  as  soon  as  possible.  Hut  now  came  on  a 
humiliating  perplexity.  The  troops,  in  embarking,  would  be 
exposed  to  a  destructive  fire.  How  was  this  to  be  prevented^ 
General  Howe's  pride  would  not  suffer  him  to  make  capitula- 
tions; he  endeavored  to  work  on  the  fears  of  the  Bostonians, 
liy  hinting  that  if  his  troops  were  molested  while  embarking, 
lie  might  be  obliged  to  cover  their  retreat,  by  setting  fire  to 
the  town. 

The  hint  had  its  effect.  Several  of  the  principal  inhabi- 
tants communicated  with  him  through  the  medium  of  General 
Robertson.  The  result  of  the  negotiation  was,  that  a  paper 
was  concocted  and  signed  by  several  of  the  "select  men"  of 
Boston,  stating  the  fears  they  had  entertained  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  place,  but  that  those  fears  had  been  quieted  by 
General  Howe's  declaration  that  it  should  remain  uninjured, 
provided  his  troops  were  unmolested  while  embarking;  the 
select  men,  therefore,  begged  "some  assurance  that  so  dread- 
ful a  calamity  might  not  be  brought  on,  by  any  measures 
from  without." 

This  paper  was  sent  out  from  Boston,  on  the  evening  of  the 
8th,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  which  bore  it  to  the  American  lines 
at  Koxbury.  There  it  was  received  by  Colonel  Learned,  and 


48  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  VI. 

carried  by  him  to  head-quarters.  Washington  consulted 
with  such  of  the  general  officers  as  he  could  immediately  as- 
semble. The  paper  was  not  addressed  to  him,  nor  to  any  one 
else.  It  was  not  authenticated  by  the  signature  of  General 
Howe;  nor  was  there  any  other  act  obliging  that  commander 
to  fulfill  the  promise,  asserted  to  have  been  made  by  him.  It 
was  deemed  proper,  therefore,  that  Washington  should  give 
no  answer  to  the  paper;  but  that  Colonel  Learned  should 
signify  in  a  letter,  his  having  laid  it  before  the  commander- 
in-chief,  and  the  reasons  assigned  for  not  answering  it. 

With  this  uncompromising  letter,  the  flag  returned  to  Bos- 
ton. The  Americans  suspended  their  fire,  but  continued  to 
fortify  their  positions.  On  the  night  of  the  Oth,  a  detach- 
ment was  sent  to  plant  a  battery  on  Nook's  Hill,  an  eminence 
at  Dorchester,  which  lies  nearest  to  Boston  Neck.  A  fire 
kindled  behind  the  hill,  revealed  the  project.  It  provoked 
a  cannonade  from  the  British,  which  was  returned  with  in- 
terest from  Cobble  Hill,  Lechmere  Point,  Cambridge,  and 
Roxbury.  The  roar  of  cannonry  and  bursting  of  bombshells 
prevailed  from  half  after  eight  at  night,  until  six  in  the 
morning.  It  was  another  night  of  terror  to  the  people  of 
Boston;  but  the  Americans  had  to  desist,  for  the  present, 
from  the  attempt  to  fortify  Nook's  Hill.  Among  the  acci- 
dents of  the  bombardment,  was  the  bursting  of  Putnam's 
vaunted  mortar,  "the  Congress." 

Daily  preparations  were  now  made  by  the  enemy  for  de- 
parture. By  proclamation,  the  inhabitants,  were  ordered  to 
deliver  up  all  linen  and  woolen  goods,  and  all  other  goods, 
that,  in  possession  of  the  rebels,  would  aid  them  in  carrying 
on  the  war.  Crean  Bush,  a  New  York  tory,  was  authorized 
to  take  possession  of  such  goods,  and  put  them  on  board  of 
two  of  the  transports.  Under  cover  of  his  commission,  he 
and  his  myrmidons  broke  open  stores,  and  stripped  them  of 
their  contents.  Marauding  gangs  from  the  fleet  and  army 
followed  their  example,  and  extended  their  depredations  to 
private  houses.  On  the  14th,  Howe,  in  a  general  order,  de- 
clared that  the  first  soldier  caught  plundering  should  be 
hanged  on  the  spot.  Still  on  the  16th  houses  were  broken 
open,  goods  destroyed,  and  furniture  defaced  by  the  troops. 
Some  of  the  furniture,  it  is  true,  belonged  to  the  officers,  and 
was  destroyed  because  they  could  neither  sell  it  nor  carry  it 
away. 

The  letter  of  a  British  officer  gives  a  lively  picture  of  the 
hurried  preparations  for  retreat.  "Our  not  being  burdened 
with  provisions,  permitted  us  to  save  some  stores  and  am- 


1776.]  BOSTON  PILLAGED.  49 

munition,  the  light  field-pieces,  and  such  things  as  were  most 
convenient  of  carriage.  The  rest,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  we  were 
obliged  to  leave  behind;  such  of  the  guns  as  by  dismounting 
we  could  throw  into  the  sea  was  so  done.  The  carriages  were 
disabled,  and  every  precaution  taken  that  our  circumstances 
would  permit;  for  our  retreat  was  by  agreement.  The  people 
of  the  town  who  were  friends  to  government,  took  care  of 
nothing  but  their  merchandise,  and  found  means  to  employ 
the  men  belonging  to  the  transports  in  embarking  their  goods, 
so  that  several  of  the  vessels  were  entirely  filled  with  private 
property,  instead  of  the  king's  stores.  By  some  unavoidable 
ju-rident,  the  medicines,  surgeons'  chests,  instruments,  and 
necessaries,  were  left  in  the  hospital.  The  confusion  unavoid- 
able to  such  a  disaster,  will  make  you  conceive  how  much  must 
be  forgot,  where  every  man  had  a  private  concern.  The  neces- 
sary care  and  distress  of  the  women,  children,  sick,  and 
wounded,  required  every  assistance  that  could  be  given.  It 
was  not  like  breaking  up  a  camp,  where  every  man  knows  his 
duty;  it  was  like  departing  your  country  with  your  wives, 
your  servants,  your  household  furniture,  and  all  your  incum- 
brances.  The  officers,  who  felt  the  disgrace  of  their  retreat, 
did  their  utmost  to  keep  up  appearances.  The  men,  who 
thought  they  were  changing  for  the  better,  strove  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  present  times,  and  were  kept  from  plunder 
and  drink  with  ditlictilty."* 

For  some  days  the  embarkation  of  the  troops  was  delayed 
by  adverse  winds.  Washington,  who  was  imperfectly  in- 
li»med  of  affairs  in  Boston,  feared  that  the  movements  there 
might  be  a  feint.  Determined  to  bring  things  to  a  crisis,  he 
detached  a  force  to  Nook's  Hill  on  Saturday,  the  IGth,  which 
threw  up  a  breastwork  in  the  night  regardless  of  the  can- 
nonading of  the  enemy.  This  commanded  Boston  Neck,  and 
tin-  .south  part  of  the  town,  and  a  deserter  brought  a  false  re- 
port to  the  British  that  a  general  assault  was  intended. 

The  embarkation,  so  long  delayed,  began  with  hurry  and 
(•onfusion  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  harbor  of 
Boston  soon  presented  a  striking  and  tumultuous  scene. 
There  were  seventy-eight  ships  and  transports  casting  loose 
for  sea,  and  eleven  or  twelve  thousand  men,  soldiers,  sailors, 
and  refugees,  hurrying  to  embark;  many,  especially  of  the 
latter,  with  their  families  and  personal  effects.  The  refugees, 
in  fact,  labored  under  greater  disadvantages  than  the  king's 
troops,  being  obliged  to  man  their  own  vessels,  as  sufficient 

*  Remembrancer,  vol.  Hi.,  p.  108. 


50  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [cil.  VI. 

seamen  could  not  be  spared  from  the  king's  transports. 
Speaking  of  those  "who  had  taken  upon  themselves  the  style 
and  title  of  government  men"  in  Boston,  and  acted  an  un- 
friendly part  in  this  great  contest,  Washington  observes:  "By 
all  accounts  there  never  existed  a  more  miserable  set  of  beings 
than  these  wretched  creatures  now  are.  Taught  to  believe 
that  the  power  of  Great  Britain  was  superior  to  all  opposition, 
and  that  foreign  aid,  if  not,  was  at  hand,  they  were  even 
higher  and  more  insulting  in  their  opposition  than  the  Reg- 
ulars. When  the  order  issued,  therefore,  for  embarking  the 
troops  in  Boston,  no  electric  shock — no  sudden  clap  of 
thunder — in  a  word,  the  last  trump  could  not  have  struck 
them  with  greater  consternation.  They  were  at  their  wits' 
end,  and  conscious  of  their  black  ingratitude,  chose  to  commit 
themselves,  in  the  manner  i  have  above  described,  to  the 
mercy  of  the  waves  at  a  tempestuous  season  rather  than  meet 
their  offended  countrymen."* 

While  this  tumultuous  embarkation  was  going  on,  the 
Americans  looked  on  in  silence  from  their  batteries  on  Dor- 
chester Heights,  without  firing  a  shot.  "It  was  lucky  for 
the  inhabitants  now  left  in  Boston,  that  they  did  not," 
writes  a  British  officer;  "for  I  am  informed  everything  was 
prepared  to  set  the  town  in  a  blaze,  had  they  fired  one  can- 
non, "f 

At  an  early  hour  of  the  morning,  the  troops  stationed  at 
Cambridge  and  Roxbury  had  paraded,  and  several  regiments 
under  Putnam  had  embarked  in  boats,  and  dropped  down 
Charles  River,  to  Sewall's  Point,  to  watch  the  movements  of 
the  enemy  by  land  and  water.  About  nine  o'clock  a  large 
body  of  troops  was  seen  marching  down  Bunker's  Hill,  while 
boats  full  of  soldiers  were  putting  off  for  the  shipping.  Two 
scouts  were  sent  from  the  camp  to  reconnoiter.  The  works 
appeared  still  to  be  occupied,  for  sentries  were  posted  about 
them  with  shouldered  muskets.  Observing  them  to  be  mo- 
tionless, the  scouts  made  nearer  scrutiny,  and  discovered 
them  to  be  mere  effigies,  set  up  to  delay  the  advance  of  the 
Americans.  Pushing  on,  they  found  the  works  deserted, 
and  gave  signal  of  the  fact;  whereupon,  a  detachment  was 
sent  from  the  camp  to  take  possession. 

Part  of  Putnam's  troops  were  now  sent  back  to  Cambridge; 
a  part  were  ordered  forward  to  occupy  Boston.  General 
Ward,  too,  with  five  hundred  men,  made  his  way  from  Rox- 

*  Letter  to  John  A.  Washington,  Am.  Arch.,  4th  Series,  v..  560. 
•f  Frothingham,  Siege  of  Boston,  310. 


1776.]  WASHINGTON  ENTERS  BOSTON.  51 

bury,  across  the  neck,  about  which  the  enemy  had  scattered 
caltrops  or  crow's  feet,*  to  impede  invasion.  The  gates  were 
unbarred  and  thrown  open,  and  the  Americans  entered  in 
triumph,  with  drums  beating  and  colors  flying. 

By  ten  o'clock  the  enemy  were  all  embarked  and  under 
way:  Putnam  had  taken  command  of  the  city,  and  occupied 
the  important  points,  and  the  flag  of  thirteen  stripes,  the 
standard  of  the  Union,  floated  above  all  the  forts. 

On  the  following  day,  Washington  himself  entered  the 
town,  where  he  was  joyfully  welcomed.  He  beheld  around 
linn  sad  traces  of  the  devastation  caused  by  the  bombardment, 
though  not  to  the  extent  that  he  had  apprehended.  There 
were,  evidences,  also,  of  the  haste  with  which  the  British  had 
retreated — five  pieces  of  ordnance  with  their  trunnions 
knocked  off;  others  hastily  spiked;  others  thrown  off  the 
wharf.  "General  Howe's  retreat,"  writes  Washington,  "was 
pn-i-ipitate  beyond  anything  I  could  have  conceived.  The 
destruction  of  the  stores  at  Dunbar's  camp,  after  Braddock's 
defeat,  was  but  a  faint  image  of  what  may  be  seen  at  Boston; 
artillery  carts  cut  to  pieces  in  one  place,  gun  carriages  in 
another;  shells  broke  here,  shots  buried  there,  and  every 
thing  carrying  with  it  the  face  of  disorder  and  confusion,  as 
also  of  distress."! 

To  add  to  the  mortification  of  General  Howe,  he  received, 
we  are  told,  while  sailing  out  of  harbor,  dispatches  from  the 
ministry,  approving  the  resolution  he  had  so  strenuously 
expressed,  of  maintaining  his  post  until  he  should  receive  re- 
inforcements. 

As  the  small-pox  prevailed  in  some  parts  of  the  town,  pre- 
cautions were  taken  by  Washington  for  its  purification;  and 
the  main  body  of  the  army  did  not  march  in  until  the  20th. 
"The  joy  manifested  in  the  countenances  of  the  inhabitants," 
says  an  observer,  was  overcast  by  the  melancholy  gloom  caused 
by  ten  tedious  months  of  siege;"  but  when,  on  the  22d,  the 
people  from  the  country  crowded  into  the  town,  "it  was  truly 
interesting,"  writes  the  same  observer,  "to  witness  the  tender 
interviews  and  fond  embraces  of  those  who  had  been  long 
separated  under  circumstances  so  peculiarly  distressing."! 

Notwithstanding  the  haste  with  which  the  British  army 
was  embarked,  the  fleet  lingered  for  some  days  in  Nantucket 
Road.  Apprehensive  that  the  enemy,  now  that  their  forces 
were  collected  in  one  body,  might  attempt  by  some  blow  to 

*  Iron  ball?,  with  four  sharp  points,  to  wound  the  feet  of  men  or  horses, 
t  Lcc'a  Memoirs,  p.  102.  t  Thacher's  Mil.  Journal,  p.  60. 


52  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  VI. 

retrieve  their  late  disgrace,  Washington  hastily  threw  up 
works  on  Fort  Hill,  which  commanded  the  harbor,  and  de- 
molished those  which  protected  the  town  from  the  neighbor- 
ing country.  The  fleet  at  length  disappeared  entirely  from 
the  coast,  and  the  deliverance  of  Boston  was  assured. 

The  eminent  services  of  Washington  throughout  this 
arduous  siege,  his  admirable  management,  by  which,  "in  the 
course  of  a  few  months,  an  undisciplined  band  of  husbandmen 
became  soldiers,  and  were  enabled  to  invest,  for  nearly  a  year, 
and  finally  to  expel  a  brave  army  of  veterans,  commanded  by 
the  most  experienced  generals,"  drew  forth  the  enthusiastic 
applause  of  the  nation.  No  higher  illustration  of  this  great 
achievement  need  be  given,  than  the  summary  of  it  contained 
in  the  speech  of  a  British  statesman,  the  Duke  of  Man- 
chester, in  the  House  of  Lords.  "The  army  of  Britain," 
said  he,  "equipped  with  every  possible  essential  of  war;  a 
chosen  army,  with  chosen  officers,  backed  by  the  power  of  a 
mighty  fleet,  sent  to  correct  revolted  subjects;  sent  to  chas- 
tise a  resisting  city;  sent  to  assert  Britain's  authority; — has, 
for  many  tedious  months,  been  imprisoned  within  that  town 
by  the  Provincial  army;  who,  their  watchful  guards,  permit- 
ted them  no  inlet  to  the  country;  who  braved  all  their  efforts, 
and  defied  all  their  skill  and  ability  in  war  could  ever  at- 
tempt. One  way,  indeed,  of  escape  was  left;  the  fleet  is 
yet  respected;  to  the  fleet  the  army  has  recourse;  and  British 
generals,  whose  name  never  met  with  a  blot  of  dishonor,  are 
forced  to  quit  that  town  which  was  the  first  object  of  the  war, 
the  immediate  cause  of  hostilities,  the  place  of  arms,  which 
has  cost  this  nation  more  than  a  million  to  defend." 

We  close  this  eventful  chapter  of  Washington's  history, 
with  the  honor  decreed  to  him  by  the  highest  authority  of  his 
country.  On  motion  of  John  Adams,  who  had  first  moved 
his  nomination  as  Commander-in-chief,  a  unanimous  vote  of 
thanks  to  him  was  passed  in  Congress;  and  it  Avas  ordered  that 
a  gold  medal  be  struck,  commemorating  the  evacuation  of 
Boston,  bearing  the  effigy  of  Washington  as  its  deliverer. 


1776.]  DESTINATION  OF  THE  fLEEf.  53 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Destination  of  the  Fleet— Commission  of  the  Two  Hqwes— Character 
of  Lord  Howe — The  Colonies  Divided  into  Departments — Lee  As 
signed  to  the  Southern  Department — General  Thomas  to  Canadu— 
Character  of  Lee,  by  Washington— Letters  of  Lee  from  the  South — 
A  Dog  in  a  Dancing  School— Committee  of  Safety  in  Virginia — 
Lee's  Grenadiers — Putnam  in  Command  at  New  York — State  of 
Affairs  There — Arrival  of  Washington — New  Arrangements — 
Perplexities  with  Respect  to  Canada — England  Subsidizes  Hessian 
Troops. 

THE  British  fleet  bearing  the  army  from  Boston  had  dis- 
appeared from  the  coast.  "Whither  they  are  bound,  and 
where  they  next  will  pitch  their  tents,"  writes  Washington, 
"I  know  not."  He  conjectured  their  destination  to  be 
New  York,  and  made  his  arrangements  accordingly;  but  he 
was  mistaken.  General  Howe  had  steered  for  Halifax,  there 
to  wait  the  arrival  of  strong  reinforcements  from  England, 
and  the  fleet  of  his  brother,  Admiral  Lord  Howe;  who  was  to 
be  commander-in-chief  of  the  naval  forces  on  the  North 
American  station. 

It  was  thought  these  brothers  would  co-operate  admirably 
in  the  exercise  of  their  relative  functions  on  land  and  water. 
Yet  they  were  widely  different  in  their  habits  and  disposi- 
tions. Sir  William,  easy,  indolent,  and  self-indulgent, 
"lulled  business,'*  we  are  told,  "and  never  did  any.  Lord 
Howe  loved  it,  dwelt  upon  it,  never  could  leave  it.  Beside 
his  nautical  commands,  he  had  been  treasurer  of  the  navy, 
nic/nber  of  the  board  of  admiralty,  and  had  held  a  seat  in 
Parliament;  where,  according  to  Walpole,  he  was  "silent  as  a 
rock,"  excepting  when  naval  affairs  were  under  discussion; 
when  he  spoke  briefly  and  to  the  point.  "My  Lord  Howe," 
said  George  II.,  "your  life  has  been  a  continued  series  of 
services  to  your  country."  He  was  now  about  fifty-one  years 
of  age,  tall,  and  well  proportioned  like  his  brother;  but  want- 
ing his  ease  of  deportment.  His  complexion  was  dark,  his 
countenance  grave  and  strongly  marked,  and  he  had  a  shy 
reserve,  occasionally  mistaken  for  haughtiness.  -As  a  naval 
officer,  he  was  esteemed  resolute  and  enterprising,  yet  cool 
and  firm.  In  his  younger  days  he  had  contracted  a  friend- 
ship for  Wolfe;  "it  was  like  the  union  of  cannon  and  gun- 


54  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  Vll. 

powder,"  said  Walpole.  Howe,  strong  in  mind,  solid  in 
judgment,  firm  of  purpose,  was  suid  to  be  the  cannon; 
Wolfe,  quick  in  conception,  prompt  in  execution,  impetuous 
in  action— the  gunpowder.*  The  bravest  man,  we  are  told, 
could  not  wish  fojr  a  more  able,  or  more  gallant  commander 
than  Howe,  and  the  sailors  used  to  say  of  him,  "Give  us 
.Black  Dick,  and  we  fear  nothing." 

Such  is  his  lordship's  portrait  as  sketched  by  English 
pencils;  we  shall  see  hereafter  how  far  his  conduct  conforms 
to  it.  At  present  we  must  consider  the  state  of  the  Amer- 
ican army,  in  the  appointments  and  commands  of  which 
various  changes  had  recently  taken  place. 

It  was  presumed  the  enemy  in  the  ensuing  campaign  would 
direct  their  operations  against  the  Middle  and  Southern  col- 
onies. Congress  divided  those  colonies  into  two  departments; 
one,  comprehending  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware  and  Maryland,  was  to  be  under  the  command  of  a 
major-general,  and  two  brigadier-generals;  the  other,  compris- 
ing Virginia,  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  to  be  under  the 
command  of  a  major-general,  and  four  brigadiers. 

In  this  new  arrangement,  the  orders  destining  General  Lee 
to  Canada  were  superseded,  and  he  was  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  Southern  department,  where  he  was  to  keep 
watch  upon  the  movements  .of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  lie  was 
somewhat  dissatisfied  with  the  change  in  his  destination. 
"As  I  am  the  only  general  officer  on  the  continent,"  writes 
he  to  Washington,  "who  can  speak  or  think  in  French,  I 
confess  I  think  it  would  have  been  more  prudent  to  have  sent 
me  to  Canada;  but  I  shall  obey  with  alacrity,  and  I  hope 
with  success." 

In  reply,  Washington  observes,  "I  was  just  about  to  con- 
gratulate you  on  your  appointment  to  the  command  in  Can- 
ada, when  I  received  the  account  that  your  destination  was 
altered.  As  a  Virginian,  I  must  rejoice  at  the  change,  but  as 
an  American,  I  think  you  would  have  done  more  essential 
service  to  the  common  cause  in  Canada.  For,  besides  the  ad- 
vantage of  speaking  and  thinking  in  French,  an  officer  who 
is  acquainted  with  their  manners  and  customs,  and  has 
traveled  in  their  country,  must  certainly  take  the  strongest 
hold  of  their  affection  and  confidence." 

The  command  in  Canada  was  given  to  General  Thomas, 
who  had  distinguished  himself  at  Roxbury,  and  was  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  major-general.  It  would  have  been  given  to 

*  Barrow's  Life  of  Earl  Ilowe,  p.  400. 


1776.]  LEE   AT   WILLIAMS1SU1UJ.  55 

Schuyler,  but  for  the  infirm  state  of  his  health;  still  Con- 
gress expressed  a  reliance  on  his  efforts  to  complete  the  work 
"so  conspicuously  begun  and  well  conducted"  under  his 
orders,  in  the  last  campaign;  and,  as  not  merely  the  success 
but  the  very  existence  of  the  army  in  Canada  would  depend 
on  supplies  sent  from  these  colonies  across  the  hikes,  he  was 
required,  until  further  orders,  to  fix  his  head -quarters  at 
Albany,  where,  without  being  exposed  to  the  fatigue  of  the 
camp  until  his  health  was  perfectly  restored,  he  would  be  in  a 
situation  to  forward  supplies;  to  superintend  the  operations 
necessary  for  the  defence  of  New  York  and  the  Hudson  River, 
and  the  affairs  of  the  whole  middle  department. 

Lee  set  out  for  the  South  on  the  7th  of  March,  carrying 
with  him  his  bold  spirit,  his  shrewd  sagacity,  and  his  whim- 
sical and  splenetic  humors.  The  following  admirably  im- 
partial sketch  is  given  of  him  by  Washington,  in  a  letter  to 
his  brother  Augustine:  "He  is  the  first  in  military  knowledge 
and  experience  we  have  in  the  whole  army.  He  is  zealously 
attached  to  the  cause;  honest  and  well  meaning,  but  rather 
fickle  and  violent,  I  fear,  in  his  temper.  However,  as  he 
possesses  an  uncommon  share  of  good  sense  and  spirit,  I  con- 
gratulate my  countrymen  on  his  appointment  to  that  depart- 
ment.'" 

We  give  by  anticipation  a  few  passages  from  Lee's  letters, 
illustrative  of  his  character  and  career.  The  news  of  the 
evacuation  of  Boston  reached  him  in  Virginia.  In  a  letter 
to  Washington,  dated  Williamsburg,  April  5,  he  expresses 
himself  on  the  subject  with  generous  warmth.  "My  dear 
general,"  writes  he,  "I  most  sincerely  congratulate  you;  I 
congratulate  the  public,  on  the  great  and  glorious  event,  your 
I  ><>  Cession  of  Boston.  It  will  be  a  most  bright  page  in  the 
annals  of  America,  and  a  most  abominable  black  one  in  those 
of  the  beldam  Britain.  Go  on,  my  dear  general;  crown 
yourself  with  glory,  and  establish  the  liberties  and  luster  of 
your  country  on  a  foundation  more  permanent  than  the  Cap- 
itol rock." 

Then  reverting  to  himself,  his  subacid  humors  work  up, 
and  he  shows  that  he  had  been  as  much  annoyed  in  Williams- 
burg,  by  the  interference  of  committees,  as  he  had  been  in 
New  York.  "My  situation,"  writes  he,  "is  just  as  I  ex- 
pected. I  am  afraid  I  shall  make  a  shabby  figure,  without 
any  real  demerits  of  my  own.  I  am  like  a  dog  in  a  dancing- 
sciiool;  I  know  not  where  to  turn  myself,  where  to  Jix  myself. 

*  Force's  Am.  Archives,  4fh  Series,  v.,  568, 


50  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [CII.  VII. 

The  circumstances  of  the  country,  intersected  with  navigable 
rivers;  the  uncertainty  of  the  enemy's  designs  and  motions, 
who  can  fly  in  an  instant  to  any  spot  they  choose,  with  their 
canvas  wings,  throw  me,  or  would  throw  Julius  Caesar  into 
this  inevitable  dilemma;  I  may  possibly  be  in  the  North, 
when,  as  Richard  says,  I  should  serve  my  sovereign  in  the 
West.  I  can  only  act  from  surmise,  and  have  a  very  good 
chance  of  surmising  wrong.  I  am  sorry  to  grate  your  ears 
with  a  truth,  but  must,  at  all  events,  assure  you,  that  the 
Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  are  angels  of  decision, 
Avhen  compared  with  your  countrymen,  the  committee  of  safety 
assembled  at  Williamsburg.  Page,  Lee,  Mercer  and  Payne,  are, 
indeed,  exceptions;  but  from  Pendleton,  Bland  the  Treas- 
urer and  Co. —  Libera  nos  domine!" 

Lee's  letters  from  Virginia,  written  at  a  later  date,  were 
in  a  better  humor.  "There  is  a  noble  spirit  in  this  province 
pervading  all  orders  of  men;  if  the  same  becomes  universal., 
we  shall  be  saved.  I  am,  fortunately  for  my  own  happiness, 
and,  I  think,  for  the  well-being  of  the  community,  on  the 
best  terms  with  the  senatorial  part,  as  well  as  the  people  at 
large.  I  shall  endeavor  to  preserve  their  confidence  and  good 
opinion."* 

And  in  a  letter  to  Washington: 

"I  have  formed  two  companies  of  grenadiers  to  each  regi- 
ment, and  with  spears  thirteen  feet  long.  Their  rifles  (for 
they  are  all  riflemen)  sling  over  their  shoulders,  their  appear- 
ance is  formidable,  and  the  men  are  conciliated  to  the  weapon. 
*  *  *  I  am  likewise  furnishing  myself  with  four-ouiiced 
rifled  amusettes,  which  will  carry  an  infernal  distance;  the 
two-ounced  hit  a  half  sheet  of  paper,  at  five  hundred  yards 
distance." 

On  Lee's  departure  for  the  South,  Brigadier-General  Lord 
Stirling  had  remained  in  temporary  command  at  New  York. 
Washington,  however,  presuming  that  the  British  fleet  had 
steered  for  that  port,  with  the  force  which  had  evacuated 
Boston,  hastened  detachments  thither  under  Generals  Heath 
and  Sullivan,  and  wrote  for  three  thousand  additional  men  to 
be  furnished  by  Connecticut.  The  command  of  the  whole  he 
gave  to  General  Putnam,  who  was  ordered  to  fortify  the  city 
and  the  passes  of  the  Hudson,  according  to  the  plans  of  Gen- 
eral Lee.  In  the  mean  time,  Washington  delayed  to  come 
on  himself,  until  he  should  have  pushed  forward  the  main 
body  of  his  army  by  divisions. 

*  Force's  Am.  Archives,  4ih  Series,  vol.  v.,  798, 


LORD   STIRLING 


MARION 


1776.]  PUTNAM    IN   COMMAND.  57 

Leo's  anticipations  that  laxity  and  confusion  would  prevail 
after  his  departure,  were  not  realized.  The  veteran  Putnam, 
on  taking  command,  put  the  city  under  rigorous  military 
rule.  The  soldiers  were  to  retire  to  their  harracks  and  quar- 
ters at  the  beating  of  the  tattoo,  and  remain  there  until  the 
ivu'ille  in  the  morning.  The  inhabitants  were  subjected 
to  the  same  rule.  None  would  be  permitted  to  pass  a  sentry, 
\vitlioutthecountersign,  which  would  be  furnished  to  them 
(.11  applying  to  any  of  the  brigade  majors.  All  communica- 
tion liftween  the  "ministerial  fleet"  and  shore  was  stopped; 
the  ships  were  no  longer  to  be  furnished  with  provisions. 
Any  person  taken  in  the  act  of  holding  communication  with 
them  would  be  considered  an  enemy,  and  treated  accordingly. 
We  have  a  lively  picture  of  the  state  of  the  city,  in  letters 
mtten  at  the  time,  and  already  cited.  "When  you  are  in- 
formed that  New  York  is  deserted  by  its  old  inhabitants,  and 
lied  with  soldiers  from  New  England,  Philadelphia,  Jersey, 
you  will  naturally  conclude  the  environs  of  it  are  not 
irery  safe  from  so  undisciplined  a  multitude  as  our  Provincials 
are  represented  to  be;  but  I  do  believe  there  are  very  few  in- 
stances of  so  great  a  number  of  men  together,  with  so  little 
mischii'f  done  by  them.  They  have  all  the  simplicity  of 
plowmen  in  their  manners,  and  seem  quite  strangers  to  the 
vices  of  older  soldiers:  they  have  been  employed  in  creating 
fortifications  in  every  part  of  the  town.  *  *  *  Governor 
Tryon  loses  Ins' credit  with  the  people  here  prodigiously;  he 
lias  lately  issued  a  proclamation,  desiring  the  deluded  people 
of  this  colony  to  return  to  their  obedience,  promising  a  speedy 
support  to  the  friends  of  government,  declaring  a  door  of 
mercy  open  to  the  penitent,  and  a  rod  for  the  disobedient, 
&c.  The  friends  of  government  were  provoked  at  being  so 
distinguished,  and  the  friends  to  liberty  hung  him  in  effigy, 
ami  printed  a  dying  speech  for  him.  A  letter,  too,  was  inter- 
L'pted  from  him,  hastening  Lord  Howe  to  New  York,  as  the 
jhels  were  fortifying.  These  have  entirely  lost  him  the  good- 
will of  the  people.  *  *  *  Yrou  cannot  think  how  sorry  I  am 
the  governor  has  so  lost  himself,  a  man  once  so  much  beloved. 
Lucifer,  once  the  son  of  morn,  how  fallen!  General  Wash- 
igton  is  expected  hourly;  General  Putnam  is  here,  with 
iveral  other  generals,  and  some  of  their  ladies.  *  *  * 
?he  variety  of  reports  keep  one's  mind  always  in  agitation, 
/linton  and  Howe  have  set  the  continent  a  racing  from  BOS- 
HI  to  Carolina.  Clinton  came  into  our  harbor:  away  flew 
the  women,  children,  goods  and  chattels,  and  in  came  the 
)ldiers  flocking  from  every  part.  No  sooner  was  it  known 


58  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  VI, 

that  he  was  not  going  to  land  here,  than  expresses  were  sent  to. 
Virginia  and  Carolina,  to  put  them  on  their  guard;  his  next 
expedition  was  to  Virginia;  there  they  were  ready  to  receive 
him;  from  thence  without  attempting  to  land,  he  sailed  to, 
Carolina.  Now  General  Howe  is  leading  us  another  dance."* 

Washington  came  on  by  the  way  of  Providence,  Norwich 
and  New  London,  expediting  the  embarkation  of  troops  from 
these  posts,  and  arrived  at  New  York  on  the  13th  of  April. 
Many  of  the  works  which  Lee  had  commenced  were  by  this 
time  finished;  others  were  in  progress.  It  was  apprehended 
the  principal  operations  of  the  enemy  would  be  on  Long  Island, 
the  high  grounds  of  which,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Brooklyn, 
commanded  the  city.  Washington  saw  that  an  able  and  effi- 
cient officer  was  needed  at  that  place.  Greene  was  accord- 
ingly stationed  there,  with  a  division  of  the  army.  He  im- 
mediately proceeded  to  complete  the  fortifications  of  that 
important  post,  and  to  make  himself  acquainted  .with  the 
topography,  and  the  defensive  points  of  the  surrounding 
country. 

The  aggregate  force  distributed  at  several  extensive  posts 
in  New  York  and  its  environs,  and  on  Long  Island,  Statcn 
Island  and  elsewhere,  amounted  to  little  more  than  ten  thou- 
sand men;  some  of  those  were  on  the  sick  list,  others  absent 
on  command,  or  on  furlough;  there  were  but  about  eight 
thousand  available  and  lit  for  duty.  These,  too,  were  with- 
out pay;  those  recently  enlisted,  without  arms,  and  no  one 
could  say  where  arms  were  to  be  procured. 

Washington  saw  the  inadequacy  of  the  force  to  the  purposes 
required,  and  Avas  full  of  solicitude  about  the  security  of  a 
place,  the  central  point  of  the  Confederacy,  and  the  grand 
deposit  of  ordnance  and  military  stores.  He  was  aware  too, 
of  the  disaffection  to  the  cause  among  many  of  the  inhabi- 
tants; and  apprehensive  of  treachery.  The  process  of  fortify- 
ing the  place  had  induced  the  ships  of  war  to  fall  down  into 
the  outer  bay,  within  the  Hook,  upward  of  twenty  miles  from 
the  city;  but  Governor  Try  on  was  still  on  board  of  one  of 
them,  keeping  up  an  active  correspondence  with  the  tories  on 
Statcn  and  Long  Islands,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  neighbor- 
hood. 

Washington  took  an  early  occasion  to  address  an  urgent 
letter  to  the  committee  of  safety,  pointing  out  the  dangerous, 
and  even  treasonable  nature  of  this  correspondence.  He  had 
more  weight  and  influence  with  that  body  than  had  been 

i 

*  Remembrancer,  vol.  iii.,  \>.  85, 


1776.]  A   MILITARY    DILEMMA.  59 

possessed  by  General  Lee,  ami  procured  the  passage  of  a  reso- 
lution prohibiting,  under  severe  penalties,  all  intercourse  with 
the  king's  ships. 

Head-quarters,  at  this  time,  was  a  scene  of  incessant  toil  on 
the  part  of  the  commander-in-chief,  his  secretaries  and  aides- 
de-c-uinp.  "I  give  in  to  no  kind  of  amusements  myself," 
writes  he,  "and  consequently  those  about  me  can  have  none, 
but  are  confined  from  morning  until  evening,  hearing  and 
answering  applications  and  letters."  The  presence  of  Mrs. 
Washington  was  a  solace  in  the  midst  of  these  stern  military 
cares,  and  diffused  a  feminine  grace  and  decorum,  and  a  cheer- 
ful spirit  over  the  domestic  arrangements  of  head-quarters, 
where  everything  was  conducted  with  simplicity  and  dignity. 
The  wives  of  some  of  the  other  generals  and  officers  rallied 
around  Mrs.  Washington,  but  social  intercourse  was  generally 
at  an  end.  "We  all  live  here,"  writes  a  hwly  of  New  York, 
"like  nuns  shut  up  in  a  nunnery.  No  society  with  the  town, 
for  there  are  none  there  to  visit;  neither  can  we  go  in  or  out 
after  a  certain  hour  without  the  countersign." 

In  addition  to  his  cares  about  the  security  of  New  York, 
ANfashington  had  to  provide  for  the  perilous  exigencies  of  the 
army  in  Canada.  Since  his  arrival  in  the  city,  four  regiments 
of  troops,  a  company  of  riflemen  and  another  of  artificers  had 
been  detached  under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General 
Thompson,  and  a  further  corps,  of  six  regiments  under  Brig- 
adier-General Sullivan,  with  orders  to  join  General  Thomas 
as  soon  as  possible. 

Still  Congress  inquired  of  him,  whether  further  reinforce- 
ments to  the  army  in  Canada  would  not  be  necessary,  and 
whether  they  could  be  spared  from  the  army  in  New  York. 
His  reply  shows  the  peculiar  perplexities  of  his  situation,  and 
the  tormenting  uncertainty  in  which  he  was  kept,  as  to  where 
the  next  storm  of  war  would  break.  "With  respect  to  send- 
ing more  troops  to  that  country,  I  am  really  at  a  loss  what  to 
advise,  as  it  is  impossible,  at  present,  to  know  the  designs  of 
the  enemy.  Should  they  send  the  whole  force  under  General 
Howe  up  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  to  relieve  Quebec  and  re- 
cover Canada,  the  troops  gone  and  now  going,  will  be  in- 
sufficient to  stop  their  progress;  and,  should  they  think  proper 
to  send  that,  or  an  equal  force,  this  way  from  Great  Britain, 
for  the  purpose  of  possessing  this  city  and  securing  the  navi- 
gation of  Hudson's  Kiver,  the  troops  left  here  will  not  be  suf- 
ficient to  oppose  them;  and  yet,  for  anything  we  know,  I 
think  it  not  improbable  they  may  attempt  both;  both  being 
of  the  greatest  importance  to  them,  if  they  have  men.  I 


60  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  VII. 

could  wish,  indeed,  that  the  army  in  Canada  should  be  more 
powerfully  reinforced;  at  the  same  time,  I  am  conscious  that 
the  trusting  of  this  important  post,  which  is  now  become  the 
grand  magazine  of  America,  to  the  handful  of  men  remaining 
here,  is  running  too  great  a  risk.  The  securing  of  this  post 
and  Hudson's  River  is  to  us  also  of  so  great  importance,  that  I 
cannot,  at  present,  advise  the  sending  any  more  troops  from 
hence;  on  the  contrary,  the  general  officers  now  here, 
whom  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  consult,  think  it  absolutely 
necessary  to  increase  the  army  at  this  place  with  at  least  ten 
thousand  men;  especially  when  it  is  considered,  that  from 
this  place  only  the  army  in  Canada  must  draw  its  supplies  of 
ammunition,  provisions,  and  most  probably  of  men." 

Washington  at  that  time  was  not  aware  of  the  extraordinary 
expedients  England  had  recently  resorted  to,  against  the  next 
campaign.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick,  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse 
Cassel,  and  the  Hereditary  Prince  of  Cassel,  Count  of  Hanau, 
had  been  subsidized  to  furnish  troops  to  assist  in  the  subju- 
gation of  her  colonies.  Four  thousand  three  hundred  Bruns- 
wick troops,  and  nearly  thirteen  thousand  Hessians,  had  en- 
tered the  British  service.  Beside  the  subsidy  exacted  by  the 
German  princes,  they  were  to  be  paid  seven  pounds  four  shil- 
lings and  four  pence  sterling  for  every  soldier  furnished  by 
them,  and  as  much  more  for  every  one  slain. 

Of  this  notable  arrangement,  Washington,  as  we  observed, 
was  not  yet  aware.  "The  designs  of  the  enemy,"  writes  he, 
"are  too  much  behind  the  curtain  for  me  to  form  any  accurate 
opinion  of  their  plan  of  operations  for  the  summer's  cam- 
paign. We  are  left  to  wander,  therefore,  in  the  field  of  con- 
jecture."* 

Within  a  few  days  afterward,  he  hud  vague  accounts  of 
"Hessians  and  Hanoverian  troops  coming  over;"  but  it  was 
not  until  the  17th  of  May,  when  he  received  letters  from  Gen- 
eral Sclmyler,  inclosing  others  from  the  commander  in  Can- 
ada, that  he  knew  in  what  direction  some  of  these  bolts  of  war 
were  launched;  and  this  calls  for  some  further  particulars  of 
the  campaign  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence;  which  we 
shall  give  to  the  reader  in  the  ensuing  chapter. 

*  Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  5th  May. 


1776.]  AUtfOLD   BLOCKADES  QUEBEC.  61 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Arnold  Blockades  Quel>ee—  His  Difficulties — Arrival  of  General 
Woostcr — Of  General  Thomas — Abortive  Attempt  on  Quebec — 
Preparations  for  Retreat — Softie  of  C'arleton — Retreat  of  tlie 
Americans — Halt  at  Point  I)e.sclmmbaiilt — Alarm  in  the  Colonies  at 
(lie  Ret  rout  of  the  Army — Popular  Clamor  against  Schuylcr — 
Slanders  Refuted. 

IN  a  former  chapter,  we  left  Arnold  before  the  walls  of 
Quebec,  wounded,  crippled,  almost  disabled,  yet  not  disheart- 
ened: blockading  that  "proud  town"  with  a  force  inferior, 
by  half,  in  number  to  that  of  the  garrison.  For  his  gallant 
services,  Congress  promoted  him  in  January  to  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general. 

Throughout  the  winter  he  kept  up  the  blockade  with  his 
shattered  army;  though  h:ul  Carleton  ventured  upon  sortie, 
he  might  have  been  forced  to  decamp.  That  cautious  gen- 
eral, however,  remained  within  his  walls,  lie  was  sure  of 
reinforcements  from  England  in  the  spring,  and,  in  the  mean 
time,  trusted  to  the  elements  of  dissolution  at  work  in  the 
besieging  army. 

Arnold,  in  truth,  had  difficulties  of  all  kinds  to  contend 
with.  His  military  chest  was  exhausted;  his  troops  were  in 
want  of  necessaries;  to  procure  supplies,  he  was  compelled  to 
resort  to  the  paper  money  issued  by  Congress,  which  was  un- 
enrrent  among  the  Canadians;  he  issued  a  proclamation 
making  the  refusal  to  take  it  in  payment  a  penal  offence. 
This  only  produced  irritation  and  disgust.  As  the  terms  of 
their  enlistment  expired,  his  men  claimed  their  discharge  and 
returned  home.  Sickness  also  thinned  his  ranks;  so  that,  at 
one  time,  his  force  was  reduced  to  five  hundred  men,  and  for 
two  months,  with  all  his  recruitments  of  raw  militia,  did  not 
exceed  seven  hundred. 

The  failure  of  the  attack  on  Quebec  had  weakened  the 
cause  among  the  Canadians;  the  peasantry  had  been  dis- 
pleased by  the  conduct  of  the  American  troops;  they  had  once 
welcomed  them  as  deliverers;  they  now  began  to  regard  them 
as  intruders.  The  seigneurs,  or  noblesse,  also,  feared  to  give 
further  countenance  to  an  invasion,  which,  if  defeated,  might 
involve  them  in  ruin. 

Notwithstanding  all  these   discouragements,  Arnold   still 


62  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  VIII. 

kept  up  a  bold  face;  cut  off  supplies  occasionally,  and  har- 
assed the  place  with  alarms.  Having-  repaired  his  batteries,  he 
opened  a  fire  upon  the  town,  but  with  little  effect;  the  best 
part  of  the  artillerists,  with  Lamb,  their  capable  commander, 
were  prisoners  within  the  walls. 

On  the  1st  day  of  April,  General  Wooster  arrived  from 
Montreal,  with  reinforcements,  and  took  the  command.  The 
day  after  his  arrival,  Arnold,  by  the  falling  of  his  horse, 
again  received  an  injury  on  the  leg  recently  wounded,  and 
was  disabled  for  upward  of  a  week.  Considering  himself 
slighted  by  General  Wooster,  who  did  not  consult  him  in  mil- 
itary affairs,  he  obtained  leave  of  absence  until  he  should  be 
recovered  from  his  lameness,  and  repaired  to  Montreal,  where 
he  took  command. 

General  Thomas  arrived  at  the  camp  in  the  course  of 
April,  and  found  the  army  in  a  forlorn  condition,  scattered  at 
different  posts,  and  on  the  island  of  Orleans.  Tt  was  numer- 
ically increased  to  upward  of  two  thousand  men,  but  several 
hundred  were  unfit  for  service.  The  small-pox  had  made  great 
ravages.  They  had  inoculated  each  other.  In  their  sick 
and  debilitated  state,  they  were  without  barracks,  and  almost 
without  medicine.  A  portion,  whose  term  of  enlistment  had 
expired,  refused  to  do  duty,  and  clamored  for  their  discharge. 

The  winter  was  over,  the  river  was  breaking  up,  reinforce- 
ments to  the  garrison  might  immediately  be  expected,  and 
then  the  case  would  be  desperate.  Observing  that  the  river 
about  Quebec  was  clear  of  ice,  General  Thomas  determined 
on  a  bold  effort.  It  was,  to  send  up  a  fire-ship  with  the  flood, 
and,  Avhile  the  ships  in  the  harbor  were  in  flames,  and  the 
town  in  confusion,  to  scale  the  walls. 

Accordingly,  on  the  third  of  May,  the  troops  turned  out 
with  scaling  ladders;  the  fire-ship  came  up  the  river  under 
easy  sail,  and  arrived  near  the  shipping  before  it  was  dis- 
covered. It  was  fired  into.  The  crew  applied  a  slow  match 
to  the  train  and  pulled  off.  The  ship  was  soon  in  a  blaze, 
but  the  flames  caught  and  consumed  the  sails;  her  way  was 
cbecked,  and  she  drifted  off  harmlessly  with  the  ebbing  tide. 
The  rest  of  the  plan  was,  of  course,  abandoned. 

Nothing  now  remained  but  to  retreat  before  the  enemy 
should  be  reinforced.  Preparations  were  made  in  all  haste,  to 
embark  the  sick  and  the  military  stores.  While  this  was  tak- 
ing place,  five  ships  made  their  way  into  the  harbor,  on  the  Gth 
of  May,  and  began  to  land  troops.  Thus  reinforced,  General 
Carleton  sallied  forth,  with  eight  hundred  or  a  thousand 
men.  We  quote  his  own  letter  for  an  account  of  his  sortie.  "As 


1776.  J  SORTIE  OF  CARLETON.  63 

soon  as  part  of  the  29th  regiment  with  the  marines,  in  all  about 
two  hundred,  were  landed,  they,  with  the  greatest  part  of 
the  garrison,  by  this  time  much  improved,  and  in  high 
spirits,  marched  out  of  the  ports  of  St.  Louis  and  St.  Johns,  to 
see  what  these  mighty  boasters  were  about.  They  were  found 
very  busy  in  their  preparations  for  a  retreat.  A  few  shots 
being  exchanged,  the  line  marched  forward,  and  the  place 
was  soon  cleared  of  these  plunderers." 

By  his  own  account,  however,  these  "mighty  boasters"  had 
held  him  and  his  garrison  closely  invested  for  five  months; 
lm<l  burned  the  suburbs;  battered  the  walls;  thrown  red-hot 
shot  among  the  shipping;  made  repeated  and  daring  attempts 
to  carry  the  place  by  assault  and  stratagem,  and  rendered  it 
necessary  for  soldiers,  sailors,  marines,  and  even  judges  and 
other  civil  officers  to  mount  guard.*  One  officer  declares,  in 
a  letter,  that  for  eighty  successive  nights  he  slept  in  his 
clothes,  to  be  ready  in  case  of  alarm. 

All  this,  too,  was  effected  by  a  handful  of  men,  exposed  in 
open  encampments  to  the  rigors  of  a  Canadian  winter.  If  in 
truth  they  were  boasters,  it  must  be  allowed  their  deeds  were 
equal  to  their  words. 

The  Americans  were  in  no  condition  to  withstand  Carleton's 
unlooked-for  attack.  They  had  no  intrenchments,  and 
could  not  muster  three  hundred  men  at  any  point.  A  pre- 
cipitate retreat  was  the  consequence,  in  which  baggage,  artil- 
lery, everything  was  abandoned.  Even  the  sick  were  left 
behind ;  many  of  whom  crawled  away  from  the  camp  hospitals, 
and  took  refuge  in  the  woods,  or  among  the  Canadian  peas- 
antry. 

General  Carleton  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  engage  in  a 
pursuit  with  his  newly-landed  troops.  He  treated  the  pris- 
oners with  great  humanity,  and  caused  the  sick  to  be  sought 
out  in  their  hiding-places,  and  brought  to  the  general  hospi- 
tals; with  assurances,  that,  when  healed,  they  should  have 
liberty  to  return  to  their  homes. 

General  Thomas  came  to  a  halt  at  Point  Deschambault, 
about  sixty  miles  above  Quebec,  and  called  a  council  of  war 
to  consider  what  was  to  be  done.  The  enemy's  ships  were 
hastening  up  the  St.  Lawrence;  some  were  already  but  two 
or  three  leagues  distant.  The  camp  was  without  cannon; 
powder,  forwarded  by  General  Schuyler,  had  fallen  into  the 
enemy's  Imnds;  there  were  not  provisions  enough  to  subsist 
the  army  for  more  than  two  or  three  days;  the  men-of-war, 

*  Carleton  to  Lord  George  Germainc,  May  14. 


64  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON'.  £cii.  Vllt. 

too,  might  run  up  the  river,  intercept  all  their  resources,  and 
reduce  them  to  the  same  extremity  they  had  experienced  before 
Quebec.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  to  ascend  the  river  still 
further. 

General  Thomas,  however,  determined  to  send  forward  the 
invalids,  but  to  remain  at  Point  Deschambault  with  about 
five  hundred  men,  until  he  should  receive  orders  from  Mont- 
real, and  learn  whether  such  supplies  could  be  forwarded  im- 
mediately as  would  enable  him  to  defend  his  position.* 

The  dispatches  of  General  Thomas,  setting  forth  the  dis- 
astrous state  of  affairs,  had  a  disheartening  effect  on  Schuyler, 
who  feared  the  army  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  Canada. 
Washington,  on  the  contrary,  spoke  cheeringly  on  the  subject. 
"We  must  not  despair.  A  manly  and  spirited  opposition  only 
can  insure  success,  and  prevent  the  enemy  from  improving 
the  advantage  they  have  obtained. "f 

He  regretted  that  the  troops  had  not  been  able  to  make  a 
stand  at  Point  Deschambault,  but  hoped  they  would  main- 
tain a  post  as  far  down  the  river  as  possible.  The  lower  it 
was,  the  more  important  would  be  the  advantages  resulting 
from  it,  as  all  the  country  above  would  be  favorable,  and  fur- 
nish assistance  and  support;  while  all  below  would  necessarily 
be  in  the  power  of  the  enemy. 

The  tidings  of  the  reverses  in  Canada  and  the  retreat  of  the 
American  army,  had  spread  consteniation  throughout  the  New 
Hampshire  Grants,  and  the  New  England  frontiers,  which 
would  now  be  laid  open  to  invasion.  Committees  of  towns 
and  districts  assembled  in  various  places,  to  consult  on  the 
alarming  state  of  affairs.  In  a  time  of  adversity  it  relieves 
the  public  mind  to  have  some  individual  on  whom  to  charge 
its  disaster.  General  Selmyler.  at  present,  was  to  be  the  vic- 
tim. We  have  already  noticed  the  prejudice  and  ill-will,  on 
the  part  of  the  New  England  people,  which  had  harassed  him 
throughout  the  campaign  and  nearly  driven  him  from  the 
service.  His  enemies  now  stigmatized  him  as  the  cause  of 
the  late  reverses.  He  had  neglected,  they  said,  to  forward  re- 
inforcements and  supplies  to  the  army  in  Canada.  His  mag- 
nanimity in  suffering  $ir  John  Johnson  to  go  at  large,  while 
in  his  power,  was  again  misconstrued  into  a  crime:  he  had 
thus  enabled  that  dangerous  man  to  renew  his  hostilities. 
Finally,  it  was  insinuated  that  he  was  untrue  to  his  country, 
if  not  positively  leagued  with  her  enemies. 


*  Oenoral  Tliotnnf;  lo  Washington,  May  8th. 
t  Washington  to  Sfhuyler,  .May  17. 


1776.]  SCHUYLER  MISJUDGED.  65 

These  imputations  were  not  generally  advanced;  and  when 
advanced,  were  not  generally  countenanced;  but  a  committee 
of  King's  County  appears  to  have  given  them  credence,  ad- 
dressing a  letter  to  the  commander-in-chief  on  the  subject, 
accompanied  by  documents. 

Washington,  to  whom  Schuyler's  heart  had  been  laid  open 
throughout  all  its  trials,  and  who  knew  its  rectitude,  received 
tin  letter  and  documents  with  indignation  and  disgust,  and 
sent  copies  of  them  to  the  general.  "From  these,"  said  he, 
"you  will  readily  discover  the  diabolical  and  insidious  arts 
and  schemes  carrying  on  by  the  tories  and  friends  of  govern- 
ment to  raise  distrust,  dissensions,  and  divisions  among  us. 
1  laving  the  utmost  confidence  in  your  integrity,  and  the  most 
incontestable  proof  of  your  great  attachment  to  our  common 
country  and  its  interest,  I  could  not  but  look  upon  the  charge 
airainst  you  with  an  eye  of  disbelief,  and  sentiments  of  detes- 
tation and  abhorrence;  nor  should  I  have  troubled  you  with 
the  matter,  hud  I  not  been  informed  that  copies  were  sent 
to  different  committees,  and  to  Governor  Trumbtill,  which  I 
conceived  would  get  abroad,  and  that  you,  should  you  find  I 
had  been  furnished  with  them,  would  consider  my  suppres- 
sing them  as  an  evidence  of  my  belief,  or  at  best  of  my 
doubts,  of  the  charges."* 

We  will  go  forward,  and  give  the  sequel  of  this  matter. 
While  the  imputations  in  question  had  merely  floated  in 
public  rumor,  Schuyler  had  taken  no  notice  of  them;  "but 
it  is  now,"  writes  he  in  reply  to  Washington,  "a  duty  which 
I  owe  myself  and  my  country,  to  detect  the  scoundrels,  and 
the  only  means  of  doing  this  is  by  requesting  that  an  imme- 
diate  inquiry  be  made  into  the  matter;  when  I  trust  it  will 
appear  that  it  was  more  a  scheme  calculated  to  ruin  me,  than 
to  1 1 isunite  and  create  jealousies  in  the  friends  of  America. 
Your  Excellency  will,  therefore,  please  to  order  a  court  of  in- 
quiry the  soonest  possible;  for  I  cannot  sit  easy  under  such  an 
infamous  imputation;  since  on  this  extensive  continent,  num- 
bers of  the  most  respectable  characters  may  not  know  what 
your  Excellency  and  Congress  do  of  my  principles  and  ex- 
ertions in  the  common  cause."  lie  further  adds:  "I  am 
informed  by  persons  of  good  credit,  that  about  one  hundred 
persons,  living  on  what  are  commonly  called  the  New  Hamp- 
shire Grants,  have  had  a  design  to  seize  me  as  a  tory,  and 
perhaps  still  have.  There  never  was  a  man  so  infamously 
scandalized  and  ill-treated  as  I  am." 

*  Washington  to  Schuylcr,  May  21. 


G6  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  IX. 

We  need  only  add,  that  the  Berkshire  committees  which, 
in  a  time  of  agitation  and  alarm,  had  hastily  given  counte- 
nance to  these  imputations,  investigated  them  deliberately  in 
their  cooler  moments,  and  acknowledged,  in  a  letter  to  Wash- 
ington, that  they  were  satisfied  their  suspicions  respecting 
General  Sclmyler  were  wholly  groundless.  "We  sincerely 
hope,"  added  they,  "his  name  may  be  handed  down,  with 
immortal  honor,  to  the  latest  posterity,  as  one  of  the  great 
pillars  of  the  American  cause." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Gates  Sent  to  Philadelphia  with  the  Canada  Dispatches— Promoted 
to  the  Rank  of  Major-General — Washington  Summoned  to  Phila- 
delphia— Putnam  Left,  in  Command — Conference  with  Congress — 
Army  Arrangements — A  Board  of  War  Instituted — The  Clintons  of 
New  York — Mrs.  Washington  Inoculated — Reed  made  Adjutant- 
General. 

As  the  reverses  in  Canada  would  affect  the  fortunes  of  the 
Revolution  elsewhere,  Washington  sent  General  Gates  to  lay 
the  dispatches  concerning  them  before  Congress.  "His 
military  experience,"  said  he,  "and  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  situation  of  our  affairs,  will  enable  him  to  give  Con- 
gress the  fullest  satisfaction  about  the  measures  necessary  to 
be  adopted  at  this  alarming  crisis;  and,  with  his  zeal  and  at- 
tachment to  the  cause  of  America,  he  will  have  a  claim  to 
their  notice  and  favors." 

Scarce  had  Gates  departed  on  his  mission  (May  19th),  when 
Washington  himself  received  a  summons  to  Philadelphia,  to 
advise  with  Congress  concerning  the  opening  campaign.  He 
was  informed  also  that  Gates,  on  the  16th  of  May,  had  been 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  Mifflin  to  that 
of  brigadier-general,  and  a  wish  was  intimated  that  they 
might  take  the  command  of  Boston. 

Washington  prepared  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia.  His 
general  orders  issued  on  the  19th  of  May,  show  the  anxious 
situation  of  affairs  at  New  York.  In  case  of  an  alarm  the 
respective  regiments  were  to  draw  up  opposite  to  their  encamp- 
ments or  quarters,  until  orders  to  repair  to  the  alarm  posts. 
The  alarm  signals  for  regulars,  militia,  and  the  inhabitants  of 
the  city,  were,  in  the  day-time — two  cannon  fired  from  the 


1776.]  INSTRUCTIONS  TO   PUTNAM.  6? 

rampart  at  Fort  George,  and  a  flag  hoisted  on  the  top  of 
Washington's  head-quarters.  In  the  night — two  cannon  fired 
as  above,  and  two  lighted  lanterns  hoisted  on  the  top  of  head- 
quarters.* 

In  his  parting  instructions  to  Putnam,  who,  as  the  oldest 
major-general  in  the  city,  would  have  the  command  during 
his  absence,  Washington  informed  him  of  the  intention  of 
the  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  to  seize  the  principal 
tories,  and  disaffected  persons  in  the  city,  and  the  surrounding 
country,  especially  on  Long  Island,  and  authorized  him  to 
afi'ord  military  aid,  if  required,  to  carry  the  same  into  execu- 
tion. He  was  also  to  send  Lord  Stirling,  Colonel  Putnam 
the  engineer,  and  Colonel  Knox,  if  he  could  be  spared,  up  to 
the  Highlands,  to  examine  the  state  of  the  forts  and  garri- 
sons, and  report  what  was  necessary  to  put  them  in  a  posture 
of  defence.  Their  garrisons  were  chiefly  composed  of  parts  of 
;i  regiment  of  New  York  troops,  commanded  by  Colonel 
.James  Clinton,  of  Ulster  County,  and  were  said  to  be  suffi- 
cient. 

The  general,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Washington,  departed 
from  New  York  on  the  21st  of  May,  and  they  were  invited  by 
Mr.  Hancock,  the  President  of  Congress,  to  be  his  guests  dur- 
ing their  sojourn  at  Philadelphia. 

Lee,  when  he  heard  of  Washington's  visit  there,  augured 
good  effects  from  it.  "I  am  extremely  glad,  dear  general," 
writes  he,  "that  you  are  in  Philadelphia,  for  their  councils 
sometimes  lack  a  little  of  military  electricity."  Washing- 
ton, in  his  conferences  with  Congress, -appears  to  have  fur- 
nished this  electricity.  He  roundly  expressed  his  conviction, 
that  no  accommodations  could  be  effected  with  Great  Britain, 
on  acceptable  terms.  Ministerialists  had  declared  in  Parlia- 
ment tliat,  the  sword  being  drawn,  the  most  coercive  measures 
would  be  persevered  in,  until  there  was  complete  submission. 
The  recent  subsidizing  of  foreign  troops  was  a  part  of  this 
policy,  and  indicated  unsparing  hostility.  A  protracted  war, 
therefore,  was  inevitable;  but  it  would  be  impossible  to  carry 

*  The  following  statement  of  the  batteries  at  New  York,  we  find  dated  May  23d : 

The  Grand  Battery,  on  the  south  part  of  the  town. 

Fort  George,  immediately  above  it. 

White  Hall  lialtery,  on  the  left  of  the  Grand  Battery. 

Oyster  Battery,  behind  General  Washington's  head-quarters. 

Grenadier  Battery,  near  the  Brew  House  on  the  North  River. 

Jersey  Battery,  on  the  left  of  the  Grenadier  Battery. 

Bayard?*  Hill  Redoubt,  on  Bayard's  Hill. 

Spencer's  RedmiM,  on  the  hill  where  his  brigade  is  encamped. 

itsury's  Battery  (fascines),  on  a  wharf  below  this  hill. 
Badlands  Redoubt,  on  a  hill  near  the  Jews'  burying  ground. 


6&  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON",  [en.  IX. 

it  on  "successfully,  with  the  scanty  force  actually  embodied, 
and  with  transient  enlistments  of  militia. 

In  consequence  of  his  representations,  resolutions  were 
passed  in  Congress  that  soldiers  should  be  enlisted  for  three 
years,  with  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars  for  each  recruit;  that  the 
army  at  New  York  should  be  reinforced  until  the  1st  of  De- 
cember, with  thirteen  thousand  eight  hundred  militia;  that 
gondolas  and  fire-rafts  should  be  built,  to  prevent  the  men-of- 
war  and  enemy's  ships  from  coming  into  New  York  Bay,  or 
the  Narrows;  and  that  a  flying  camp  of  ten  thousand  militia, 
furnished  by  Pennsylvania,  Delaware  and  Maryland,  and  like- 
wise engaged  until  the  1st  December,  should  be  stationed  in 
the  Jerseys  for  the  defence  of  the  Middle  colonies.  Wash- 
ington was,  moreover,  empowered,  in  case  of  emergency,  to 
call  on  the  neighboring  colonies  for  temporary  aid  with  their 
militia. 

Another  important  result  of  his  conferences  with  Congress 
was  the  establishment  of  a  war  office.  Military  affairs  had 
hitherto  been  referred  in  Congress  to  committees  casually  ap- 
pointed, and  had  consequently  been  subject  to  great  irregu- 
larity and  neglect.  Henceforth  a  permanent  committee,  en- 
titled the  Board  of  War  and  Ordnance,  was  to  take  cognizance 
of  them.  The  first  board  was  composed  of  five  members; 
John  Adams,  Colonel  Benjamin  Harrison,  Roger  Sherman, 
James  Wilson,  and  Edward  Rutledge;  with  Richard  Peters 
as  secretary.  It  went  into  operation  on  the  12th  of  June. 

While  at  Philadelphia,  Washington  had  frequent  consulta- 
tions with  GeOrge  Clinton,  one  of  the  delegates  from  New 
York,  concerning  the  interior  defences  of  that  province, 
especially  those  connected  with  the  security  of  the  High- 
lands of  the  Hudson, where  part  of  the  regiment  of  Colonel 
James  Clinton,  the  brother  of  the  delegate,  was  stationed. 
The  important  part  which  these  brothers  were  soon  to  act  in 
the  military  affairs  of  that  province,  and  ultimately  in  its 
political  history,  entitles  them  to  a  special  notice. 

They  were  of  the  old  Clinton  stock  of  England;  being 
descended  from  General  James  Clinton,  an  adherent  of  roy- 
alty in  the  time  of  the  civil  wars,  but  who  passed  over  to 
Ireland,  after  the  death  of  Charles  I.  Their  father,  Charles 
Clinton,  grandson  of  the  general,  emigrated  to  America  in 
1729,  and  settled  in  Ulster,  now  Orange  County,  just  above 
the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson.  Though  not  more  than  fifty 
miles  from  the  city  of  New  York,  it  was  at  that  time  on  the 
borders  of  a  wilderness,  where  every  house  had  at  times  to  be 
a  fortress.  Charles  Clinton,  like  most  men  on  our  savage 


GENERAL  GEORGE  CLINTON. 


1776.]  THE  CLINTONS  OP  NEW  YORK.  6d 

frontier  in  those  days,  was  a  warrior  by  necessity,  if  not  by 
choice.  He  took  an  active  part  in  Indian  and  French  wars, 
commanded  a  provincial  regiment  stationed  at  Fort  Her- 
kimer,  joined  in  the  expedition  under  General  Bradstreet, 
when  it  passed  up  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  and  was  present 
at  the  capture  of  Fort  Frontenac.  His  sons,  James  and 
George,  one  twenty,  the  other  seventeen  years  of  age,  served 
in  the  same  campaign,  the  one  as  captain  the  other  as  lieuten- 
ant; thus  taking  an  early  lesson  in  that  school  of  American 
soldiers,  the  French  war. 

James,  whose  propensities  were  always  military,  continued 
in  the  provincial  army  until  the  close  of  that  war;  and  after- 
ward, when  settled  on  an  estate  in  Ulster  County,  was  able 
and  active  in  organizing  its  militia.  George  applied  himself 
to  the  law,  and  became  successful  at  the  bar,  in  the  same 
county.  Their  father,  having  laid  aside  the  sword,  occupied 
for  many  years,  with  discernment  and  integrity,  the  honor- 
able station  of  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  He 
died  in  Ulster  County,  in  1773,  in  the  eighty-third  year  of 
his  age,  "in  full  view  of  that  revolution  in  which  his  sons 
were  to  act  distinguished  parts."  With  his  latest  breath  he 
charged  them  "to  stand  by  the  liberties  of  their  country." 

They  needed  no  such  admonition.  From  the  very  first, 
they  had  been  heart  and  hand  in  the  cause.  George  had 
championed  it  for  years  in  the  New  York  legislature,  signal- 
izing himself  Ity  his  zeal  as  one  of  an  intrepid  minority  in  op- 
posing ministerial  oppression.  He  had  but  recently  taken  his 
sr.it  as  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress. 

James  Clinton,  appointed  colonel  on  the  30th  of  June, 
1775,  had  served  with, his  regiment  of  New  York  troops  under 
Montgomery  at  the  siege  of  St.  Johns,  and  the  capture  of 
Montreal,  after  which  he  had  returned  home.  He  had  sub- 
sequently been  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  regiment  in 
one  of  the  four  battalions  raised  for  the  defence  of  Ne^y  York. 
We  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  speak  further  of  these  patriot 
brothers. 

The  prevalence  of  the  small-pox  had  frequently  rendered 
Washington  uneasy  on  Mrs.  Washington's  account  during 
her  visits  to  the  army;  he  was  relieved,  therefore,  by  her  sub- 
mitting to  inoculation  during  their  sojourn  in  Philadelphia, 
and  having  a  very  favorable  time. 

He  was  gratified,  also,  by  procuring  the  appointment  of 
his  late  secretary,  Joseph  Reed,  to  the  post  of  adjutant-gen- 
eral, vacated  by  the  promotion  of  General  Gates,  thus  placing 
him  once  more  by  his  side. 


70 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  X. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Affairs  in  Canada-Disaster  at  the  Cedars-Hostile  Designs  of  the 
Johnsons-A  Bloodv  Summer  Expected-Forts  in  the  Highlands- 
Colonel  Jnnies  Clinton  in  Command— Fortifications  at  Kings 
Bridge  and  on  Long  Island. 

DISPATCHES  from  Canada  continued  to  be  disastrous. 
General  Arnold,  who  was  in  command  at  Montreal,  had  es- 
tablished a  post  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  about  forty  miles  above 
that  place,  on  a  point  of  land  called  the  Cedars;  where  he 
had  stationed  Colonel  Bedel,  with  about  four  hundred  men, 
to  prevent  goods  being  sent  to  the  enemy,  in  the  upper  coun- 
try, and  to  guard  against  surprise  from  them,  or  their  In- 
dians. 

In  the  latter  part  of  May,  Colonel  Bedel  received  intelli- 
gence that  a  large  body  of  British.  Canadians,  and  Indians, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Forster,  were  coming  down 
from  Oswegatchie,  to  attack  him.  Leaving  Major  Butterfield 
in  command  of  the  post,  he  hastened  down  to  Montreal,  to 
obtain  reinforcements.  Arnold  immediately  detached  one 
hundred  men,  under  Major  Shelburne,  and  prepared  to  fol- 
low in  person,  with  a  much  greater  force.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  post  at  the  Cedars  had  been  besieged,  and  Major  Butter- 
field  intimidated  into  a  surrender,  by  a  threat  from  Captain 
Forster,  that  resistance  would  provoke  a  massacre  of  his  whole 
garrison  by  the  Indians.  The  reinforcements  under  Major 
Shelburne  were  assailed  within  four  miles  of  the  Cedars,  by 
a  large  party  of  savages,  and  captured  after  a  sharp  skir- 
mish, in  which  several  were  killed  on  both  sides. 

Arnold  received  word  of  these  disasters  while  on  the  march. 
He  instantly  sent  forward  some  Cauglmawaga  Indians,  to 
overtake  the  savages,  and  demand  a  surrender  of  the  prison- 
ers; with  a  threat  that,  in  case  of  a  refusal,  and  that  any  of 
them  were  murdered,  lie  would  sacrifice  every  Indian  who 
fell  into  his  hands,  and  would  follow  the  offenders  to  their 
towns,  and  destroy  them  by  fire  and  sword.  He  now  em- 
barked four  hundred  of  his  men  in  bateaux,  and  pushed  on 
with  the  remainder  by  land.  Arriving  at  St.  Ann's,  above 
the  rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  he  discovered  several  of  the 
enemy's  bateaux,  taking  the  prisoners  off  from  an  island,  a 


1776.]  DISASTER   AT  THE   CEDARS.  71 

]«  airue  distant.  It  was  a  tormenting  sight,  as  it  was  not  in 
his  power  to  relieve  them.  His  bateaux  were  a  league  behind, 
coming  up  the  rapids  very  slowly.  He  sent  several  expresses 
to  hurry  them.  It  was  sunset  before  they  arrived  and  he 
could  embark  all  his  people;  in  the  mean  time,  his  Caughna- 
waga  messengers  returned  with  an  answer  from  the  savages. 
They  had  five  hundred  prisoners  collected  together,  they  said, 
at  Quinze  Chiens,  where  they  were  posted;  should  he  offer  to 
land  and  attack  them,  they  would  kill  every  prisoner,  and 
give  no  quarter  to  any  who  should  fall  into  their  hands  there- 
after. 

"Words  cannot  express  my  feelings,"  writes  Arnold,  "at 
the  delivery  of  this  message.  Torn  by  the  conflicting  passions 
of  revenge  and  humanity;  a  sufficient  force  to  take  ample  re- 
\enge,  raging  for  action,  urged  me  on  one  hand;  and  hu- 
manity for  five  hundred  unhappy  wretches,  who  were  on  the 
point  of  being  sacrificed,  if  our  vengeance  was  not  delayed, 
pleaded  equally  strong  on  the  other."  In  this  situation,  he 
ordered  the  boats  to  row  immediately  for  the  island,  whither 
he  had  seen  the  enemy  taking  their  prisoners.  Before  he 
reached  it,  the  savages  had  conveyed  them  all  away,  excepting 
<i\e,  whom  he  found  naked,  and  almost  starved,  and  one  or 
t\v<>,  whom,  being  unwell,  they  had  butchered.  Arnold  now 
pushed  for  Quinze  Chiens,  about  four  miles  distant,  on  the 
mainland.  Here  was  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy,  civilized 
and  savage,  intrenched  and  fortified.  As  Arnold  approached, 
they  opened  a  fire  upon  his  boats,  with  small-arms,  and  two 
brass  six-pounders.  He  rowed  near  the  land,  without  return- 
ing a  shot.  By  this  time  it  was  top  dark  to  distinguish  any- 
thing on  shore,  and  being  unacquainted  with  the  ground,  he 
judged  it  prudent  to  return  to  St.  Johns. 

Here  he  called  a  council  of  war,  and  it  was  determined  to 
attack  the  enemy  early  in  the  morning.  In  the  course  of  the 
night,  a  flag  was  sent  by  Captain  Forster,  with  articles  for  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  which  had  been  entered  into  by  him 
and  Major  Shelburne.  As  the  terms  were  not  equal,  they 
were  objected  to  by  Arnold,  and  a  day  passed  before  they 
were  adjusted.  A  cartel  was  then  signed,  by  which  the  pris- 
oners, consisting  of  two  majors,  nine  captains,  twenty  subal- 
terns, and  four  hundred  and  forty-three  privates,  were  to  be 
«-\< -hanged  for  -an  equal  number  of  British  prisoners  of  the 
same  rank,  and  were  to  be  sent  to  the  south  shore  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  near  Caughnawaga,  whence  to  return  to  their 
homes.  Nine  days  were  allowed  for  the  delivery  of  the  pris- 
oners, during  which  time  hostilities  should  be  suspended. 


ij2  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [ciI.  X. 

Arnold,  in  a  letter  to  the  commissioners  of  Congress  then 
at  Montreal,  giving  an  account  of  this  arrangement,  expressed 
his  indignation  at  the  conduct  of  the  king's  officers,  in  em- 
ployino-  savages  to  screen  their  butcheries,  and  suffering  their 
prisoners  to  be  killed  in  cold  blood.  "I  intend  being  with 
you  this  evening,"  added  he,  "to  consult  on  some  effectual 
'measures  to  take  with  these  savages,  and  still  more  savage 
British  troops,  who  are  still  at  Quinze  Chiens.  As  soon  as 
our  prisoners  are  released,  I  hope  it  will  be  in  our  power  to 
take  ample  vengeance,  or  nobly  fall  in  the  attempt."* 

The  accounts  which  reached  Washington  of  these  affairs 
were  vague  and  imperfect,  and  kept  him  for  some  days  in 
painful  suspense.  The  disasters  at  the  Cedars  were  attributed 
entirely  to  the  base  and  cowardly  conduct  of  Bedel  and  But- 
terworth,  and  he  wrote  to  Schuyler  to  have  good  courts  ap- 
pointed, and  bring  them,  and  every  other  officer  guilty  of 
misconduct,  to  trial. 

"The  situation  of  our  affairs  in  Canada,"  observes  lie,  "is 
truly  alarming.  I  sincerely  wish  the  next  letters  from  the 
northward  may  not  contain  the  melancholy  advices  of  Gener- 
al Arnold's  defeat,  and  the  loss  of  Montreal.  The  most  vig- 
orous exertions  will  be  necessary  to  retrieve  our  circumstances 
there,  and  I  hope  you  will  strain  every  nerve  for  that  purpose. 
Unless  it  can  be  done  now,  Canada  will  be  lost  to  us  for- 
ever." 

While  his  mind  was  agitated  by  these  concerns,  letters  from 
Schuyler  showed  that  mischief  was  brewing  in  another 
quarter. 

Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  accompanied  by  the  Sachem  Brant 
and  the  Butlers,  had  been  holding  councils  with  the  Indians, 
and  designed,  it  was  said,  to  come  back  to  the  Mohawk 
country,  at  the  head  of  a  British  and  savage  force.  A  cor- 
respondence was  carried  on  between  him  and  his  cousin,  Sir 
John  Johnson,  who  was  said  to  be  preparing  to  co-operate 
with  his  Scotch  dependents  and  Indian  allies. 

Considering  this  a  breach  of  Sir  John's  parole,  Schuyler 
had  sent  Colonel  Elias  Dayton  with  a  force  to  apprehend 
him.  Sir  John,  with  a  number  of  his  armed  tenants,  re- 
treated for  refuge  among  the  Indians,  on  the  borders  of  the 
lakes.  Dayton  took  temporary  possession  of  Johnson  Hall, 
placed  guards  about  it,  seized' upon  Sir  John's  papers,  and 
read  them  in  presence  of  Lady  Johnson,  and  subsequently 
conveyed  her  ladyship  as  a  kind  of  hostage  to  Albany. 

*  Arnold  to  the  Commis.  of  Cong.,  27tli  Maj  . 


1776.]  POSTS  ON  THE   HIGHLANDS.  73 

Shortly  afterward  came  further  intelligence  of  the  designs 
of  the  Jolmsons.  Sir  John,  with  his  Scotch  warriors  and  In- 
dian allies,  was  said  to  be  actually  coming  down  the  valley  of 
the  Mohawk,  bent  on  revenge,  and  prepared  to  lay  everything 
waste;  and  Schuyler  collecting  a  force  at  Albany  to  oppose 
him.  Washington  instantly  wrote  to  Schuyler,  to  detach 
Colonel  Dayton  with  his  regiment  on  that  service,  with  in- 
structions to  secure  a  post  where  Fort  Stanwix  formerly  stood, 
in  the  time  of  the  French  war.  As  to  Schuyler  himself, 
Washington,  on  his  own  responsibility,  directed  him  to  hold 
a  conference  with  the  Six  Nations,  and  with  any  others  whom 
he  and  his  brother  commissioners  on  Indian  affairs  might 
think  necessary,  and  secure  their  active  services,  without  wait- 
ing further  directions  from  Congress;  that  body  having  re- 
cently resolved  to  employ  Indian  allies  in  the  war,  the  enemy 
having  set  the  example. 

"We  exj>ect  it  bloody  summer  in  New  York  and  Canada," 
writes  Washington  to  his  brother  Augustine,  "and  I  am  sorry 
to  say  that  we  are  not,  either  in  men  or  arms,  prepared  for  it. 
However,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  that,  if  our  cause  is  just,  as  I 
most  religiously  Ixjlieve  it,  the  same  Providence  which  has  in 
many  instances  ap]>eared  for  us,  will  still  go  on  to  afford  its 
aid." 

Ixml  Stirling,  who,  by  Washington's  orders,  had  visited 
ami  insj>eeted  the  defences  in  the  Highlands,  rendered  a  re- 
port of  their  condition,  of  which  we  give  the  purport.  Fort 
Montgomery,  at  the  lower  part  of  the  Highlands,  M'as  on  the 
wrst  bank  of  the  river,  north  of  Dunderberg  (or  Thunder 
Hill).  It  was  situated  on  a  bank  one  hundred  feet  high. 
Tin-  river  at  that  place  was  alxnit  half  a  mile  wide.  Opposite 
the  fort  was  the  promontory  of  Anthony's  Nose,  many  hun- 
dred feet  high,  accessible  only  to  goats,  or  men  expert  in 
climbing.  A  body  of  riflemen  stationed  here,  might  com- 
mand the  decks  of  vessels.  Fort  Montgomery  appeared  to 
Lord  Stirling  the  proper  place  for  a  guard  post. 

Fort  Constitution  was  about  six  miles  higher  up  the  river, 
on  a  rocky  island  of  the  same  name,  at  a  narrow  strait  where 
the  Hudson,  shouldered  by  precipices,  makes  a  sudden  bend 
round  West  Point.  A  redoubt,  in  the  opinion  of  Lord  Stir- 
ling, would  be  needed  on  the  point,  not  only  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  Fort  Constitution,  but  for  its  own  importance. 

The  garrison  of  that  fort  consisted  of  two  companies  of  Col- 
onel James  Clinton's  regiment,  and  Captain  Wisner's  com- 
pany of  minute  men,  in  all  one  hundred  and  sixty  rank  and 
file.  Fort  Montgomery  was  garrisoned  by  three  companies  of 


74  LIFE   OE    WASHINGTON.  [C1I.  X. 

the  same  regiment,  about  two  hundred  rank  and  file.  Both 
garrisons  were  miserably  armed.  The  direction  of  the  works 
of  both  forts  was  in  the  hands  of  commissioners  appointed  by 
th e  Provincial  Congress  of  N ew  York.  The  general  command 
of  the  posts  required  to  be  adjusted.  Several  persons  accused 
of  being  "notorious  tories,"  had  recently  been  sent  into  Fort 
Montgomery  by  the  district  committees  of  the  counties  of 
Albany  Dutcliess  and  Westchester,  with  directions  to  the  com- 
manding officers,  to  keep  them  at  hard  labor  until  their 
further  order.  They  were  employed  upon  the  fortifications. 

In  view  of  all  these  circumstances,  Washington,  on  the 
14th  of  June,  ordered  Colonel  James  Clinton  to  take  com- 
mand of  both  posts,  and  of  all  the  troops  stationed  at  them. 
He  seemed  a  fit  custodian  for  them,  having  been  a  soldier 
from  his  youth;  brought  up  on  a  frontier  subject  to  Indian 
alarms  and  incursions,  and  acquainted  with  the  strong  points 
and  fastnesses  of  the  Highlands. 

King's  Bridge,  and  the  heights  adjacent,  considered  by  Gen- 
eral Lee  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  communication  be- 
tween New  York  and  the  mainland,  and  to  the  security  of  the 
Hudson,  were  reconnoitered  by  Washington  on  horseback, 
about  the  middle  of  the  month;  ordering  where  works  should 
be  laid  out.  Breastworks  were  to  be  thrown  up  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  bridge,  and  an  advanced  work  (subsequently 
called  Fort  Independence)  was  to  be  built  beyond  it,  on  a 
hill  commanding  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek,  as  that  inlet  of  the 
Hudson  is  called,  which  links  it  with  the  Harlem  lliver. 

A  strong  Avork,  intended  as  a  kind  of  citadel,  was  to  crown 
a  rocky  height  between  two  and  three  miles  south  of  the 
bridge,  commanding  the  channel  of  the  Hudson;  and  below 
it  were  to  be  redoubts  on  the  bank  of  the  river  at  Jeffrey's 
Point.  In  honor  of  the  general,  the  citadel  received  the  name 
of  Fort  Washington. 

Colonel  Kufus  Putnam  was  the  principal  engineer,  who  had 
the  direction  of  the  works.  General  Mifnin  encamped  in  their 
vicinity,  with  part  of  the  two  battalions  from  Pennsylvania, 
to  be  employed  in  their  construction,  aided  by  the  militia. 

While  these  preparations  were  made  for  the  protection  of 
the  Hudson,  the  works  about  Brooklyn  on  Long  Island  were 
carried  on  with  great  activity,  under  the  superintendence  of 
General  Greene.  In  a  word,  the  utmost  exertions  were  made 
at  every  point,  to  put  the  city,  its  environs,  and  the  Hudson 
River,  in  a  state  of  defence,  before  the  arrival  of  another 
hostile  armament. 


17T6.J  UETREAT  OF  GENERAL  THOMAS.  75 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Retreat  of  General  Thomas — His  Death — General  Sullivan  in  Com- 
mand— Scene  on  the  Sorel — Sanguine  Expectations  of  Sullivan — 
Washington's  Opinion  of  Sullivan's  Character — Gates  appointed  to 
the  Command  in  Canada — Keiuforcements  of  the  Enemy — lie- 
verses — Thompson  Captured — Ketreat  of  Sullivau — Close  of  the 
Invasion  of  Canada. 

OPERATIONS  in  Canada  were  drawing  to  a  disastrous  close. 
General  Thomas,  finding  it  impossible  to  make  a  stand  at 
Point  Deschambanlt,  had  continued  his  retreat  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Sorel,  where  he  found  General  Thompson  with  part  of 
the  troops  detached  by  Washington,  from  New  York,  who  were 
making  some  preparations  for  defence.  Shortly  after  his 
arrival,  he  was  taken  ill  with  the  small-pox,  and  removed  to 
Ghamblee.  He  had  prohibited  inoculation  among  his  troops, 
IKVUUSC  it  put  too  many  of  their  scanty  number  on  the  sick 
list;  he  probably  fell  a  victim  to  his  own  prohibition,  as  he 
died  of  that  malady  on  the  2d  of  June. 

On  his  death,  General  Sullivan,  who  had  recently  arrived 
with  the  main  detachment  of  troops  from  New  York,  suc- 
ceeded to  the  command;  General  Wooster  having  been  re- 
called. He  advanced  immediately  with  his  brigade  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Sorel,  where  he  found  General  Thompson  with 
but  very  few  troops  to  defend  that  post,  having  detached  Col- 
onel St.  Clair,  with  six  or  seven  hundred  men,  to  Three  Rivers, 
about  fifty  miles  down  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  give  check  to  an 
advanced  corps  of  the  enemy  of  about  eight  hundred  regulars 
and  Canadians,  under  the  veteran  Scot,  Colonel  Maclean. 
In  the  mean  time  General  Thompson,  who  was  left  with  but 
two  hundred  men  to  defend  his  post,  was  sending  off  his  sick 
and  his  heavy  baggage,  to  be  prepared  for  a  retreat,  if  neces- 
sary. "It  really  was  affecting,  writes  Sullivan  to  Washington, 
"to  see  the  banks  of  the  Sorel  lined  with  men,  women  and 
children,  leaping  and  clapping  their  hands  for  joy,  to  see  me 
arrive;  it  gave  no  less  joy  to  General  Thompson,  who  seemed 
to  be  wholly  forsaken*,  and  left  to  fight  against  an  unequal 
force  or  retreat  before  them." 

Sullivan  proceeded  forthwith  to  complete  the  works  on  the 
Sorel;  in  the  mean  time  he  detached  General  Thompson  with 
additional  troops  to  overtake  St.  Clair,  and  assume  command 


7g  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  * 

of  the  whole  party,  whicli  would  then  amount  to  two  thou, 
sand  mln  He  was  by  no  means  to  attack  the  encampment  at 
Three  Rivers,  unless  there  was  great  prospect  of  success,  as  hu 
defeat  might  prove  the  total  loss  of  Canada.  "I  have  th* 
highest  opinion  of  the  bravery  and  resolution  of  the  troops 
you  command,"  says  Sullivan  in  his  instructions,  and  doubt 
not  but,  under  the  direction  of  a  kind  Providence,  you  will 
open  the  way  for  our  recovering  that  ground  which  former  f 
troops  have  so  shamefully  lost." 

Sullivan's  letter  to  Washington,  written  at  the  same  time, 
is  full  of  sanguine  anticipation.  It  was  his  fixed  determina- 
tion to  gain  post  at  Deschambault,  and  fortify  it  so  as  to  make 
it  inaccessible.  "The  enemy's  ships  are  now  above  that 
place,"  writes  he;  "but  if  General  Thompson  succeeds  at 
Three  Elvers,  I  will  soon  remove  the  ships  below  Richelieu 
Falls,  and  after  that,  approach  Quebec  as  fast  as  possible." 

"Our  affairs  here,"  adds  he,  "have  taken  a  strange  turn 
since  our  arrival.  The  Canadians  are  flocking  by  hundreds 
to  take  a  part  with  us.  The  only  reason  of  their  disaffection 
was,  because  our  exertions  were  so  feeble  that  they  doubted 
much  of  our  success,  and  even  of  our  ability  to  protect  them. 
"I  venture  to  assure  you,  and  the  Congress,  that  I  can  in  a 
few  days  reduce  the  army  to  order,  and  with  the  assistance^  of 
a  kind  Providence,  put  a  new  face  to  our  affairs  here,  which 
a  few  days  since  seemed  almost  impossible." 

The  letter  of  Sullivan  gave  Washington  an  unexpected 
gleam  of  sunshine.  "Before  it  came  to  hand,"  writes  he  in 
reply,  "I  almost  dreaded  to  hear  from  Canada,  as  my  advices 
seemed  to  promise  nothing  favorable,  but  rather  further  mis- 
fortunes. But  I  now  hope  that  our  affairs,  from  the  con- 
fused, distracted,  and  almost  forlorn  state  in  which  you  found 
them,  will  change,  and  assume  an  aspect  of  order  and  success. " 
Still  his  sagacious  mind  perceived  a  motive  for  this  favorable 
coloring  of  affairs.  Sullivan  was  aiming  at  the  command  in 
Canada;  and  Washington  soberly  weighed  his  merits  for  the 
appointment,  in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress.  "He 
is  active,  spirited,  and  zealously  attached  to  the  cause.  He 
has  his  wants,  and  he  has  his  foibles.  The  latter  are  mani- 
fested in  his  little  tincture  of  vanity,  and  in  an  over-desire 
of  being  popular,  which  now  and  then  lead  him  into  embar- 
rassments. His  wants  are  common  to  us  all.  He  wants  ex- 
perience to  move  upon  a  grand  scale;  for  the  limited  and  con- 
tracted knowledge,  which  any  of  us  have  in  military  matters, 
stands  in  very  little  stead."  This  want  was  overbalanced,  on 


1776. J  OATKS   APPOINTED   TO   CANADA.  77 

tin  part  of  General  Sullivan,  by  sound  judgment,  some  ac- 
quaintance with  men  and  books,  and  an  enterprising  genius. 

"As  the  security  of  Canada  is  of  the  last  importance  to  the 
well-being  of  these  colonies,"  adds  Washington,  "I  should 
like  to  know  the  sentiments  of  Congress,  respecting  the  nom- 
ination of  any  officer  to  that  command.  The  character  I 
have  drawn  of  General  Sullivan  is  just,  according  to  my  idejis 
of  him.  Congress  will  therefore  determine  upon  the  pro- 
priety of  continuing  him  in  Canada,  or  sending  another,  jus 
they  shall  see  fit."* 

Scarce  had  Washington  dispatched  this  letter,  when  he  re- 
ceived one  from  the  President  of  Congress,  dated  the  18th  of 
June,  informing  him  that  Major-General  Gates  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  command  the  forces  in  Canada,  and  requesting 
him  to  expedite  his  departure  as  soon  as  possible.  The  ap- 
pointment of  Gates  has  been  attributed  to  the  influence  of  the 
Eastern  delegates,  with  whom  he  was  a  favorite;  indeed,  dur- 
ing his  station  at  Boston,  he  had  been  highly  successful  in 
cultivating  the  good  graces  of  the  New  England  people.  He 
departed  for  his  command  on  the  26th  of  June,  vested  with 
extraordinary  powers  for  the  regulation  of  affairs  in  that  "dis- 
tant, dangerous,  and  shifting  scene."  "I  would  fain  hope," 
writes  Washington,  "his  arrival  there  will  give  our  affairs  a 
complexion  different  from  what  they  have  worn  for  a  long 
time  past,  and  that  many  essential  benefits  will  result  from 
it." 

Dispatches  just  received  from  General  Sullivan  had  given  a 
dilTerent  picture  of  affairs  in  Canada  from  that  contained  in 
his  previous  letter.  In  fact,  when  he  wrote  that  letter,  he  was 
ignorant  of  the  actual  force  of  the  enemy  in  Canada,  which 
had  recently  been  augmented  to  about  13,000  men;  several 
regiments  having  arrived  from  Ireland,  one  from  England, 
another  from  General  Howe,  and  a  body  of  Brunswick 
troops  under  the  Baron  Reidesel.  Of  these,  the  greater  part 
were  on  the  way  up  from  Quebec  in  divisions,  by  land  and 
water,  with  Generals  Carleton,  Bnrgoyne,  Philips  and  Reide- 
sel;  while  a  considerable  number  under  General  Frazer  had 
arrived  at  Three  Rivers,  and  others,  under  General  Nesbit, 
lay  near  them  on  board  of  transports. 

Sullivan's  dispatch,  dated  on  the  8th  of  June,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Sorel,  began  in  his  former  sanguine  vein,  anticipating 
the  success  of  General  Thompson's  expedition  to  Three 
Rivers.  "He  has  proceeded  111  the  manner  proposed,  and 

*  Washin^on  to  the  President  of  Congress,  July  12, 1779. 


78 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON".  [CIT.  XI. 


made  his  attack  at  daylight,  for  at  that  time  a  very  heavy 
cannonading  began,  which  lasted  with  some  intervals  to 
twelve  o'clock.  It  is  now  near  one  P.  M.;  the  firing  has 
ceased,  except  some  irregular  firing  with  cannon,  at  a  consid- 
erable distance  of  time  one  from  the  other.  At  eight  o'clock 
a  very  heavy  firing  of  small-arms  was  heard  even  here,  at  the 
distance  of  forty-five  miles.  I  am  almost  certain  that  victory 
has  declared  in  our  favor,  as  the  irregular  firing  of  the  cannon 
for  such  a  length  of  time  after  the  small-arms  ceased,  shows 
that  our  men  are  in  possession  of  the  ground." 

The  letter  Avas  kept  open  to  give  the  particulars  of  this  sup- 
posed victory;  it  closed  with  a  dismal  reverse.  General 
Thompson  had  coasted  in  bateaux  along  the  right  bank  of  the 
river  at  that  expanse  called  Lake  St.  Pierre,  and  arrived  at 
Nicolete,  where  he  found  St.  Clair  and  his  detachment.  He 
crossed  the  river  in  the  night,  and  landed  a  few  miles  above 
Three  Rivers,  intending  to  surprise  the  enemy  before  daylight; 
he  was  not  aware  at  the  time  that  additional  troops  had  arrived 
under  General  Burgoyne. 

After  landing,  he  marched  with  rapidity  toward  Three 
Rivers,  but  was  led  by  treacherous  guides  into  a  morass,  and 
obliged  to  return  back  nearly  two  miles.  Day  broke,  and  he 
was"  discovered  from  the  ships.  A  cannonade  was  opened 
upon  his  men  as  they  made  their  way  slowly  for  an  hour  and 
a  half  through  a  swamp.  At  length  they  arrived  in  sight  of 
Three  Rivers,  but  it  was  to  find  a  large  force  drawn  up  in 
battle  array,  under  General  Frazer,  by  whom  they  were  warmly 
attacked  and  after  a  brief  stand  thrown  in  confusion. 
Thompson  attempted  to  rally  his  troops,  and  partly  succeeded, 
until  a,  fire  was  opened  upon  them  in  rear  by  Nesbit,  who  had 
landed  from  his  ships.  Their  rout  now  was  complete.  Gen- 
eral Thompson,  Colonel  Irvine,  and  about  two  hundred  men 
were  captured,  twenty -five  were  slain,  and  the  rest  pursued 
for  several  miles  through  a  deep  swamp.  After  great  fatigues 
and  sufferings,  they  were  able  to  get  on  board  of  their  boats, 
which  had  been  kept  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  In  these  they  made  their  way  back  to  the  Sorel, 
bringing  General  Sullivan  a  sad  explanation  of  all  the  firing 
he  had  heard,  and  the  alarming  intelligence  of  the  overpower- 
ing force  that  was  coming  up  the  river. 

"This,  my  dear  general,"  writes  Sullivan,  in  the  conclu- 
sion of  his  letter,  "is  the  state  of  this  unfortunate  enterprise. 
What  you  will  next  hear  I  cannot  say.  I  am  every  moment 
informed  of  the  vast  number  of  the  enemy  which  have  arrived. 
I  have  only  two  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-three  rank 


1770.J  fctfn  OP  tKVAsiox  OP  PANADA.  79 

and  file.  Most  of  the  officers  seem  discouraged,  and,  of 
course,  their  men.  I  am  employed  day  and  night  in  fortify- 
ing and  securing  my  camp,  and  am  determined  to  hold  it  as 
Ion iC  as  a  person  will  stick  by  me." 

Hi-  had,  indeed,  made  the  desperate  resolve  to  defend  the 
mouth  of  the  Sorel,  hut  was  induced  to  ahandon  it  by  the 
unanimous  opinion  of  his  officers,  and  the  evident  unwilling- 
of  his  troops.  Dismantling  his  batteries,  therefore,  he 
retreated  with  his  artillery  and  stores,  just  before  the  arrival 
of  the  enemy,  and  was  followed,  step  by  step  along  the  Sorel, 
by  strong  columns  under  General  Burgoyne. 

On  the  18th  of  June  he  was  joined  by  General  Arnold  with 
three  hundred  men,  the  garrison  of  Montreal,  who  had  crossed 
at  Longueil  just  in  time  to  escape  a  large  detachment  of  the 
enemy.  Thus  reinforced,  and  the  evacuation  of  Canada  be- 
ing determined  on  in  a  council  of  war,  Sullivan  succeeded  in 
destroying  everything  at  Chamblee  and  St.  Johns  that  he 
could  not  carry  away,  breaking  down  bridges,  and  leaving 
forts  and  vessels  in  flames,  and  continued  his  retreat  to  the 
Isle  aux  Noix,  where  he  made  a  halt  for  some  days,  until  he 
should  receive  positive  orders  from  Washington  or  General 
Schuyler.  In  a  letter  to  Washington,  he  observes,  "I  am 
extremely  sorry  it  was  not  in  my  power  to  fulfill  your  Excel- 
lency's wishes,  by  leading  on  our  troops  to  victory."  After 
stating  the  reason  of  his  failure,  he  adds,  "I  think  we  shall 
secure  all  the  public  stores  and  baggage  of  the  army,  and  se- 
cure our  retreat  with  very  little  loss.  Whether  we  shall  have 
well  men  enough  to  carry  them  on,  I  much  doubt,  if  we 
don't  remove  quickly;  unless  Heaven  is  pleased  to  restore 
health  to  this  wretched  army,  now,  perhaps,  the  most  pitiful 
one  that  ever  was  formed." 

The  low,  unhealthy  situation  of  the  Isle  aux  Noix  obliged 
him  soon  to  remove  his  camp  to  the  Isle  la  Motte,  whence, 
on  receiving  orders  to  that  effect  from  General  Schuyler,  he 
ultimately  embarked  with  his  forces,  sick  and  well,  for  Crown 
Point. 

Thus  ended  this  famous  invasion;  an  enterprise  bold  in  its 
conceptions,  daring  and  hardy  in  its  execution ;  full  of  in- 
irenious  expedients  and  hazardous  exploits;  and  which,  hud 
not  unforeseen  circumstances  counteracted  its  well-devised 
plans,  might  have  added  all  Canada  to  the  American  con- 
federacy. 


§0  LIFE  OP  WASHINGTON.  fen.  Xrl. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Designs  of  the  Enemy  against  New  York  and  the  Hudson— Plot  of 
Tryon  and  the  Tories— Arrival  of  a  Fleet— Alarm  Posts— Treachery 
up  the  Hudson— Fresh  Arrivals— General  .Howe  at  Staten  Island- 
Washington's  Preparations. 

THE  great  aim  of  the  British,  at  present,  was  to  get  posses- 
sion of  New  York  and  the  I  [nelson,  and  make  them  the  basis 
of  military  operations.  This  they  hoped  to  effect  on  the 
arrival  of  a  powerful  armament,  hourly  expected,  and  de- 
signed for  operations  on  the  seaboard. 

At  this  critical  juncture  there  was  an  alarm  of  a  conspiracy 
among  the  tories  in  the  city  and  on  Long  Island,  suddenly 
to  take  up  arms  and  co-operate  with  the  British  troops  on 
their  arrival.  The  wildest  reports  were  in  circulation  con- 
cerning it.  Some  of  the  tories  were  to  break  down  King's 
Bridge,  others  were  to  blow  up  the  magazines,  spike  the  guns, 
and  massacre  all  the  field-officers.  Washington  was  to  be 
killed  or  delivered  up  to  the  enem^r.  Some  of  his  own  body- 
guard were  said  to  be  in  the  plot.  Several  publicans  of  the 
city  were  pointed  out,  as  having  aided  or  abetted  the  plot. 
One  was  landlord  of  the  Highlander,  at  the  corner  of  Beaver 
street  and  Broadway.  Another  dispensed  liquor  under  the 
sign  of  Robin  Hood.  Another,  named  Lowry,  described  as  a 
"fat  man  in  a  blue  coat,"  kept  tavern  in  a  low  house  opposite 
the  Oswego  market.  Another,  James  'Moulding,  kept  a  beer 
house  in  Tryon  Row,  opposite  the  gates  of  the  upper  barracks. 
It  would  seem  as  if  a  network  of  corruption  and  treachery  had 
been  woven  throughout  the  city  by  means  of  these  liquor 
dealers.  One  of  the  most  noted,  however,  was  Corbie, 
whose  tavern  was  said  to  be  "to  the  south-east  of  General 
Washington's  house,  to  the  westward  of  Bayard's  Woods,  and 
north  of  Lispenard's  Meadows,"  from  which  it  would  appeal- 
that,  at  that  time,  the  general  was  quartered  at  what  was  for- 
merly called  Richmond  Hill;  a  mansion  surrounded  by  trees, 
at  a  short  distance  from  the  city,  in  rather  an  isolated  situa- 
tion, 

A  committee  of  the  New  York  Congress,  of  which  John 
Jay  was  chairman,  traced  the  plot  up  to  Governor  Tryon, 
who,  from  his  safe  retreat  on  shipboard,  acted  through  agents 


177«.  I  TUB  TOKY    CONSPIRACY.  81 

•  in  shore.  The  most  important  of  these  was  David  Matthews, 
the  tory  mayor  of  the  eity.  He  was  accused  of  disbursing 
money  to  enlist  men,  purchase  arms,  and  corrupt  the  soldiery. 

\\  iishington  was  authorized  and  requested  by  the  commit- 
tee, to  cause  the  mayor  to  be  apprehended,  and  all  his  papers 
secured.  Matthews  was  at  that  time  residing  at  Flatbnsh  on 
Long  Island,  at  no  great  distance  from  General  Greene's  en- 
campment. Washington  transmitted  the  warrant  of  the  com- 
mittee to  the  general  on  the  21st,  with  directions  that  it 
should  "be  executed  with  precision,  and  exactly  by  one 
o'clock  of  the  ensuing  morning,  by  a  careful  officer." 

Precisely  at  the  hour  of  one,  a  detachment  from  Greene's 
brigade  surrounded  the  house  of  the  mayor,  and  secured  his 
person;  but  no  papers  were  found,  though  diligent  search 
was  made. 

Numerous  other  arrests  took  place,  and  among  the  number, 
some  of  Washington's  body-guard.  A  great  dismay  fell 
upon  the  tories.  Some  of  those  on  Long  Island  who  had 
proceeded  to  arm  themselves,  finding  the  plot  discovered, 
sought  refuge  in  woods  and  morasses.  Washington  directed 
that  those  arrested,  who  belonged  to  the  army,  should  be  tried 
by  a  court-martial,  and  the  rest  handed  over  to  the  secular 
power. 

According  to  statements  made  before  the  committee,  five 
guineas  bounty  was  offered  by  Governor  Tryon  to  each  man 
who  should  enter  the  king's  service;  with  a  promise  of  two 
hundred  acres  of  land  for  himself,  one  hundred  for  his  wife, 
and  fifty  for  each  child.  The  men  thus  recruited  were  to 
act  on  shore,  in  co-operation  with  the  king's  troops  when 
they  came. 

Corbie's  tavern,  near  Washington's  quarters,  was  a  kind  of 
rendezvous  of  the  conspirators.  There  one  Gilbert  Forbes,  a 
gunsmith,  "a  short,  thick  man,  with  a  white  coat,"  enlisted 
men,  gave  them  money,  and  "swore  them  on  the  book  to 
secrecy."  From  this  liouse  a  correspondence  was  kept  up 
with  Governor  Tryon  on  shipboard,  through  a  "mulatto- 
colored  negro,  dressed  in  blue  clothes."  At  this  tavern  it 
was  supposed  Washington's  body-guards  were  tampered  with. 
Thomas  Rickey,  one  of  the  guards,  a  dark-complexioned  man, 
five  feet  six  inches  high,  and  well  set,  was  said  not  only  to 
be  enlisted,  but  to  have  aided  in  corrupting  his  comrades; 
among  others,  Greene  the  drummer,  and  Johnson  the  fifer. 

It  was  further  testified  before  the  committee,  that  one 
Sergeant  Graham,  an  old  soldier,  formerly  of  the  royal  artil- 
lery, had  been  employed  by  Governor  Tryon  to  prowl  round 


g^  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XII. 

nd  survey  the  grounds  and  works  about  the  city  and  on 
Long  Island,  and  that,  on  information  thus  procured  a  plan 
of  operations  had  been  concerted.  On  the  arrival  of  the  fleet, 
a  man-of-war  should  cannonade  the  battery  at  Red  Hook; 
while  that  was  doing,  a  detachment  of  the  army  should  land 
below  with  cannon,  and  by  a  circuitous  march  surprise  and 
storm  the  works  on  Long  Island.  The  shipping  then,  with 
the  remainder  of  the  army,  were  to  divide,  one  part  to  run 
up  the  Hudson,  the  other  up  the  East  Kiver;  troops  were  to 
land  above  New  York,  secure  the  pass  at  King's  Bridge,  and 
cut  of?  all  communication  between  the  city  and  country.* 

Much  of  the  evidence  given  was  of  a  dubious  kind.  It  was 
certain  that  persons  had  secretly  been  enlisted,  and  sworn  to 
hostile  operations,  but  Washington  did  not  think  that  any  reg- 
ular plan  had  been  digested  by  the  conspirators.  "The 
matter,"  writes  he,  "I  am  in  hopes,  by  a  timely  discovery, 
will  be  suppressed."! 

According  to  the  mayor's  own  admission  before  the  com- 
mittee, he  had  been  cognizant  of  attempts  to  enlist  tories  and 
corrupt  Washington's  guards,  though  he  declared  that  he 
had  discountenanced  them.  He  had,  on  one  occasion,  also, 
at  the  request  of  Governor  Tryon,  paid  money  for  him  to  Gil- 
bert Forbes,  the  gunsmith,  for  rifles  and  round-bored  guns 
which  he  had  already  furnished,  and  for  others  which  he  was 
to  make.  He  had  done  so;  however  (according  to  his  ac- 
count), with  great  reluctance,  and  after  much  hesitation  and 
delay,  warning  the  gunsmith  that  he  would  be  hanged  if 
found  out.  The  mayor,  with  a  number  of  others,  were  de- 
tained in  prison  to  await  a  trial. 

Thomas  Hickcy,  the  individual  of  Washington's  guard,  was 
tried  before  a  court-martial.  He  was  an  Irishman,  and  had 
been  a  deserter  from  the  British  army.  The  court-martial 
found  him  guilty  of  mutiny  and  sedition,  and  treacherous 
correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  sentenced  him  to  be 
hanged. 

The  sentence  was  approved  by  Washington,  and  was  carried 
promptly  into  effect,  in  the  most  solemn  and  impressive  man- 
ner, to  serve  as  a  warning  and  example  in  this  time  of  treach- 
ery and  danger.  On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  all  the  officers 
and  men  off  duty,  belonging  to  the  brigades  of  Heath,  Spencer, 
Stirling  and  Scott,  assembled  under  arms  at  their  respective 
parades  at  10  o'clock,  and  marched  thence  to  the  ground. 


*  Am.  Archive?,  5th  Series,  vi.,  1177. 

t  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  June  88. 


177(.  ]  ARRIVAL  OF   A    FLEET,  83 

Twenty  men  from  each  brigade,  with  bayonets  fixed,  guarded 
the  prisoner  to  the  place  of  execution,  which  was  a  field  near 
the  Bowery  Lane.  There  he  was  hanged  in  the  presence,  we 
;uv  told,  of  near  twenty  thousand  persons. 

While  the  city  was  still  brooding  over  this  doleful  spectacle, 
four  ships-of-war,  portentous  visitants,  appeared  off  the  Hook, 
stood  quietly  in  at  the  Narrows,  and  dropped  anchor  in  the 

li;iV. 

In  his  orderly  book,  Washington  expressed  a  hope  that  the 
unhappy  fate  of  Thomas  Hit-key,  executed  that  day  for  mutiny, 
sedition,  and  treachery,  would  be  a  warning  to  every  soldier 
in  the  line,  to  avoid  the  crimes  for  which  he  suffered.* 

On  the  2'Jth  of  June  an  express  from  the  look-out  on  Staten 
Island  announced  that  forty  sail  were  in  sight.  They  were, 
in  fact,  ships  from  Halifax,  bringing  between  nine  and  ten 
t  hoiisand  of  the  troops  recently  expelled  from  Boston;  together 
with  six  transports  filled  with  Highland  troops,  which  had 
joined  the  fleet  at  sea.  At  sight  of  this  formidable  arma- 
ment standing  into  the  harbor,  Washington  instantly  sent  no- 
tice of  its  arrival  to  Colonel  James  Clinton,  who  had  com- 
mand of  the  posts  in  the  Highlands,  and  urged  all  possible 
preparations  to  give  the  enemy  a  warm  reception  should  they 
push  their  frigates  up  the  river. 

According  to  general  orders  issued  from  head-quarters  on 
the  following  day  (June  30),  the  officers  and  men,  not  on 
duty,  were  to  march  from  their  respective  regimental 
parades  to  their  alarm  posts,  at  least  once  every  day,  that  they 
might  become  well  acquainted  with  them.  They  were  to  go 
l>v  routes  least  exposed  to  a  fire  from  the  shipping,  and  all 


*  As  a  specimen  of  the  reports  which  circulated  throughout  the  country,  concern- 
ing tin*  conspiracy,  we  give  an  extract  from  a  letter,  written  from  Wcthetufleld,  in 
t'niiiii-i'tictit,  9th  of  July,  1778,  by  the  Reverend  John  Marsh. 

"  You  have  heard  of  the  infernal  plot  that  has  been  discovered.  About  ten  days 
before  any  of  the  conspirators  wen-  taken  tin,  a  woman  went  to  the  General  and  de- 
hiivil  :i  private  audience.  He  granted  it  to  her,  and  she  let  him  know  that  hie  life 
wu  in  danger,  and  cave  him  such  an  account  of  the  conspiracy  as  gained  his  con- 
ii<!<  r;iv.  lit-  opened  the  matter  to  afew  friend*,  on  whom  he  could  depend.  A  strict 
w.itrii  wait  kept  night  and  day,  until  a  favorable  opportunity  occurred  ;  when  the 
.!  wiit  to  bed  as  usual,  arose  about  two  o'clock,  told  his  lady  he  was  a  going, 
with  some  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  to  order  some  Tories  seized — desired  she 
would  make  hcraclf  easy,  and  go  to  sleep.  He  went  off  without  any  of  his  aides-de- 
camp, except  the  captain  of  hm  life-guard,  was  joined  by  a  number  of  chosen  men, 
with  lanterns,  and  proper  instruments  to  break  open  houses,  and  before  six  o'clock 
in-\!  morning,  had  forty  men  under  guard  at  the  City  Hall,  among  whom  was  the 
Mayor  of  the  city,  several  merchants,  and  five  or  six  of  hisown  life-guard.  Upon 
examination,  one  Forbes  confessed  that  the  plan  was  to  assassinate  the  General,  and 
as  many  of  the  superior  officers  as  they  could,  and  to  blow  up  the  magazine  upon 
tii'  ftppecnnce  of  the  enemy's  fleet,  and  to  go  off  in  boats  prepared  for  that  purpose 
to  join  the  enemy.  Ttins.  Mickey,  who  has  been  executed,  went  from  this  place. 
He  came  from  Ireland  a  few  years 'ago.  What  will  be  doue  with  the  Mayor  is  uncer- 
tain. He  .-.-lift  he  tried  by  court-martial,  and,  it  is  said,  there  is  DO  law  of  that 
colony  by  which  he  can  be.condemned.  May  he  have  hla  deserta." 


g4  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  XlT. 

the  officers,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  were  to  make 
themselves  well  acquainted  with  the  grounds.  Upon  a 
signal  of  the  enemy's  approach,  or  upon  any  alarm,  all 
fatigue  parties  were  immediately  to  repair  to  their  respective 
corps  with  their  arms,  ammunition  and  accoutermeuts,  ready 
for  instant  action. 

It  was  ascertained  that  the  ramifications  of  the  conspiracy 
lately  detected,  extended  up  the  Hudson.  Many  of  the  dis- 
affected in  the  upper  counties  were  enlisted  in  it.  The  com- 
mittee of  safety  at  Cornwall,  in  Orange  County,  sent  word  to 
Colonel  James  Clinton,  Fort  Constitution,  of  the  mischief 
that  was  brewing.  James  Half,  a  tory,  had  confessed  before 
them,  that  he  was  one  of  a  number  who  were  to  join  the 
British  troops  as  soon  as  they  should  arrive.  It  was  expected 
the  latter  would  push  up  the  river  and  land  at  Verplanck's 
Point;  whereupon  the  guns  at  the  forts  in  the  Highlands 
were  to  be  spiked  by  soldiers  of  their  own  garrisons;  and  the 
tories  throughout  the  country  were  to  be  up  in  arms.* 

Clinton  received  letters,  also,  from  a  meeting  of  committees 
in  the  precincts  of  Newburgh,  apprising  him  that  persons 
dangerous  to  the  cause  were  lurking  in  that  neighborhood, 
and  requesting  him  to  detach  twenty-live  men  under  a  certain 
lieutenant  acquainted  with  the  woods,  "to  aid  in  getting 
some  of  these  rascals  apprehended  and  secured." 

While  city  and  country  were  thus  agitated  by  apprehen- 
sions of  danger  internal  and  external,  other  arrivals  swelled 
the  number  of  ships  in  the  bay  of  New  York  to  one  hundred 
and  thirty  men-of-war  and  transports.  They  made  no  move- 
ment to  ascend  the  Hudson,  but  anchored  off  Staten  Island, 
where  they  landed  their  troops,  and  the  hill  sides  were  soon 
whitened  with  their  tents. 

In  the  frigate  Greyhound,  one  of  the  four  ships  which  first 
arrived,  came  General  Howe.  He  had  preceded  the  fleet  in 
order  to  confer  with  Governor  Tryon  and  inform  himself  of 
the  state  of  affairs.  In  a  letter  to  his  government  he  writes: 
"I  met  with  Governor  Tryon  on  board  of  a  ship  at  the  Hook, 
and  many  gentlemen,  fast  friends  of  government,  attending 
him,  from  whom  I  have  the  fullest  information  of  the  state  of 
i  he  rebels.  *  *  *  *  We  passed  the  Narrows  with  three 
s!iips-of-war  and  the  first  division  of  transports,  landed  the 
grenadiers  and  light  infantry  as  the  ships  came  up  on  this 
island,  to  the  great  joy  of  a  most  loyal  people,  long  suffering  on 
that  account  under  the  oppression  of  the  rebels  stationed 

*  Extracts  from  minutes  of  the  committee,  Am.  Archives,  4th  S.,  vi.,  1112. 


1773.1  WASTlIffOTOtt's   PUKPA  RATIONS.  85 

among  them;  who  precipitately  fled  on  the  approach  of  the 
shipping.  *  *  * .  *  There  is  great  reason  to  expect  a 
numerous  body  of  the  inhabitants  to  join  the  army  from  the 
province  of  York,  the  Jerseys  and  Connecticut,  who,  in  this 
time  of  universal  oppression,  only  wait  for  opportunities  to 
give  proofs  of  their  loyalty  and  zeal."* 

Washington  l>eheld  the  gathering  storm  with  an  anxious 
eve,  aware  that  General  Howe  only  awaited  the  arrival  of 
his  brother,  the  admiral,  to  commence  hostile  operations. 
Hi-  wrote  to  the  President  of  Congress,  urging  a  call  on  the 
Massachusetts  government  for  its  quota  of  continental  troops; 
ami  the  formation  of  a  flying-camp  of  ten  thousand  men,  to 
be  stationed  in  the  Jerseys  as  a  central  force,  ready  to  act  in 
any  direction  as  circumstances  might  require. 

On  the  2d  of  July,  he  issued  a  general  order,  calling  upon 
the  troops  to  prepare  for  a  momentous  conflict  which  was  to 
decide  their  liberties  and  fortunes.  Those  who  should  signal- 
ize themselves  by  acts  of  bravery,  would  be  noticed  and  re- 
warded; those  who  proved  craven  would  be  exposed  and  pun- 
ished. No  favor  would  be  shown  to  such  as  refused  or 
m-glected  to  do  their  duty  at  so  important  a  crisis. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

First  Appearance  of  Alexander  Hamilton — His  Early  Days — General 
I  lui'li  Mercer  in  Command  of  the  Flying  Camp — Declaration  of 
Independence — Announced  to  the  Army — Downfall  of  the  King's 
Statue. 

ABOUT  this  time,  we  have  the  first  appearance  in  the 
military  ranks  of  the  Revolution,  of  one  destined  to  take  an 
active  and  distinguished  part  in  public  affairs;  and  to  leave 
the  impress  of  his  genius  on  the  institutions  of  the  country. 

As  General  Greene  one  day,  on  his  way  to  Washington's 
head-quarters,  was  passing  through  a  field — then  on  the 

*  Governor  Tryon,  in  a  letter  dated  about  this  time  from  on  board  of  the  Duchess 
of  (iiinlou,  off  Staten  Island,  writes :  "The  testimony  given  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  island,  of  loyalty  to  his  majesty,  and  attachment  to  hie  government,  I  flatter  my- 
self will  IK-  general  throughout  the  province,  as  soon  as  the  army  gets  the  main  body 
of  the  rebels  between  them  and  the  sea  ;  which  will  leave  all  the  back  country  open 
to  the  command  of  the  king's  friendc,  and  yield  a  plentiful  resource  of  provisions 
for  tin-  army,  and  place  them  in  a  better  situation  to  cut  off  the  rebels'  retreat  when 
forced  from  their  strong  hold."— Am.  Arch.,  5/A  8.,  i.,  122. 


gg  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  XIII. 

outskirts  of  the  city,  now  in  the  heart  of  its  busiest  quarter,  and 
known  us  "the  Park"— he  paused  to  notice  a  provincial  com- 
pany of  artillery,  and  was  struck  with  its  able  performances, 
and  with  the  tact  and  talent  of  its  commander.  He  was  a  mere 
youth,  apparently  about  twenty  years  of  age;  small  in  person 
and  stature,  but  remarkable  for  his  alert  and  manly  bearing. 
It  was  Alexander  Hamilton. 

Greene  was  an  able  tactician,  and  quick  to  appreciate  any 
display  of  military  science;  a  little  conversation  sufficed  to 
convince  him  that  the  youth  before  him  had  a  mind  of  no 
ordinary  grasp  and  quickness.  He  invited  him  to  his 
quarters,  and  from  that  time,  cultivated  his  friendship. 

Hamilton  was  a  native  of  the  island  of  Nevis,  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  at  a  very  early  age  had  been  put  in  a  counting- 
house  at.  Santa  Cruz.  His  nature,  however,  was  aspiring. 
"I  contemn  the  groveling  condition  of  a  clerk  to  which  my 
fortune  condemns  me,"  writes  he  to  a  youthful  friend,  "and 
would  willingly  risk  my  life,  though  not  my  character,  to 
exalt  my  station.  *  *  *  I  mean  to  prepare  the  way  for 
futurity.  I  am  no  philosopher,  and  may  be  justly  said  to 
build  castles  in  the  air;  yet  we  have  'seen  such  schemes 
succeed,  when  the  projector  is  constant.  I  shall  conclude 
by  saying,  I  wish  there  was  a  war." 

Still  he  applied  himself  with  zeal  and  fidelity  to  the  duties 
of  his  station,  and  such  were  the  precocity  of  his  judgment, 
and  his  aptness  at  accounts,  that,  before  lie  was  fourteen 
years  of  age,  he  was  left  for  a  brief  interval,  during  the 
absence  of  the  principal,  at  the  head  of  the  establishment. 
While  his  situation  in  the  house  gave  him  a  practical  knowl- 
edge of  business,  and  experience  in  finance,  his  leisure  hours 
were  devoted  to  self-cultivation.  He  made  himself  acquainted 
with  mathematics  and  chemistry,  and  indulged  a  strong 
propensity  to  literature.  Some  early  achievements  of  his 
pen  attracted  attention,  and  showed  such  proof  of  talent, 
that  it  was  determined  to  give  him  the  advantage  of  a  regular 
education.  He  was  accordingly  sent  to  Elizabethtown,  in 
the  Jerseys,  in  the  autumn  of  1772,  to  prepare,  by  a  course 
of  studies,  for  admission  into  King's  (now  Columbia) 
College,  at  New  York.  He  entered  the  college  as  a  private 
student,  in  the  latter  part  of  1773,  and  endeavored,  by 
diligent  application,  to  fit  himself  for  the  medical  profession. 

The  contentions  of  the  colonies  with  the  mother  country 
gave  _  a  different  direction  and  impulse  to  his  ardent  and 
aspiring  mind.  He  soon  signalized  himself  by  the  exercise 
of  his  pen,  sometimes  in  a  grave,  sometimes  in  a  satirical 


1776.]  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  87 

manner.  On  the  Gth  of  July,  1774,  there  was  a  general 
meeting  of  the  citizens  in  the  "Fields,"  to  express  their 
abhorrence  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  Hamilton  was  present, 
and,  prompted  by  his  excited  feelings  and  the  instigation  of 
youthful  companions,  ventured  to  address  the  multitude. 
The  vigor  and  maturity  of  his  intellect,  contrasted  with  his 
youthful  appearance,  won  the  admiration  of  his  auditors; 
even  his  diminutive  size  gave  additional  effect  to  his 
eloquence. 

'I  he  war,  for  which  in  his  boyish  days  lie  had  sighed,  was 
approaching.  He  now  devoted  himself  to  military  studies, 
especially  pyrotechnics  and  gunnery,  and  formed  an  amateur 
corps  out  of  a  number  of  his  fellow  students,  and  the  young 
gentlemen  of  the  city.  In  the  mouth  of  March,  1770,  he 
became  captain  of  artillery,  in  a  provincial  corps,  newly 
raised,  and  soon,  by  able  drilling,  rendered  it  conspicuous 
for  discipline. 

It  was  while  exercising  his  artillery  company  that  he 
attracted,  as  we  have  mentioned,  the  attention  of  General 
Greene.  Further  acquaintance  heightened  the  general's 
opinion  of  his  extraordinary  merits,  and  he  took  an  early 
occasion  to  introduce  him  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  by 
whom  we  shall  soon  find  him  properly  appreciated. 

A  valuable  accession  to  the  army,  at  this  anxious  time, 
was  Washington's  neighbor,  and  former  companion  in  arms, 
Hugh  Mercer,  the  veteran  of  Culloden  and  Fort  I)iif|uesne. 
His  military  spirit  was  alert  as  ever;  the  talent  he  had  shown 
in  organizing  the  Virginia  militia,  and  his  zeal  and  efHciency 
as  a  member  of  the  committee  of  safety,  had  been  properly 
appreciated  by  Congress,  and  on  the  5th  of  June  he  had 
IV" -rived  the  commission  of  brigadier-general.  He  was 
greeted  by  Washington  with  the  right  hand  of  fellowship. 
The  flying  camp  was  about  forming.  The  committee  of 
safety  of  Pennsylvania  were  forwarding  some  of  the  militia 
of  that  province  to  the  Jerseys,  to  perform  the  service  of  the 
camp  until  the  militia  levies,  specified  by  Congress,  should 
arrive.  Washington  had  the  nomination  of  some  continental 
officer  to  the  command.  lie  gave  it  to  Mercer,  of  whoso 
merits  he  felt  sure,  and  sent  him  over  to  Paulus  Hook,  in 
the  Jerseys,  to  make  arrangements  for  the  Pennsylvania 
militia  as  they  should  come  in;  recommending  him  to 
Brigadier-General  William  Livingston,  as  an  officer  on  whose 
experience  and  judgment  great  confidence  might  be  reposed. 

Livingston  was  a  man  inexperienced  in  arms,  but  of 
education,  talent,  sagacity  and  ready  wit.  He  was  of  the 


gg  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XIII. 

New  York  family  of  the  same  name,  but  had  resided  for 
some  time  in  the  Jerseys,  having  a  spacious  mansion  in 
Elizabethtown,  which  he  had  named  Liberty  Hall.  Mercer 
and  he  were  to  consult  together,  and  concert  plans  to  repel 
invasions;  the  New  Jersey  militia,  however,  were  distinct 
from  the  flying  camp,  and  only  called  out  for  local  defence. 
New  Jersey's  greatest  danger  of  invasion  was  from  Staten 
Island,  where  the  British  were  throwing  up  works,  and 
whence  they  might  attempt  to  cross  to  Am  boy.  The  flying 
camp  was  therefore  to  be  stationed  in  the  neighborhood  of 
that  place. 

"The  known  disaffection  of  the  people  of  Amboy,"  writes 
Washington,  "and  the  treachery  of  those  on  Staten  Island, 
who,  after  the  fairest  professions,  have  shown  themselves  our 
most  inveterate  enemies,  have  induced  riie  to  give  directions 
that  all  persons  of  known  enmity  and  doubtful  character, 
should  be  removed  from  those  places." 

According  to  General  Livingston's  humorous  account,  his 
own  village  of  Elizabethtown  was  not  much  more  reliable, 
being  peopled  in  those  agitated  times  by  "unknown, 
unrecommended  strangers,  guilty-looking  tories,  and  very 
knavish  whigs." 

While  danger  was  gathering  round  New  York,  and  its 
inhabitants  were  in  mute  suspense  and  fearful  anticipations, 
the  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia  was  discussing,  with 
closed  doors,  what  John  Adams  pronounced — "The  greatest 
question  ever  debated  in  America,  and  as  great  as  ever  was 
or  will  be  debated  among  men."  The  result  was,  a  resolu- 
tion passed  unanimously,  on  the  3d  of  July,  "that  these 
United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  States." 

"The  3d  of  July,"  adds  the  same  patriotic  statesman, 
"will  be  the  most  memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America. 
I  am  apt  to  believe  that  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding 
generations,  as  the  great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to 
be  commemorated  as  the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts 
of  devotion  to  Almighty  God.  It  ought  to  be  solemnized 
with  pomp  and  parade,  with  shows,  games,  sports,  guns, 
bells,  bonfires  and  illuminations,  from  one  end  of  this 
continent  to  the  other  from  this  time  forth  for  evermore. " 

The  glorious  event  has,  indeed,  given  rise  to  an  annual 
jubilee,  but  not  on  the  day  designated  by  Adams.  The 
fourth  of  July  is  the  day  of  "national  rejoicing,  for  on  that 
day,  the  "Declaration  of  Independence,"  that  solemn  and 
sublime  document,  was  adopted.  Tradition  gives  a  dramatic 


1770.]  I)K<  I, A  II. \TIOJr   OF    INDKI'KNDENCE.  89 

effect  to   its  announcement.     It   was   known   to   be  under 
discussion,  but  the   closed  doors  of  Congress  excluded  the 

{>opulace.  They  awaited,  in  throngs,  an  appointed  signal, 
n  the  steeple  of  the  state-house  was  a  bell,  imported  twenty- 
three  years  previously  from  London  by  the  Provincial 
Assembly  of  Pennsylvania.  It  bore  the  portentous  text  from 
scripture:  "Proclaim  liberty  throughout  all  the  land,  unto 
all  the  inhabitants  thereof.  A  joyous  peal  from  that  bell 
gave  notice  that  the  bill  had  been  passed.  It  was  the  knell 
of  British  domination. 

No  one  felt  the  importance  of  the  event  more  deeply  than 
John  Adams,  for  no  one  had  been  more  active  in  producing 
it.  We  ouote  his  words  written  at  the  moment.  "When  I 
look  back  to  the  year  1761,  and  recollect  the  argument 
concerning  writs  of  assistance  in  the  superior  court,  which  I 
have  hitherto  considered  as  the  commencement  of  the 
controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  and  run 
through  the  whole  period  from  that  time  to  this,  and  recol- 
lect the  series  of  political  events,  the  chain  of  causes  and 
effects;  I  am  surprised  at  the  suddenness,  as  well  aa  the 
greatness  of  this  Revolution;  Great  Britain  has  been  filled  with 
lollv,  America  with  wisdom." 

1 1  is  only  regret  was.  that  the  declaration  of  independence 
had  not  been  made  sooner.  "Had  it  been  made  seven 
months  ago,"  said  he,  "we  should  have  mastered  Quebec, 
and  been  in  possession  of  Canada,  and  might  before  this 
hour  have  formed  alliances  with  foreign  states.  Many 
gentlemen  in  high  stations,  and  of  great  influence,  have 
Im  11  duped  by  the  ministerial  bubble  of  commissioners  to 
treat,  and  have  been  slow  and  languid  in  promoting  measures 
for  the  reduction  of  that  province." 

Washington  hailed  the  declaration  with  joy.  It  is  true,  it 
was  but  a  formal  recognition  of  a  state  of  things  which  had 
long  existed,  but  it  put  an  end  to  all  those  temporizing 
hopes  of  reconciliation  which  had  clogged  the  military  action 
of  the  country. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  he  caused  it  to  be  read  at  six  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  at  the  head  of  each  brigade  of  the  army. 
"The  general  hopes,"  said  he  in  his  orders,  "that  this 
important  event  will  serve  as  a  fresh  incentive  to  every  officer 
and  soldier,  to  act  with  fidelity  and  courage,  as  knowing 
that  now  the  peace  and  safety  of  his  country  depend,  under 
God,  solely  on  the  success  of  our  arms;  and  that  he  is  now 
in  the  service  of  a  state,  possessed  of  sufficient  power  to 


O,Q  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CIL.  XIV. 

reward  his  merit,  and  advance  him  to  the  highest  honors  of  a 

free  country 

The  excitable  populace  of  New  York  were  not  content 
with  the  ringing  of  bells  to  proclaim  their  joy.  There  was  a 
leaden  statue  of  George  III.  in  the  Bowling  Green,  m  front 
of  the  fort.  Since  kingly  rule  is  at  an  end,  why  retain  its 
effigy?  On  the  same  evening,  therefore,  the  statue  was 
puffed  down  amid  the  shouts  of  the  multitude,  and  broken 
up  to  be  run  into  bullets  "to  be  used  in  the  cause  of  independ- 


ence. 


Some  of  the  soldiery  having  been  implicated  in  this  popular 
effervescence,  Washington  censured  it  in  general  orders,  as 
having  much  the  appearance  of  a  riot  and  a  want  of  dis- 
cipline, and  the  army  was  forbidden  to  indulge  in  any  irreg- 
ularities of  the  kind.  It  was  his  constant  effort  to  inspire 
his  countrymen  in  arms  with  his  own  elevated  idea  of  the 
cause  in  which  they  were  engaged,  and  to  make  them  feel 
that  it  was  no  ordinary  warfare,  admitting  of  vulgar  passions 
and  perturbations.  "The  general  hopes  and  trusts,"  said  he, 
"that  every  officer  and  man  will  endeavor  so  to  live  and  act 
as  becomes  a  Christian  soldier,  defending  the  dearest  rights 
and  liberties  of  his  country."* 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Arrival  of  more  Ships — Movements  of  the  Phoenix  and  the  Rose — Panic 
in  the  City — Hostile  Ships  up  the  Hudson — Slir  of  War  along  the 
River — General  George  Clinton,  and  the  Militia  of  Ulster  County — 
Fresh  Agitation  of  New  York— Arrival  of  Lord  Howe. 

THE  exultation  of  the  patriots  of  New  York,  caused  by 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was  soon  overclouded. 
On  the  12th  of  July,  several  ships  stood  in  from  sea,  and 
joined  the  naval  force  below.  Every  nautical  movement 
was  now  a  matter  of  speculation  and  alarm,  and  all  the  spy- 
glasses in  the  city  were  incessantly  reconnoitering  the  bay. 

"The  enemy  are  now  in  the  harbor,"  writes  an  American 
officer,  "although  they  have  not  yet  ventured  themselves 
within  gunshot  of  the  city,  but  we  hourly  expect  to  be  called 
into  action.  The  whole  army  is  out  between  two  and  three 

*  Orderly  Hook,  July  9,  Sparks,  iii.,  456. 


1776.]  THE    PIKENIX    AND    ROSE.  91 

every  morning,  at  their  respective  alarm  posts,  and  remain 
there  until  sunrise.  I  am  morally  certain  that  it  will  not 
be  long  before  we  have  an  engagement." 

Scarce  hail  this  letter  been  penned,  when  two  ships-of-war 
were  observed  getting  under  way,  and  standing  toward  the 
city.  One  was  the  Phoenix,  of  forty  guns;  the  other  the 
Rose,  of  twenty  guns,  commanded  by  Captain  Wallace,  of 
unenviable  renown,  who  had  marauded  the  New  England 
coast,  and  domineered  over  Rhode  Island.  The  troops  were 
immediately  at  their  alarm  posts.  It  was  about  half-past 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  as  the  ships  and  three  tenders 
c;inie  sweeping  up  the  bay  with  the  advantage  of  wind  and 
tide,  and  shaped  their  course  up  the  Hudson.  The  batteries 
of  the  city  and  of  Paulus  Hook  on  the  opposite  Jersey  shore, 
opened  a  lire  upon  them.  They  answered  it  with  broadsides. 
There  was  a  panic  throughout  the  city.  Women  and 
children  ran  hither  and  thither  about  the  streets,  mingling 
their  shrieks  and  cries  with  the  thundering  of  the  cannon. 
"The  attack  has  begun!  The  city  is  to  bo  destroyed!  What 
will  become  of  us?" 

The  Phu'iiix  and  the  Rose  continued  their  course  up  the 
Hudson.  They  had  merely  fired  upon  the  batteries  as  they 
passed;  and  on  their  own  part  had  sustained  but  little 
damage,  their  decks  having  ramparts  of  sand-bags.  The 
ships  below  remained  in  sullen  quiet  at  their  anchors,  and 
showed  no  intention  of  following  them.  The  firing  ceased. 
The  fear  of  a  general  attack  upon  the  city  died  away,  and 
the  agitated  citizens  breathed  more  freely. 

Washington,  however,  apprehended  this  movement  of  the 
ships  might  be  with  a  different  object.  They  might  be  sent 
to  laud  troops  and  seize  upon  the  passes  of  the  Highlands. 
Forts  Montgomery  and  Constitution  were  far  from  complete, 
and  were  scantily  manned.  A  small  force  might  be  sufficient 
to  surprise  them.  The  ships  might  intend,  also,  to  distribute 
arms  among  the  tories  in  the  river  counties,  and  prepare 
them  to  co-operate  in  the  apprehended  attack  upon  New 
York. 

Thus  thinking,  the  moment  Washington  saw  these  ships 
standing  up  the  river,  he  sent  off  an  express  to  put  General 
Miiilin  on  the  alert,  who  was  stationed  with  his  Philadelphia 
troops  at  Fort  Washington  and  King's  Bridge.  The  same 
express  carried  a  letter  from  him  to  the  New  York  Conven- 
tion, at  that  time  holding  its  sessions  at  White  Plains  in 
Westchester  County,  apprising  it  of  the  impending  danger, 


92  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XIT. 

His  immediate  solicitude  was  for  the  safety  of  Forts  Con- 
stitution and  Montgomery.  . 

Fortunately  George  Clinton,  the  patriotic  legislator,  had 
recently  been  appointed  brigadier-general  of  the  militia  of 
Ulster  and  Orange  counties.  Called  to  his  native  State  by 
his  military  duties  in  this  time  of  danger,  he  had  only 
remained  in  Congress  to  vote  for  the  declaration  of  independ- 
ence and  then  hastened  home.  He  was  now  at  New 
AVindsor,  in  Ulster  County,  just  above  the  Highlands. 
Washington  wrote  to  him  on  the  afternoon  of  the  12th, 
urging  him  to  collect  as  great  a  force  as  possible  of  the  New 
York  militia,  for  the  protection  of  the  Highlands  against, 
this  hostile  irruption,  and  to  solicit  aid,  if  requisite,  from 
the  western  parts  of  Connecticut.  "I  have  the  strongest 
reason  to  believe,"  added  he,  "it  will  be  absolutely  necessary, 
if  it  were  only  to  prevent  an  insurrection  of  your  own  tories." 

Long  before  the  receipt  of  Washington's  letter,  Clinton 
had  been  put  on  the  alert.  About  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  13th,  an  alarm  gun  from  his  brother  at  Fort 
Constitution,,  thundered  through  the  echoing  denies  of  the 
mountains.  Shortly  afterward,  two  river  sloops  came  to 
anchor  above  the  Highlands  before  the  general's  residence. 
Their  captains  informed  him  that  New  York  had  been 
attacked  on  the  preceding  afternoon.  They  had  seen  the 
cannonade  from  a  distance,  and  judged  from  the  subsequent 
firing,  that  the  enemy's  ships  were  np  the  river  as  far  as 
King's  Bridge. 

Clinton  was  as  prompt  a  soldier  as  he  had  been  an  intrepid 
legislator.  The  neighboring  militia  were  forthwith  put  in 
motion.  Three  regiments  were  ordered  out;  one  was  to 
repair  to  Fort  Montgomery;  another  to  Fort  Constitution; 
the  third  to  rendezvous  at  Ncwburgh,  just  above  the 
Highlands,  ready  to  hasten  to  the  assistance  of  Fort  Con- 
stitution, should  another  signal  be  given.  All  the  other 
regiments  under  his  command  were  to  be  prepared  for 
service  at  a  moment's  notice.  In  ordering  these  hasty  levies, 
however,  he  was  as  considerate  as  he  was  energetic.  The 
colonels  were  directed  to  leave  the  frontier  companies  at 
home,  to  protect  the  country  against  the  Indians,  and  some 
men  out  of  each  company  to  guard  against  internal  enemies. 

Another  of  his  sagacious  measures  was  to  send  expresses  to 

all  the  owners  of  sloops  and  boats  twenty  miles  up  the  west 

'  side   of  the   river,  to   haul  them  off  so 'as  to  prevent  their 

grounding.     Part  of  them  were  to  be  ready  to  carry  over  the 

militia  to  the  fort;   the  rest  were  ordered  down  to  Fort 


1770.  J  <;ATHI:KIV;  IN  THE  HIGHLANDS.  93 

Constitution,  where  a  chain  of  them  might  bo  drawn  across 
the  narrowest  part  of  the  river,  to  be  set  on  fire,  should  the 
enemy's  ships  attempt  to  pass. 

Having  made  these  prompt  arrangements,  he  proceeded 
early  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  with  about  forty  of 
his  neighbors,  to  Fort  Constitution;  whence  leaving  some 
with  his  brother,  he  pushed  down  on  the  same  evening  to 
Fort  Montgomery,  where  he  fixed  his  head -quarters,  as  being 
nearer  the  enemy  and  better  situated  to  discover  their 
Hint  ions. 

Here,  on  the  following  day  (July  14th),  he  received 
Washington's  letter,  written  two  days  previously;  but  by  this 
time  he  had  anticipated  its  orders,  and  stirred  up  the  whole 
country.  On  that  same  evening,  two  or  three  Iiundred  of 
tin-  hardy  Ulster  yeomanry,  roughly  equipped,  part  of  one 
of  the  regiments  ho  had  ordered  out,  marched  into  Fort 
Montgomery,  headed  by  their  colonel  (Woodhull).  Early 
the  next  morning  live  hundred  of  another  regiment  arrived, 
and  he  wjuj  told  that  parts  of  two  other  regiments  were  on  the 
way, 

••The  men,"  writes  he  to  Washington,  "turn  out  of  their 
harvest  fields  to  defend  their  country  with  surprising  alacrity. 
The  absence  of  so  many  of  them,  however,  at  this  time. 
when  their  harvests  are  perishing  for  want  of  the  sickle,  will 
greatly  distress  the  country.  I  could  wish,  therefore,  that  a 
•lumber  might  answer  the  purpose." 

On  no  one  could  this  prompt  and  brave  gathering  of  the 
yeomanry  produce  a  more  gratifying  effect,  than  upon  the 
poramander- in -chief:  and  no  one  could  be  more  feelingly 
alive,  in  the  midst  of  stern  military  duties,  to  the  appeal  in 
behalf  of  the  peaceful  interests  of  the  husbandman. 

While  the  vigilant  Clinton  was  preparing  to  defend  the 
pa-es  of  the  Highlands,  danger  was  growing  more  imminent 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson. 

New  York  has  always  been  a  city  prone  to  agitation?.* 
That  into  which  it  was  thrown  on  the  afternoon  of  the  12t't 
of  July,  by  the  broadsides  of  the  Phoenix  and  the  Hose, 
was  almost  immediately  followed  by  another.  On  the  same 
evening  there  was  a  great  booming  of  cannon,  with  clouds  of 
Miioke,  from  the  shipping  at  anchor  at  Staten  Island.  Every 
spy-glass  was  again  in  requisition.  The  British  fleet  were 
saluting  a  ship  of  the  line,  just  arrived  from  sea.  She 
advanced  grandly,  every  man-of-war  thundering  a  salute  as 
she  passed.  At  her  foretop  masthead  she  bore  St.  George's 
flag.  "It  is  the  admiral's  ship!"  cried  the  nautical  men  on 


94  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XV. 

the  look-out  at  the  Battery.  "It  is  the  admiral's  ship!"  was 
echoed  from  mouth  to  mouth,  and  the  word  soon  flew 
throughout  the  city,  ''Lord  Howe  is  come!" 


CHAPTER   XV. 

Precautions  against  Tories— Secret  Committees— Declaration  of  Lord 
Howe— His  Letter  to  the  Colonial  Governor— His  Letter  to  Wash- 
ington Rejected— Interview  between  the  British  Adjutant-General 
and  Colonel  Reed— Reception  of  the  Adjutant-General  by  Washing- 
ton—The Phoenix  and  Rose  in  the  Tappan  Sea  and  llaverstraw 
Bay— Arming  of  the  River  Yeomanry — George  Clinton  at  the  Gates 
of  the  Highlands. 

LOUD  HOWE  was  indeed  come,  and  affairs  now  appeared 
to  be  approaching  a  crisis.  In  consequence  of  the  recent 
conspiracy,  the  Convention  of  New  York,  seated  at  White 
Plains  in  Westchcster  County,  had  a  secret  committee 
stationed  in  New  York  for  the  purpose  of  taking  cognizance 
of  traitorous  machinations.  To  this  committee  Washington 
addressed  a  letter  the  day  after  his  lordship's  arrival,  suggest- 
ing the  policy  of  removing  from  the  city  and  its  environs, 
"all  persons  of  known  disaffection  and  enmity  to  the  cause 
of  America;"  especially  those  confined  in  jail  for  treasonable 
offences;  who  might  become  extremely  dangerous  in  case  of 
an  attack  and  alarm.  He  took  this  step  with  great  reluc- 
tance; but  felt  compelled  to  it  by  circumstances.  The  late 
conspiracy  had  shown  him  that  treason  might  be  lurking  in 
his  camp.  And  he  was  well  aware  that  the  city  and  the 
neighboring  country,  especially  West  Chester  County,  and 
Queens  and  Suffolk  counties  on  Long  Island,  abounded 
with  "tories,"  ready  to  rally  under  the  royal  standard  when- 
ever backed  by  a  commanding  force. 

In  consequence  of  his  suggestion,  thirteen  persons  in 
confinement  for  traitorous  offences,  were  removed  to  the  jail 
of  Litchfield  in  Connecticut.  Among  the  number  was  the 
late  mayor;  but  as  his  offence  was  not  of  so  deep  a  dye  as 
those  whereof  the  rest  stood  charged,  it  was  recommended 
by  the  president  of  the  Convention  that  he  should  be  treated 
with  indulgence. 

The  proceedings  of  Lord  Howe  soon  showed  the  policy  of 
these  precautions.  His  lordship  had  prepared  a  declaration, 


1770.]  DECLARATION  OF  LORD  HOWE.  95 

addressed  to  the  people  at  large,  informing  them  of  the 
powers  vested  in  his  brother  and  himself  as  commissioners 
for  restoring  peace;  and  inviting  communities  as  well  as 
individuals,  who,  in  the  tumult  and  disasters  of  the  times, 
h:ul  deviated  from  their  allegiance  to  the  crown,  to  merit  and 
receive  pardon  by  a  prompt  return  to  their  duty.  It  was 
added,  that  proper  consideration  would  be  had  of  the  services 
of  all  who  should  contribute  to  the  restoration  of  public 
tranquillity. 

His  lordship  really  desired  peace.  According  to  a  con- 
temporary, he  came  to  America  "as  a  mediator,  not  as  a 
destroyer,"*  and  had  founded  great  hopes  in  the  efficacy  of 
this  document  in  rallying  back  the  people  to  their  allegiance; 
it  \v;is  a  sore  matter  of  regret  to  him,  therefore,  to  find  that, 
in  consequence  of  his  tardy  arrival,  his  invitation  to  loyalty 
had  been  forestalled  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Still  it  might  have  an  effect  in  bringing  adherents  to 
the  royal  standard;  he  sent  a  flag  on  shore,  therefore,  bear- 
in  ir  a  circular  letter,  written  in  his  civil  and  military 
capacity,  to  the  colonial  governor,  requesting  him  to  publish 
his  ml  dress  to  the  people  as  widely  as  possible. 

We  have  heretofore  shown  the  tenacity  with  which 
Washington,  in  his  correspondence  with  Generals  Gage  and 
Howe,  exacted  the  consideration  and  deference  due  to  him  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  American  armies;  he  did  this  not 
from  official  pride  and  punctilio,  but  as  the  guardian  of 
American  rights  and  dignities.  A  further  step  of  the  kind 
.was  yet  to  be  taken.  The  British  officers,  considering  the 
Americans  in  arms  rebels  without  valid  commissions,  were  in 
the  habit  of  denying  them  all  military  title.  Washington's 
general  officers  had  urged  him  not  to  submit  to  this  tacit 
indignity,  but  to  reject  all  letters  directed  to  him  without  a 
specification  of  his  official  rank. 

An  occasion  now  presented  itself  for  the  adjustment  of 
this  matter.  Within  a  day  or  two  an  officer  of  the  British 
navy,  Lieutenant  Brown,  came  with  a  flag  from  Lord  Howe, 
seeking  a  conference  with  Washington.  Colonel  Reed,  the 
adjutant-general,  embarked  in  a  barge,  and  met  him  half 
way  between  Governor's  and  Staten  Islands.  The  lieutenant 
informed  him  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  Lord 
Howe  to  Mr.  Washington.  Colonel  Reed  replied,  that  he 
knew  no  such  person  in  the  American  army.  The  lieutenant 

*  Letter  of  Mr.  Dennis  de  Berdt,  to  Mr.  Joseph  Reed.    Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  i.. 


gp,  LIFE  OF  WASHIXGTOtf.  [CH.  XV. 

produced  and  offered  the  letter.  It  was  addressed  to  George 
Washington,  Esquire.  He  was  informed  that  it  could  not 
be  received  with  such  a  direction.  The  lieutenant  expressed 
much  concern.  The  letter,  he  said,  was  of  a  civil,  rather 
than  a  military  nature  — Lord  Howe  regretted  he  had  not 
arrived  sooner— he  had  great  powers— it  was  much  to  be 
wished  the  letter  could  be  received. 

While  the  lieutenant  was  embarrassed  and  agitated,  Reed 
maintained  his  coolness,  politely  declining  to  receive  the 
letter,  as  inconsistent  with  his  duty.  They  parted;  but 
after  the  lieutenant  had  been  rowed  some  little  distance,  his 
barge  was  put  about,  and  Reed  waited  to  hear  what  further 
he  had  to  say.  It  was  to  ask  by  what  title  General — but, 
catching  himself,  Mr.  Washington  chose  to  be  addressed. 

Reed  replied  that  the  general's  station  in  the  army  was 
well  known;  and  they  could  not  be  at  a  loss  as  to  the  proper 
mode  of  addressing  him,  especially  as  this  matter  had  been 
discussed  in  the  preceding  summer,  of  which,  he  presumed, 
the  admiral  could  not  be  ignorant.  The  lieutenant  again 
expressed  his  disappointment  and  regret,  and  their  interview 
closed. 

On  the  19th,  an  aide-de-camp  of  General  Howe  came  with 
a  flag,  and  requested  to  know,  as  there  appeared  to  be  an 
obstacle  to  a  correspondence  between  the  two  generals, 
whether  Colonel  Patterson,  the  British  adjutant-general, 
could  be  admitted  to  an  interview  with  General  Washington. 
Colonel  Reed,  who  met  the  flag,  consented  in  the  name  of 
the  general,  and  pledged  his  honor  for  the  safety  of  the 
adjutant-general  during  the  interview,  which  was  fixed  for 
the  following  morning. 

At  the  appointed  time,  Col.  Reed  and  Colonel  Webb,  one 
of  Washington's  aides,  met  the  flag  in  the  harbor,  took 
Colonel  Patterson  into  their  barge,  and  escorted  him  to  town, 
passing  in  front  of  the  gi'and  battery.  The  customary 
precaution  of  blindfolding  was  dispensed  with;  and  there 
was  a  lively  and  sociable  conversation  the  whole  way. 
Washington  received  the  adjutant-general  at  head-quarters 
with  much  form  and  ceremony,  in  full  military  array,  with 
his  officers  and  guards  about  him. 

Colonel  Patterson,  addressing  him  by  the  title  of  your 
excellency,  endeavored  to  explain  the  address  of  the  letter 
as  consistent  with  propriety,  and  founded  on  a  similar 
address  in  the  previous  summer,  to  General  Howe.  That 
General  Howe  did  not  moan  to  derogate  from  the  respect  or 
rank  of  General  Washington,  but  conceived  such  an  address 


1776.1  LORD   HOWE'S   LETTER.  97 

consistent  with  what  had  been  used  by  ambassadors  or 
plenipotentiaries  where  difficulties  of  rank  had  arisen.  He 
then  produced,  but  did  not  offer,  a  letter  addressed  to  George 
Washington,  Esquire,  &c.,  &c.,  hoping  that  the  et  ceteras, 
whirh  implied  everything,  would  remove  all  impediments. 

Washington  replied,  that  it  was  true,  the  et  ceteras 
implied  everything,  but  they  also  implied  anything.  His 
letter  alluded  to,  of  the  previous  summer,  was  in  reply  to 
one  addressed  in  like  manner.  A  letter,  he  added,  addressed 
to  a  person  acting  in  a  public  character,  should  have  some 
inscriptions  to  designate  it  from  a  mere  private  letter;  and 
he  should  absolutely  decline  any  letter  addressed  to  himself 
as  a  private  person,  when  it  related  to  his  public  station. 

Colonel  Patterson,  finding  the  letter  would  not  be  received, 
endeavored,  as  far  as  he  could  recollect,  to  communicate  the 
scope  of  it  in  the  course  of  a  somewhat  desultory  conversa- 
tion. What  he  chiefly  dwelt  upon  was,  that  Lord  Howe 
ami  his  brother  had  been  specially  nominated  commissioners 
for  the  promotion  of  peace,  which  was  esteemed  a  mark  of 
favor  and  regard  to  America;  that  they  had  great  powers, 
ami  would  derive  the  highest  pleasure  from  effecting  an 
accommodation;  and  he  concluded  by  adding,  that  he  wished 
his  visit  to  be  considered  as  making  the  first  advance  toward 
that  desirable  object. 

Washington  replied  that,  by  what  had  appeared  (alluding, 
no  doubt,  to  Lord  Howe's  circular),  their  powers,  it  would 
seem,  were  only  to  grant  pardons.  Now  those  who  had 
committed  no  fault  needed  no  pardon;  and  such  was  the 
rase  with  the  Americans,  who  were  only  defending  what 
they  considered  their  indisputable  rights. 

Colonel  Patterson  avoided  a  discussion  of  this  matter, 
which,  he  observed,  would  open  a  very  wide  field;  so  here 
the  conference,  which  had  been  conducted  on  both  sides 
with  great  courtesy,  terminated.  The  colonel  took  his  leave, 
excusing  himself  from  partaking  of  a  collation,  having  made 
a  late  breakfast,  and  was  again  conducted  to  his  boat.  He 
expressed  himself  highly  sensible  of  the  courtesy  of  his  treat- 
ment, in  having  the  usual  ceremony  of  blindfolding  dis- 
pensed with. 

Washington  received  the  applause  of  Congress  and  of  the 
public  for  sustaining  the  dignity  of  his  station.  His  conduct 
in  this  particular  was  recommended  as  a  model  to  all 
American  officers  in  corresponding  with  the  enemy;  and 
Lord  Howe  informed  his  government  that,  thenceforward,  it 
would  be  politic  to  change  the  superscription  of  liis  letters. 
4 


Qg  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XV. 

In  the  mean  time  the  irruption  of  the  Phoenix  and  the 
Kose  into  the  waters  of  the  Hudson  had  roused  a  belligerent 
spirit  along  its  borders.  The  lower  part  of  that  noble  river 
is  commanded  on  the  eastern  side  by  the  bold  woody  heights 
of  Manhattan  Island  and  Westchester  County,  and  on  the 
western  side  by  the  rocky  cliffs  of  the  Palisades.  Beyond 
those  cliffs,  the  river  expands  into  a  succession  of  what  may 
almost  be  termed  lakes;  first  the  Tappan  Sea,  then  Haver- 
straw  Bay,  then  the  Bay  of  Peekskill;  separated  from  eacli 
other  by  long  stretching  points,  or  high  beetling  promon- 
tories, but  affording  ample  sea  room  and  safe  anchorage. 
Then  come  the  redoubtable  Highlands,  that  strait,  fifteen 
miles  in  length,  where  the  river  bends  its  course,  narrow  and 
deep,  between  rocky,  forest-clad  mountains.  "He  who  has 
command  of  that  grand  defile,"  said  an  old  navigator,  "may 
at  any  time  throttle  the  Hudson." 

The  New  York  Convention,  aware  of  the  impending 
danger,  dispatched  military  envoys  to  stir  up  the  yeomanry 
along  the  river,  and  order  out  militia.  Powder  and  ball 
were  sent  to  Tarry  town,  before  which  the  hostile  ships  were 
anchored,  and  yeoman  troops  were  stationed  there  and  along 
the  neighboring  shores  of  the  Tappan  Sea.  In  a  little  while 
the  militia  of  Dutchess  County  and  Cortlandt's  Manor  were 
hastening,  rudely  armed,  to  protect  the  public  stores  at 
Peekskill,  and  mount  guard  at  the  entrance  of  the  Highlands. 

No  one  showed  more  zeal  in  this  time  of  alarm,  than 
Colonel  Pierre  Van  Cortlandt,  of  an  old  colonial  family, 
which  held  its  manorial  residence  at  the  mouth  of  the  Croton. 
With  his  regiment  he  kept  a  dragon  watch  along  the  eastern 
shore  of  the  Tappan  Sea  and  Haverstraw  Bay;  while  equal 
vigilance  was  maintained  night  and  day  along  the  western 
shore,  from  Nyaok  quite  up  to  the  Ponderberg,  by  Colonel 
Hay  and  his  regiment  of  Haverstraw.  Sheep  and  cattle 
were  driven  inland,  out  of  the  reach  of  maraud.  Sentinels 
were  posted  to  keep  a  lookout  from  heights  and  headlands 
and  give  the  alarm  should  any  boats  approach  the  shore,  and 
rustic  marksmen  were  ready  to  assemble  in  a  moment,  and 
give  them  a  warm  reception. 

The  ships-of-war  which  caused  this  alarm  and  turmoil,  lay 
quietly  anchored  in  the  broad  expanses  of  the  Tappan  Sea 
and  Haverstraw  Bay;  shifting  their  ground  occasionally, 
and  keeping  out  of  musket  shot  of  the  shore,  apparently 
sleeping  in  the  summer  sunshine,  with  awnings  stretched 
above  their  decks;  while  their  boats  were  out  taking  sound- 
ings quite  up  to  the  Highlands,  evidently  preparing  for 


1776. J  CLINTON  ON  THE  ALERT.  99 

further  operations.  At  night,  too,  their  barges  were  heard 
rowing  up  and  down  the  river  on  mysterious  errands;  per- 
iaugers,  also,  paid  them  furtive  visits  occasionally;  it  was 
surmised,  with  communications  and  supplies  from  tories  on 
shore. 

While  the  ships  were  anchored  in  llaverstraw  Bay,  one  of 
the  tenders  stood  into  the  Bay  of  Peckskill,  and  beat  up 
within  long  shot  of  Fort  Montgomery,  where  General  George 
riinton  was  ensconced  with  six  hundred  of  the  militia  of 
Orange  and  Ulster  counties.  As  the  tender  approached,  a 
thirty-two  pounder  was  brought  to  range  upon  her.  The 
ball  passed  through  her  quarter;  whereupon  she  put  about, 
and  ran  round  the  point  of  the  Donderberg,  where  the  boat 
landed,  plundered  a  solitary  house  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tain, and  left  it  in  flames.  The  marauders,  on  their  way 
liark  to  the  ships,  were  severely  galled  by  rustic  marksmen, 
from  a  neighboring  promontory. 

The  ships,  now  acquainted  with  the  channel,  moved  up 
within  six  miles  of  Fort  Montgomery.  General  Clinton 
apprehended  they  might  mean  to  take  advantage  of  a  dark 
night,  and  slip  by  him  in  the  dcou  shadows  of  the  moun- 
tains. The  snores  were  high  and  bold,  the  river  was  deep, 
tin-  navigation  of  course  safe  and  easy.  Once  above  the 
Highlands,  they  might  ravage  the  country  beyond,  and 
destroy  certain  vessels  of  war  which  were  being  constructed 
at  I  Ymghkeepsie. 

To  prevent  this,  he  stationed  a  guard  at  night  on  the 
furthest  point  in  view,  alwut  two  miles  and  a  half  below  the 
fort,  prepared  to  kindle  a  blazing  fire  should  the  ships 
appear  in  sight.  Large  piles  of  dry  brushwood  mixed  with 
combustibles,  were  prepared  at  various  places  up  and  down 
the  shore  opposite  to  the  fort,  and  men  stationed  to  set  fire 
to  them  as  soon  as  a  signal  should  be  given  from  the  lower 
point.  The  fort,  therefore,  while  it  remained  in  darkness, 
would  have  a  fair  chance  with  its  batteries  as  the  ships 
passed  Ixjtween  it  and  these  conflagrations. 

A  private  committee  sent  up  by  the  New  York  Convention, 
had  a  conference  with  the  general,  to  devise  further  means 
of  obstructing  the  passage  of  ships  up  the  river.  Fire  rafts 
were  to  be  brought  from  Poughkeepsie  and  kept  at  hand 
ready  for  action.  These  were  to  be  lashed  two  together, 
witli  chains,  between  old  sloops  filled  with  combustibles, 
and  sent  down  with  a  stroiig  wind  and  tide,  to  drive  upon 
the  ships.  An  iron  chain,  also,  was  to  l>e  stretched  obliquely 
across  the  river  from  Fort  Montgomery  to  the  foot  of 


jOQ  LIFE   OF  WASHIKGTOtf.  [CH.  XVI. 

Anthony's  Nose,  thus,  as  it  were,  chaining  up  the  gate  of  the 

Highlands. 

For  a  protection  below  the  Highlands,  it  Avas  proposed  to 
station  whale-boats  about  the  coves  and  promontories  of 
Tappan  Sea  and  Haverstraw  Bay;  to  reconnoiter  the  enemy, 
cruise  about  at  night,  carry  intelligence  from  post  to  post, 
seize  any  river  craft  that  might  bring  the  ships  supplies, 
and  cut  off  their  boats  when  attempting  to  land.  Galleys, 
also,  were  prepared,  with  nine-pounders  mounted  at  the  bows. 

Colonel  Hay,  of  Haverstraw,  in  a  letter  to  Washington, 
rejoices  that  the  national  Congress  are  preparing  to  protect 
this  great  highway  of  the  country,  and  anticipates  that  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson  were  about  to  become  the  chief  theater 
of  the  war. 


NOTE.— THE  VAN  CORTLANDT  PAMII.T.— Two  members  of  this  old  and   honorable 


tin-  mouth  of  the  Croton,  in  1774,  and  made  him  offers  of  royal  favors,  honors, 
grants  of  land,  <fcc.,  if  he  would  abandon  the  popular  cause.  His  offers  were  nobly 
rejected.  The  Cortlandt  family  suffered  in  consequence,  being  at  one  time  obliged 
to  abandon  their  manorial  residence;  but  the  head  remained  true  to  the  cause,  and 
subsequently  filled  the  office  of  Lieutenant-Governor  with  great  dignity. 

His  son  Pierre,  mentioned  in  the  above  chapter,  and  then  about.  27  years  of  age, 
had  likewise  resisted  the  overtures  of  Tryon,  destroying  a  major's  commission  in 
the  Cortlandt  militia,  which  he  sent  him.  Congress,  in  1775,  made  him  lieutenant- 
colonel  in  the  Continental  service,  in  which  capacity  we  now  liud  him,  acquitting 
himself  with  zeal  and  ability. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Question  of  Command  Between  Gates  and  Schuylcr — Condition  of  the 
Army  at  Crown  Point — Discontent  and  Departure  of  Sullivan — 
Fortifications  at  Ticondero^a — The  Question  of  Command  Adjusted 
— Secret  Discontents — Sectional  Jealousies  in  the  Army — Southern 
Troops — Smallwood's  Macaroni  Battalion — Connecticut  Light- 
Horse. 

WHILE  the  security  of  the  Hudson  from  invading  ships 
was  claiming  the  attention  of  Washington,  he  was  equally 
anxious  to  prevent  an  irruption  of  the  enemy  from  Canada. 
He  was  grieved,  therefore,  to  find  there  was  a  clashing  of 
authorities  between  the  generals  who  had  charge  of  the  North- 
ern frontier.  Gates,  on  his  way  to  take  command  of  the 
army  in  Canada,  had  heard  with  surprise  in  Albany,  of  its 
retreat  across  the  New  York  frontier.  He  still  considered  it 


1771,  I  THE  FORCES  AT  CROWN   POINT.  101 

under  his  orders,  and  was  proceeding  to  act  accordingly; 
when  General  Sehuyler  observed,  that  the  resolution  of  Con- 
gress, and  the  instructions  of  \Vhshiugton,  applied  to  the 
army  only  vhile  in  Canada;  the  moment  it  retreated  within 
the  limits  if  New  York,  it  came  within  his  (Schuyler's) 
command.  A.  letter  from  Schuyler  to  Washington,  written 
at  the  time,  says:  "If  Congress  intended  that  General  Gates 
should  command  the  Northern  army,  wherever  it  may  be,  as 
he  assures  me  they  did,  it  ought  to  have  been  signified  to  me, 
and  I  should  then  have  immediately  resigned  the  command 
to  him;  but  until  such  intention  is  properly  conveyed  to  me, 
I  never  can.  I  must,  therefore,  entreat  your  Excellency  to 
lay  this  letter  before  Congress,  that  they  may  clearly  and 
explicitly  signify  their  intentions,  to  avert  the  dangers  and 
evils  that  may  arise  from  a  disputed  command." 

That  there  might  be  no  delay  in  the  service  at  this  critical 
juncture,  the  two  generals  agreed  to  refer  the  question  of 
command  to  Congress,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  act  m  concert. 
They  accordingly  departed  together  for  Lake  Champlain,  to 
prepare  against  an  anticipated  invasion  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton. 
They  arrived  at  Crown  Point  on  the  Gth  of  July,  and  found 
there  the  wrecks  of  the  armv  recently  driven  out  of  Canada. 
They  had  been  harassed  in  their  retreat  by  land;  their  trans- 
portation on  the  lake  had  been  in  leaky  boats,  without  awn- 
ing, where  the  sick,  su  fieri ng  from  small-pox,  lay  on  straw, 
exposed  to  a  burning  July  sun;  no  food  but  salt  pork,  often 
rancid,  hard  biscuit  or  unbaked  flour,  and  scarcely  any  medi- 
cine. Not  more  than  six  thousand  men  had  reached  Crown 
Point,  and  half  of  those  were  on  the  sick  list;  the  shattered 
remains  of  twelve  or  fifteen  very  fine  battalions.  Some  few 
were  sheltered  in  tents,  some  under  sheds,  and  others  in 
huts  hastily  formed  of  bushes;  scarce  one  of  which  but  con- 
tained a  dead  or  dying  man.  Two  thousand  eight  hundred 
\vere  to  be  sent  to  a  hospital  recently  established  at  the  south 
end  of  Lake  George,  a  distance  of  fifty  miles;  when  they  wci  3 
gone,  with  those  who  were  to  row  them  in  boats,  there  would 
remain  but  the  shadow  of  an  army.* 

In  a  council  of  war,  it  was  determined  that,  under  present 
circumstances,  the  post  of  Crown  Point  was  not  tenable; 
neither  was  it  capable  of  being  made  so  this  summer,  without 
a  force  greatly  superior  to  any  they  might  reasonably  expect; 
ami  that,  therefore,  it  was  expedient  to  fall  back,  and  take 
a  strong  position  at  Ticonderoga. 

*  Col.  John  TrumbaH's  Autobiography,  p.  285,  Appendix. 


102  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XVI. 

General  Sullivan  had  been  deeply  hurt  that  Gates,  his 
former  inferior  in  rank,  should  have  been  appointed  over 
him  to  the  command  of  the  army  in  Canada;  considering  it 
a  tacit  intimation  that  Congress  did  not  esteem  him  compe- 
tent to  the  trust  which  had  devolved  upon  him.  He  now, 
therefore,  requested  leave  of  absence,  in  order  to  wait  on  the 
Commander-in-chief.  It  was  granted  with  reluctance.  Be- 
fore departing,  he  communicated  to  the  army,  through  Gen- 
eral Schuyler,  his  high  and  grateful  sense  of  their  exertions 
in  securing  a  retreat  from  Canada,  and  the  cheerfulness  with 
which  his  commands  had  been  received  and  obeyed. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  Schuyler  and  Gates  returned  to  Ti- 
conderoga,  accompanied  by  Arnold.  Instant  arrangements 
were  made  to  encamp  the  troops,  and  land  the  artillery  and 
stores  as  fast  as  they  should  arrive.  Great  exertions,  also, 
were  made  to  strengthen  the  defences  of  the  place.  Colonel 
John  Trumbull,  who  was  to  have  accompanied  Gates  to 
Canada,  as  adjutant -general,  had  been  reconnoitering  the 
neighborhood  of  Ticonderoga,  and  had  pitched  upon  a  place 
for  a  fortification  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  lake,  directly 
opposite  the  east  point  of  Ticonderoga,  where  Fort  Inde- 
pendence was  subsequently  built.  He  also  advised  the  erec- 
tion of  a  work  on  a  lofty  eminence,  the  termination  of  a 
mountain  ridge,  which  separates  Lake  George  from  Lake 
Champlain.  His  advice  was  unfortunately  disregarded. 
The  eminence,  subsequently  called  Mount  Defiance,  looked 
down  upon  and  commanded  the  narrow  parts  of  both  lakes. 
We  shall  hear  more  of  it  hereafter. 

Preparations  were  made,  also,  to  augment  the  naval  force 
on  the  lakes.  Ship  carpenters  from  the  Eastern  States 
were  employed  at  Skenesborough,  to  build  the  hulls  of  galleys 
and  boats,  which,  when  launched,  were  to  be  sent  down  to 
Ticonderoga  for  equipment  and  armament,  under  the  super- 
intendence of  General  Arnold. 

Schuyler  soon  returned  to  Albany,  to  superintend  the 
general  concerns  of  the  Northern  department.  He  was  in- 
defatigable in  procuring  and  forwarding  the  necessary  ma- 
terials and  artillery  for  the  fortification  of  Ticonderoga. 

The  question  of  command  between  him  and  Gates  was 
apparently  at  rest.  A  letter  from  the  President  of  Congress, 
dated  July  8th,  informed  General  Gates,  that  according  to 
the  resolution  of  that  body  under  which  he  had  been  ap- 
pointed, his  command  was  totally  independent  of  General 
.Schuyler,  while  Ike  tinny  mix  in  Canada,  but  no  longer. 


1776.]  TUB   QUESTION    OF   COMMAND    SETTLED.          „       103 

Congress  had  no  design  to  divest  General  Schuyler  of  the 
command  while  the  troops  were  on  thin  side  of  Canada. 

To  Schuyler,  under  the  same  date,  the  president  writes: 
"The  Congress  highly  approve  of  your  patriotism  and  mag- 
nanimity in  not  Buffering  any  difference  of  opinion  to  hurt 
the  public  service. 

"A  mutual  confidence  and  good  understanding  are  at  this 
time  essentially  necessary,  so  that  I  am  persuaded  they  will 
take  place  on  all  occasions  between  yourself  and  General 
dates." 

(iates  professed  himself  entirely  satisfied  with  the  explana- 
tion lie  had  received,  and  perfectly  disposed  to  obey  the 
commands  of  Schuyler.  "I  am  confident,"  added  he,  "we 
.shall,  as  the  Congress  wish,  go  hand  in  hand  to  promote  the 
public  welfare." 

Si-huyler,  too,  assured  both  Congress  and  Washington, 
"that  the  difference  in  opinion  between  Gates  and  himself 
had  not  caused  the  least  ill-will,  nor  interrupted  that  har- 
mony necessary  to  subsist  between  their  officers." 

Samuel  Adams,  however,  who  was  at  that  time  in  Con- 
gress, had  strong  doubts  in  the  matter. 

•Schuyler  and  Gates  are  to  command  the  troops,"  writes 
he,  "the  former  while  they  are  without,  the  latter  while  they 
are  within  the  bounds  of  Canada.  Admitting  these  generals 
to  have  the  accomplishments  of  a  Marlborough,  or  a  Eugene, 
1  cannot  conceive  that  such  a  disposition  of  them  will  be 
attended  with  any  good  effects,  unless  harmony  subsists  be- 
tween them.  Alas,  I  fear  this  is  not  the  case.  Already  dis- 
putes have  arisen,  which  they  have  referred  to  Congress;  and, 
although  they  affect  to  treat  each  other  with  a  politeness  be- 
coming their  rank,  in  my  mind,  altercations  between  com- 
manders who  have  pretensions  nearly  equal  (I  mean  in  point 
of  command),  forebode  a  repetition  of  misfortune.  I  sin- 
cnvly  wish  my  apprehensions  may  prove  groundless."* 

\\'e  have  a  letter  before  us  also,  written  to  Gates,  by  his 
friend  Joseph  Trumbull,  commissary-general,  on  whose  ap- 
pointment of  a  deputy,  the  question  of  command  had  arisen. 
TrumbuH's  letter  was  well  calculated  to  inflame  the  jealousy 
of  Gates.  "I  find  you  are  in  a  cursed  situation,"  writes  he; 
"your  authority  at  an  end;  and  commanded  by  a  person  who 
will  be  willing  to  have  you  knocked  in  the  head,  as  General 
.Montgomery  was,  if  he  can  have  the  money  chest  in  his 
power." 

*  8.  Adams  to  R.  11  Lee.    Am.  Arch.,  5th  Scries,  i.,  347. 


-£04  LIFE   Or    WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XVI. 

Governor  Trumbull,  too,  the  father  of  the  commissary- 
general,  observes  subsequently:  "It  is  justly  to  be  expected 
that  General  Gates  is  discontented  with  his  situation,  finding 
himself  limited  and  removed  from  the  command,  to  be  a 
wretched  spectator  of  the  ruin  of  the  army,  without  power 
of  attempting  to  save  them.'"  We  shall  have  frequent 
occasion  hereafter  to  notice  the  discord  in  the  service  caused 
by  this  rankling  discontent. 

As  to  General  Sullivan,  who  repaired  to  Philadelphia  and 
tendered  his  resignation,  the  question  of  rank  which  had 
aggrieved  him  was  explained  in  a  manner  that  induced  him 
to  continue  in  service.  It  was  universally  allowed  that  his 
retreat  had  been  ably  conducted  through  all  kinds  of  diffi- 
culties and  disasters. 

A  greater  source  of  solicitude  to  Washington  than  this 
jealousy  between  commanders,  was  the  sectional  jealousy 
springing  up  among  the  troop*.  In  a  letter  to  Schuyler 
(July  17th)  he  says,  "I  must  entreat  your  attention  to  do 
away  the  unhappy  and  pernicious  distinctions  and  jealousies 
between  the  troops  of  di  tie  rent  governments.  Enjoin  this 
upon  the  officers,  -and  let  them  inculcate  and  press  home  to 
the  soldiery,  the  necessity  of  order  and  harmony  among 
those  who  are  embarked  in  one  common  cause,  and  mutually 
contending  for  all  that  freemen  hold  dear." 

Nowhere  were  these  sectional  jealousies  more  prevalent 
than  in  the  motley  army  assembled  from  distant  quarters 
under  Washington's  own  command.  Reed,  the  adjutant- 
general,  speaking  on  this  subject,  observes:  "The  Southern 
troops,  comprising  the  regiments  south  of  the  Delaware, 
looked  with  very  unkind  feelings  on  those  of  New  England; 
especially  those  from  Connecticut,  whose  peculiarities  of  de- 
portment made  them  the  objects  of  ill-disguised  derision 
among  their  fellow-soldiers. ''f 

Among  the  troops  thus  designated  as  Southern,  were  some 
from  Virginia  under  a  Major  Leitcli;  others  from  Maryland, 
under  Colonel  Smallwood  ;  others  from  Delaware,  led  by 
Colonel  Haslet.  There  were  four  Continental  battalions 
from  Pennsylvania,  commanded  by  Colonels  Shee,  St.  Clair, 
Wayne,  and  Magaw;  and  provincial  battalions,  two  of  which 
were  severally  commanded  by  Colonels  Miles  and  Atlce.  The 
Continental  battalion  under  Colonel  Shee  was  chielly  from 
the  city  of  Philadelphia,  especially  the  officers;  among  whom 


*  (iov.  Trumbull  to  Mr.  William  Williams, 
t  Life  of  Reed,  vol.  i.  p.  ^59. 


177H.J  THE   CONNECTICUT    DRAGOONS.  105 

were  Lambert  Cadwalader  and  William  Allen,  members  of 
t\v«>  of  the  principal,  and  most  aristocratic  families,  and 
Alexander  Graydon,  to  whose  memoirs  we  are  indebted  for 
some  graphic  pictures  of  the  times. 

These  Pennsylvania  troops  were  under  the  command  of 
Brigadier-General  Mifflin,  who,  in  the  preceding  year,  had 
.•irtrd  as  Washington's  aide-de-camp,  and  afterward  as  quar- 


termaster-general. His  townsman  and  intimate,  Graydon, 
characterizes  him  as  a  man  of  education  and  cultivated  man- 
ners, with  a  great  talent  at  haranguing;  highly  animated  in 
his  appearance,  full  of  activity  and  apparently  of  fire;  but 
rather  too  much  of  a  bustler,  harassing  his  men  unnecessa 
rily.  "He  assumed,"  adds  Graydon,  "a  little  of  the  veteran, 
from  having  been  before  Boston."  His  troops  were  chiefly 
encamped  near  King's  Bridge,  and  employed  in  constructing 
works  at  Fort  Washington. 

Small  wood's  Maryland  battalion  was  one  of  the  brightest 
in  point  of  equipment.  The  scarlet  and  buff  uniforms  of 
tln»e  {Southerners  contrasted  vividly  with  the  rustic  attire  of 
the  yeoman  battalions  from  the  East.  Their  officers,  too, 
looked  down  upon  their  Connecticut  compeers,  who  could 
only  be  distinguished  from  their  men  by  wearing  a  cockade. 
"There  were  none,"  says  Graydon,  "by  whom  an  unofficer- 
like  appearance  and  deportment  could  l>e  tolerated  less  than 
by  a  city-bred  Marylander;  who,  at  this  time,  was  distin- 
guished by  the  most  fashionable  cut  coat,  the  most  macaroni 
coeked-hat,  and  hottest  blood  in  the  Union."  Alas,  for  the 
homespun-clad  officers  from  Connecticut  Itiver! 

The  Pennsylvania  regiment  under  Shee,  according  to 
(Jruydon,  promoted  balls  and  other  entertainments,  in  con- 
tradistinction to  the  fast-days  and  sermons  borrowed  from 
Ke\v  England.  There  was  nothing  of  the  puritanical  spirit 
among  the  Pennsylvania!!  soldiery.  In  the  same  sectional 
spirit,  he  speaks  of  the  Connecticut  light-horse:  "Old-fash- 
ioned men,  truly  irregulars;  whether  their  clothing,  equip- 
ment, or  caparisons  were  regarded,  it  would  have  been  diffi- 
cult to  have  discovered  any  circumstance  of  uniformity. 
Instead  of  carbines  and  sabers,  they  generally  carried  fowl- 
ing-pieces, some  of  them  very  long,  such  as  in  Pennsylvania  are 
used  for  shooting  ducks.  Here  and  there  one  appeared  in  a 
dingy  regimental  of  scarlet,  with  a  triangular,  tarnished, 
laced  hat.  These  singular  dragoons  were  volunteers,  who 
came  to  make  a  tender  of  their  services  to  the  commander-in- 
chief.  But  they  staid  not  long  in  New  York.  As  such  a  body  of 
cavalry  had  not  been  counted  upon,  there  was  in  all  proba- 


}06  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XVI. 

bility  a  want  of  forage  for  their  jades,  which,  in  the  spirit  of 
ancient  knighthood,  they  absolutely  refused  to  descend  from; 
and  as  the  general  had  no  use  for  cavaliers  in  his  insular 
operations,  they  were  forthwith  dismissed,  with  suitable 
acknowledgments  for  their  truly  chivalrous  ardor."3 

The  troops  thus  satirized,  were  a  body  of  between  four  and 
five  hundred  Connecticut  light-horse,  under  Colonel  Thomas 
Seymour.  On  an  appeal  for  aid  to  the  governor  of  their 
State,  they  had  voluntarily  hastened  on  in  advance  of  the 
milita,  to  render  the  most'  speedy  succor.  Supposing,  from 
•the  suddenness  and  urgency  of  the  call  upon  their  services, 
that  they  were  immediately  to  be  called  into  action  and 
promptly  to  return  home,  they  had  come  off  in  such  haste, 
that  many  were  unprovided  even  with  a  blanket  or  a  change 
of  clothing. 

Washington  speaks  of  them  as  being  for  the  most  part,  if 
not  all,  men  of  reputation  and  property.  They  were,  in 
fact,  mostly  farmers.  As  to  their  sorry  jades,  they  were 
rough  country  horses,  such  as  farmers  keep,  not  for  show, 
but  service.  As  to  their  dingy  regimentals,  we  quote  a  word 
in  their  favor  from  a  writer  of  that  day.  "Some  of  these 
worthy  soldiers  assisted  in  their  present  uniforms  at  the  re- 
duction of  Louisburg,  and  their  'lank  cheeks  and  war-worn 
coats,'  are  viewed  with  more  veneration  by  their  honest  coun- 
trymen, than  if  they  were  glittering  nabobs  from  India,  or 
bashaws  with  nine  tails,  "f 

On  arriving,  their  horses,  from  scarcity  of  forage,  had  to 
be  pastured  about  King's  Bridge.  In  fact,  Washington  in- 
formed them  that,  under  present  circumstances,  they  could 
not  be  of  use  as  horsemen;  on  which  they  concluded  to  stay, 
and  do  duty  on  foot  till  the  arrival  of  the  new  levies.  J  In  a 
letter  to  Governor  Trumbull  (July  11),  Washington  observes: 
"The  officers  and  men  of  that  corps  have  manifested  so  firm 
an  attachment  to  the  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  that  they 
have  consented  to  remain  here,  till  such  a  body  of  troops  are 
1 1 arched  from  your  colony  as  will  be  a  sufficient  reinforce- 
ment, so  as  to  admit  of  their  leaving  this  city  with  safety. 

*  *  *  They  have  the  additional  merit  of  determining  to 
stay,  even  if  they  are  obliged  to  maintain  their  horses  at  their 
own  expense."§ 

In  a  very  few  days,  however,  the  troopers,  on  being  re- 
quested to  mount  guard  like  other  soldiers,  grew  restless  and 

*  Graydon'B  Memoirs,  p.  155. 

t  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  i,  175.         \  Webb  to  Gov.  Truinbull. 

f.  Am.  Archives,  5th  Scries,  i.,  192. 


1776.J  THE   CONNECTICUT   DRAGOONS.  107 

uneasy.  Colonel  Seymour,  and  his  brother  field-officers, 
therefore,  addressed  u  note  to  Washington,  stating  that,  by 
the  positive  laws  of  Connecticut,  the  light-horse  were  ex- 
pressly exempted  from  staying  in  garrison,  or  doing  duty  on 
foot,  apart  from  their  horses;  and  that  they  found  it  im- 
possible to  detain  their  men  any  longer  under  that  idea,  they 
having  come  "without  the  least  expectation  or  preparation 
for  such  services."  They  respectfully,  therefore,  asked  a 
dismission  in  form.  Washington's  brief  reply  shows  that 
he  was  nettled  by  their  conduct. 

"Gentlemen:  In  answer  to  yours  of  this  date,  I  can  only 
repeat  to  you  what  I  said  last  night,  and  that  is,  that  if  your 
men  think  themselves  exempt  from  the  common  duty  of  a 
soldier — will  not  mount  guard,  do  garrison  duty,  or  service 
separate  from  their  horses — they  can  no  longer  be  of  any  use 
here,  where  horses  cannot  be  brought  to  action,  and  I  do 
not  care  how  soon  they  are  dismissed." 

In  fact,  the  assistance  of  these  troops  was  much  needed; 
yet  he  apprehended  the  exemption  from  fatigue  and  garrison 
duty  which  they  demanded  as  a  right,  would,  if  granted,  set 

dangerous  example  to  others,  and  be  productive  of  many 
evil  consequences. 

In  the  hurry  of  various  concerns  he  directed  his  aide-de- 
camp, Colonel  Webb,  to  write  in  his  name  to  Governor 
Trumbull  on  the  subject. 

Colonel  Seymour,  on  his  return  home,  addressed  a  long 
letter  to  the  governor  explanatory  of  his  conduct.  "I  can't 
help  remarking  to  your  honor,"  adds  he,  "that  it  may  with 
truth  be  said,  General  Washington  is  a  gentleman  of  extreme 
care  and  caution:  that  his  requisitions  for  men  are  fully  equal 
to  the  necessities  of  the  case.  *  *  *  *  I  should  have 
stopped  here,  but  am  this  moment  informed  that  Mr.  Webb, 
(u-neral  Washington's  aide-de-camp,  has  written  to  your 
honor  something  dishonorable  to  the  light  horse.  Whatever 
it  may  be  I  know  not,  but  this  I  do  know,  that  it  is  a  general 
observation  both  in  camp  and  country,  if  the  butterflies  and 
coxcombs  were  away  from  the  army,  we  should  not  be  put  to 
so  much  difficulty  in  obtaining  men  of  common  sense  to  en- 
irMire  in  the  defence  of  their  country."* 

As  to  the  Connecticut  infantry  which  had  been  furnished 
by  Governor  Trumbull  in  the  present  emergency,  they  like- 
wise were  substantial  farmers,  whose  business,  he  observed, 
would  require  their  return,  when  the  necessity  of  their  fur- 


*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Scries,  i.,  513. 
>      \  .• 


108 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XVII. 


ther  stay  in  the  army  should  be  over.  They  were  all  men  of 
simple  rural  manners,  from  an  agricultural  State,  where 
great  equality  of  condition  prevailed;  the  officers  were  elected 
by  the  men 'out  of  their  own  ranks,  they  were  their  own 
neighbors,  and  every  way  their  equals.  All  this,  as  yet,  was 
bnf  little  understood  or  appreciated  by  the  troops  from  the 
South,  among  whom  military  rank  was  more  defined  and 
tenaciously  observed,  and  where  the  officers  were  men  of  the 
cities,  and  of  more  aristocratic  habits. 

We  have  drawn  out  from  contemporary  sources  these  few 
particulars  concerning  the  sectional  jealousies  thus  early 
springing  up  among  the  troops  from  the  different  States,  to 
show  tlie" difficulties  with  which  Washington  had  to  contend 
at  the  outset,  and  which  formed  a  growing  object  of  solici- 
tude throughout  the  rest  of  his  career. 

John  Adams,  speaking  of  the  violent  passions  and  dis- 
cordant interests  at  work  throughout  the  country,  from 
Florida  to  Canada,  observes:  "It  requires  more  serenity  of 
temper,  a  deeper  understanding,  and  more  courage  than  fell 
to  the  lot  of  Marlborough,  to  ride  in  this  whirlwind."* 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

Southern  Cruise  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton— Fortifications  at  Charleston — 
Arrival  there  of  General  Lee — Battle  at  Sullivan's  Island — Wash- 
ington Announces  the  Result  to  the  Army. 

LETTERS  from  General  Lee  gave  Washington  intelligence 
of  the  fate  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  expedition  to  the  South; 
that  expedition  which  had  been  the  subject  of  so  much 
surmise  and  perplexity.  Sir  Henry  in  his  cruise  along  the 
coast  had  been  repeatedly  foiled  by  Lee.  First,  as  we  have 
shown,  when  he  looked  in  at  New  York;  next,  when  he 
paused  at  Norfolk  in  Virginia;  and  lastly,  when  he  made  a 
bold  attempt  at  Charleston  in  South  Carolina;  for  scarce  did 
his  ships  appear  off  the  bar  of  the  harbor,  than  the  omni- 
present Leo  was  marching  his  troops  into  the  city. 

^yithin  a  year  past,  Charleston  had  been  fortified  at 
various  points.  Fort  Johnson,  on  James  Island,  three  miles 
from  the  city,  and  commanding  the  breadth  of  the  channel, 

*  Am.  Archives,  4th  Scries,  v.,  1112. 


1776.1  i-EE   AT   CHARLESTON.  109 

\v;i>  garrisoned  by  a  regiment  of  South  Carolina  regulars 
under-  Colonel  Gadsdeu.  A  strong  fort  had  recently  been 
constructed  nearly  opposite,  on  the  south-west  point  of 
Sullivan's  Island,  about  six  miles  below  the  city.  It  was 
mounted  with  twenty-six  guns,  and  garrisoned  by  three 
hundred  and  seventy-live  regulars  and  a  few  militia,  and 
commanded  by  Colonel  William  Moultrie,  of  South  Carolina, 
who  had  constructed  it.  This  fort,  in  connection  with 
that  on  James  Island,  was  considered  the  key  of  the  harbor. 

Cannon  had  also  been  mounted  on  Iladdrell's  Point  on 
the  mainland,  to  the  north-west  of  Sullivan's  Island,  and 
along  the  bay  in  front  of  the  town. 

The  arrival  of  General  Lee  gave  great  joy  to  the  people 
of  Charleston,  from  his  high  reputation  for  military  skill 
and  experience.  According  to  his  own  account  in  a  letter  to 
Washington,  the  town  on  his  arrival  was  "utterly  defence- 
less." He  was  rejoiced  therefore,  when  the  enemy,  instead 
of  immediately  attacking  it,  directed  his  whole  force  against 
the  fort  on  Sullivan's  Island.  "He  has  lost  an  opportunity," 
said  Lee,  "such  as  I  hope  will  never  occur  again,  of  taking 
the  town." 

The  British  ships,  in  fact,  having  passed  the  bar  with 
some  difficulty,  landed  their  troops  on  Long  Island,  situated 
to  the  east  of  Sullivan's  Island,  and  separated  from  it  by  a 
small  creek  called  the  Breach.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  meditated 
a  combined  attack  with  his  land  and  naval  forces  on  the 
fort  commanded  by  Moultrie;  the  capture  of  which,  he 
thought,  would  insure  the  reduction  of  Charleston. 

The  Americans  immediately  threw  up  works  on  the  north- 
eastern extremity  of  Sullivan's  Island,  to  prevent  the  passage 
of  the  enemy  over  the  Breach,  stationing  a  force  of  regulars 
and  militia  there,  under  Colonel  Thompson.  General  Lee 
encamped  on  Iladdrell's  Point,  on  the  mainland,  to  the 
north  of  the  island,  whence  he  intended  to  keep  up  a  com- 
munication by  a  bridge  of  boats,  so  as  to  be  ready  at  any 
moment  to  aid  either  Moultrie  or  Thompson. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  on  the  other  hand,  had  to  construct 
batteries  on  Long  Island,  to  oppose  those  of  Thompson,  and 
cover  the  passage  of  his  troops  by  boats  or  by  the  ford. 
Thus  time  was  consumed,  and  the  enemy  were,  from  the  1st 
to  the  28th  of  June,  preparing  for  the  attack;  their  troops 
snlTering  from  the  intense  heat  of  the  sun  on  the  burning 
sands  of  Long  Island,  and  both  fleet  and  army  complaining 
of  brackish  water  and  scanty  and  bad  provisions. 

At  length    on    the  28th  of  June,   the   Thunder  Bomb 


HO  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XVIL 

commenced  the  attack,  throwing  shells  at  the  fort  as  the 
fleet,  under  Sir  Peter  Parker,  advanced.  About  eleven 
o'clock  the  ships  dropped  their  anchors  directly  before  the 
front  battery.  "I  was  at  this  time  in  a  boat,"  writes  Lee, 
"endeavoring  to  make  the  island;  but  the  wind  and  tide 
being  violently  against  us,  drove  us  on  the  main.  They 
immediately  commenced  the  most  furious  fire  I  ever  heard 
or  saw.  I  confess  I  was  in  pain,  from  the  little  confidence  I 
reposed  in  our  troops;  the  officers  being  all  boys,  and  the 
men  raw  recruits.  What  augmented  my  anxiety  Avas,  that 
we  had  no  bridge  finished  for  retreat  or  communication;  and 
the  creek  or  cove  which  separates  it  from  the  continent  is 
near  a  mile  wide.  I  had  received,  likewise,  intelligence  that 
their  land  troops  intended  at  the  same  time  to  land  and  assault. 
I  never  in  my  life  felt  myself  so  uneasy;  and  what  added  to 
my  uneasiness  was,  that  I  knew  our  stock  of  ammunition 
was  miserably  low.  I  had  once  thought  of  ordering  the 
commanding  officer  to  spike  his  guns,  and,  when  his  ammu- 
nition was  spent,  to  retreat  with  as  little  loss  as  possible. 
However,  I  thought  proper  previously  to  send  to  town  for  a 
fresh  supply,  if  it  could  possibly  be  procured,  and  ordered  my 
aide-de-camp,  Mr.  Byrd  (who  is  a  lad  of  magnanimous  cour- 
age),to  pass  over  in  a  small  canoe,  and  report  the  state  of  the 
spirit  of  the  garrison.  If  it  had  been  low,  I  should  have 
abandoned  all  thoughts  of  defence.  His  report  was  flatter- 
ing. I  then  determined  to  maintain  the  post  at  all  risks, 
and  passed  the  creek  or  cove  in  a  small  boat,  in  order  to 
animate  the  garrison  in  propria  persona;  but  I  found  they 
had  no  occasion  for  such  an  encouragement. 

"They  Avere  pleased  with  my  visit,  and  assured  me  they 
never  would  abandon  the  post  but  with  their  lives.  The 
cool  courage  they  displayed  astonished  and  enraptured  me, 
for  I  do  assure  you,  my  dear  general,  I  never  experienced  a 
better  fire.  Twelve  full  hours  it  was  continued  without 
intermission.  The  noble  fellows  who  were  mortally  wounded, 
conjured  their  brethren  never  to  abandon  the  standard  of 
liberty.  Those  who  lost  their  limbs  deserted  not  their  posts. 
Upon  the  whole,  they  acted  like  Romans  in  the  third 
century." 

Much  of  the  foregoing  is  corroborated  by  the  statement 
of  a  British  historian.  "While  the  continued  fire  of  our 
ships,"  writes  he,  "seemed  sufficient  to  shake  the  fierceness 
of  the  bravest  enemy,  and  daunt  the  courage  of  the  most 
veteran  soldier,  the  return  made  by  the  fort  could  not  fail 
calling  for  the  respect,  as  well  as  of  highly  incommoding  the 


1776.]  THE  ENEMt  REPULSED.  Ill 

brave  seamen  of  Britain.  In  the  midst  of  that  dreadful  roar 
of  artillery,  they  stuck  with  the  greatest  constancy  and  firm- 
ness to  their  guns;  fired  deliberately  and  slowly,  and  took  a 
cool  and  effective  aim.  The  ships  suffered  accordingly, 
they  were  torn  almost  to  pieces,  and  the  slaughter  was 
dreadful.  Never  did  British  valor  shine  more  conspicuous, 
and  never  did  our  marine  in  an  engagement  of  the  same 
nature  with  any  foreign  enemy  experience  so  rude  an 
encounter."* 

The  fire  from  the  ships  did  not  produce  the  expected 
effect.  The  fortifications  were  low,  composed  of  earth  ami 
palmetto  wood,  which  is  soft,  and  makes  no  splinters,  and 
the  merlons  were  extremely  thick.  At  one  time  there  was  a 
considerable  pause  in  the  American  fire,  and  the  enemy 
thought  the  fort  was  abandoned.  It  was  only  because  the 
powder  was  exhausted.  As  soon  as  a  supply  could  be  for- 
warded from  the  mainland  by  General  Lee,  the  fort  resumed 
its  fire  with  still  more  deadly  effect.  Through  unskillful 
pilotage,  several  of  the  ships  ran  aground,  where  one,  the 
trigate  Actaeon,  remained;  the  rest  were  extricated  with 
diHiculty.  Those  which  bore  the  brunt  of  the  action  were 
much  cut  up.  One  hundred  and  seventy-five  men  were 
killed,  and  nearly  as  many  wounded.  Captain  Scott,  com- 
manding the  Experiment,  of  fifty  guns,  lost  an  arm,  and 
was  otherwise  wounded.  Captain  Morris,  commanding  the 
Acta?on,  was  slain.  So  also  was  Lord  Campbell,  late  gov- 
ernor of  the  province,  who  served  as  a  volunteer  on  board 
of  the  squadron. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  two  thousand  troops  and  five  or 
six  hundred  seamen,  attempted  repeatedly  to  cross  from 
Long  Island,  and  co-operate  in  the  attack  upon  the  fort,  but 
was  as  often  foiled  by  Colonel  Thompson,  with  his  battery 
of  two  cannon,  and  a  body  of  South  Carolina  rangers  and 
North  Carolina  regulars.  "Upon  the  whole,"  says  Lee, 
"the  South  and  North  Carolina  troops  and  Virginia  riflt 
battalion  we  have  here,  are  admirable  soldiers."  < 

The  combat  slackened  before  sunset,  and  ceased  before  ten 
o'clock.  Sir  Peter  Parker,  who  had  received  a  severe  con- 
tusion in  the  engagement,  then  slipped  his  cables,  and  drew 
oil  his  shattered  ships  to  Five  Fathom  Hole.  The  Actaeon 
remained  aground. 

On  the  following  morning  Sir  Henry  Clinton  made  another 
attempt  to  cross  from  Long  Island  to  Sullivan's  Island;  but 

*  Hurt.  Civil  War  in  America.    Dublin,  1779.    Annaal  Register- 


}12  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  XVII. 

was  ao-ain  repulsed,  and  obliged  to  take  shelter  behind  his 
breastworks.  Sir  Peter  Parker,  too,  giving  up  all  hope  of 
reducing  the  fort  in  the  shattered  condition  of  his  ships, 
ordered  that  the  Actseon  should  be  set  on  fire  and  abandoned. 
The  crew  left  her  in  flames,  with  the  guns  loaded,  and  the 
colors  flying.  The  Americans  boarded  her  in  time  to  haul 
do\m  her  colors,  and  secure  them  as  a  trophy,  discharge 
her  guns  at  one  of  the  enemy's  ships,  and  load  three  boats 
with5 stores.  They  then  abandoned  her  to  her  fate,  and  in 
half  an  hour  she  blew  up. 

Within  a  few  days  the  troops  were  re-embarked  from  Long 
Island;  the  attempt  upon  Charleston  was  for  the  present 
abandoned,  and  the  fleet  once  more  put  to  sea. 

In  this  action,  one  of  the  severest  in  the  whole  course  of 
the  war,  the  loss  of  the  Americans  in  killed  and  wounded, 
was  but  thirty-five  men.  Colonel  Moultrie  derived  the 
greatest  glory  from  the  defence  of  Sullivan's  Island;  though 
the  thanks  of  Congress  were  voted  as  well  to  General  Lee, 
Colonel  Thompson,  and  those  under  their  command. 

"For  God's  sake,  my  dear  general,"  writes  Lee  to  Wash- 
ington, "urge  the  Congress  to  furnish  me  with  a  thousand 
cavalry.  With  a  thousand  cavalry  I  could  insure  the  safety 
of  these  Southern  provinces;  and  without  cavalry,  I  can 
answer  for  nothing.  From  want  of  this  species  of  troops  we 
had  infallibly  lost  this  capital,  but  the  dilatoriness  and 
stupidity  of  the  enemy  saved  us." 

The  tidings  of  this  signal  repulse  of  the  enemy  came  most 
opportunely  to  Washington,  when  he  was  apprehending  an 
attack  upon  New  York.  He  writes  in  a  familiar  vein  to 
Schuyler  on  the  subject.  "Sir  Peter  Parker  and  his  fleet 
got  a  severe  drubbing  in  an  attack  upon  our  works  on 
Sullivan's  Island,  just  by  Charleston  in  South  Carolina;  a 
part  of  their  troops,  at  the  same  time,  in  attempting  to  land, 
were  repulsed."  He  assumed  a  different  tone  in  announcing 
it  to  the  army  in  a  general  order  of  the  21st  July.  "This 
generous  example  of  our  troops  under  the  like  circumstances 
with  us,  the  general  hopes,  will  animate  every  officer  and 
soldier  to  imitate,  and  even  outdo  them,  when  the  enemy 
shall  make  the  same  attempt  on  us.  With  such  a  bright 
example  before  us  of  what  can  be  done  by  brave  men  fighting 
in  defence  of  their  country,  wo  shall  be  loaded  with  a  double 
share  of  shame  and  infamy  if  we  do  not  acquit  ourselves  with 
courage,  and  manifest  a  determined  resolution  to  conquer 
or  die." 


GENERAL  MOULTRIE. 


1776.]  PUTNAM'S  MILITARY  PROJECTS.  113 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

• 

Putnam's  Military  Projects — Chcvaux-de-frise  at  Fort  Washington — 
Meditated  Attack  on  Stateu  Island — Arrival  of  Ships — Hessian 
Reinforcement*— Scotch  Highlanders— Sir  Henry  Clinton  and 
Lord  Corn wal lis — Putnam's  Obstructions  of  the  Hudson — The 
Phoenix  and  Uose  Attacked  by  Row  Galleys  at  Tarrytown — Gen- 
eral Order  of  Washington  on  the  subject  of  Sectional  Jealousies — 
.  Profane  Swearing  Prohibited  in  the  Camp— Preparations  »:  gainst 
Attack — Levies  of  Yeomanry — George  Clinton  in  Command  of  the 
Levies  along  the  Hudson — Alarms  of  the  People  of  New  York — 
Benevolent  Sympathy  of  Washington — The  Pha'uix  Grappled  by  a 
Fire- Ship — The  Ships  Evacuate  the  Hudson. 

GENERAL  PUTNAM,  beside  his  bravery  in  the  field,  was 
somewhat  of  a  mechanical  projector.  The  batteries  at  Fort 
Washington  had  proved  ineffectual  in  opposing  the  passage 
of  hostile  ships  up  the  Hudson.  He  was  now  engaged  on  a 
plan  for  obstructing  the  channel  opposite  the  fort,  so  as  to 
prevent  the  passing  of  any  more  ships.  A  letter  from  him 
tn  (leiieral  Gates  (July  2Gth)  explains  his  project.  "We  are 
preparing  chevaux-de-frise,  at  which  we  make  great  dispatch 
by  the  help  of  ships,  which  are  to  be  sunk — a  scheme  of 
mine  which  you  maybe  assured  is  very  simple;  a  plan  of 
which  I  send  you.  The  two  ships'  sterns  lie  toward  each 
other,  about  seventy  feet  apart.  Three  large  logs,  which 
reach  from  ship  to  ship,  are  fastened  to  them.  The  two 
ships  and  logs  stop  the  river  two  hundred  and  eighty  feet. 
The  ships  are  to  be  sunk,  and  when  hauled  down  on  one 
side,  the  pricks  will  be  raised  to  a  proper  height,  and  they 
must  inevitable  stop  the  river,  if  the  enemy  will  let  us  sink 
them." 

It  so  happened  that  one  Ephraiin  Anderson,  adjutant  to 
the  second  Jersey  battalion,  had  recently  submitted  a  project 
to  Congress  for  destroying  the  enemy's  fleet  in  the  harbor  of 
New  York.  He  had  attempted  an  enterprise  of  the  kind 
against  the  British  ships  in  the  harbor  of  Quebec  during  the 
siege,  and,  according  to  his  own  account,  would  have  suc- 
ceeded, had  not  the  enemy  discovered  his  intentions,  and 
stretched  a  cable  across  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  had  he 
not  accidentally  been  much  burned. 

ilis  scheme  was  favorably  entertained  by  Congress,  and 
Washington,  by  a  letter  dated  July  10th,  was  instructed  to 


H4  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XVIII. 

aid  him  in  carrying  it  into  effect.  Anderson,  accordingly, 
was  soon  at  work  at  New  York  constructing  fire-ships,  with 
which  the  fleet  was  to  be  attacked.  Simultaneous  with  the 
attack,  a  descent  was  to  be  made  on  the  British  camp  on 
Staten  Island,  from  the  nearest  point  of  the  Jersey  shore, 
by  troops  from  Mercer's  flying  camp,  and  by  others  stationed 
at  Bergen  under  Major  Knowlton,  Putnam's  favorite  officer 
for  daring  enterprises. 

Putnam  entered  into  the  scheme  as  zealously  as  if  it  had 
been  his  own.  Indeed,  by  the  tenor  of  his  letter  to  Gates, 
already  quoted,  he  seemed  almost  to  consider  it  so.  "The 
enemy's  fleet,"  writes  he,  ''now  lies  in  the  bay,  close  under 
Staten  Island.  Their  troops  possess  no  land  here  but  tho 
island.  Is  it  not  strange  that  those  invincible  troops,  who 
were  to  lay  waste  all  this  country  with  their  fleets  and  army, 
are  so  fond  of  islands  and  peninsulas,  and  dare  not  put  their 
feet  on  the  main?  But  I  hope,  by  the  blessing  of  Cod,  and 
good  friends,  we  shall  pay  them  a  visit  on  their  island.  For 
that  end  we  are  preparing  fourteen  lire-ships  to  go  into  their 
fleet,  some  of  which  are  ready  charged  and  fitted  to  sail, 
and  I  hope  soon  to  have  them  all  fixed." 

Anderson,  also,  on  the  31st  July,  Avrites  from  New  York 
to  the  President  of  Congress:  "I  have  been  for  some  time 
past  very  assiduous  in  the  preparation  of  fire-ships.  Two  are 
already  complete,  and  hauled  oil:  into  the  stream;  two  more 
will  be  off  to-morrow,  and  the  residue  in  a  very  short  time. 
In  my  next,  I  hope  to  give  you  a  particular  account  of  a 
general  conflagration,  as  everything  in  my  power  shall  be 
exerted  for  the  demolition  of  the  enemy's  fleet.  I  expect  to 
take  an  active  part,  and  be  an  instrument  for  that  purpose. 
I  am  determined  (God  willing)  to  make  a  conspicuous  figure 
among  them,  by  being  a  'burning  and  shining  light,'  and 
thereby  serve  my  country,  and  have  the  honor  of  meeting  the 
approbation  of  Congress."* 

Projectors  are  subject  to  disappointments.  It  was  im- 
possible to  construct  a  sufficient  number  of  fire-ships  and 
galleys  in  time.  The  flying  camp,  too,  recruited  but  slowly, 
and  scarcely  exceeded  three  thousand  men;  the  combined 
attack  by  fire  and  sword  had  therefore  to  be  given  up,  and 
the  "burning  and  shining  light"  again  failed  of  conflagra- 
tion. 

Still,  a  partial  night  attack  on  the  Staten  Island  encamp- 
ment was  concerted  by  Mercer  and  Knowlton,  and  twice 

*  Am.  Archives,  5tli  Series,  i.,  155. 


1776.1  OBSTRUCTIONS  OP  THE   HUDSON".  115 

attempted.  On  one  occasion,  they  were  prevented  from 
crossing  the  strait  by  tempestuous  weather,  on  another  by 
deficiency  of  boats. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  days  arrived  a  hundred  sail,  with 
large  reinforcements,  among  which  were  one  thousand  Hes- 
sians, and  as  many  more  were  reported  to  be  on  the  way. 
The  troops  were  disembarked  on  Staten  Island,  and  fortifica- 
tions thrown  up  on  some  of  the  most  commanding  hills. 

All  projects  of  attack  upon  the  enemy  were  now  out  of  the 
question.  Indeed,  some  of  Washington's  ablest  adviser* 
questioned  the  policy  of  remaining  in  New  York,  where  they 
might  be  entrapped  as  the  British  had  been  in  Boston. 
Reed,  the  adjutant-general,  observed  that,  as  the  communi- 
cation by  the  Hudson  was  interrupted,  there  was  nothing 
nmv  to  keep  them  at  New  York  but  a  mere  point  of  honor; 
in  the  mean  time,  they  endangered  the  loss  of  the  army  and 
its  military  stores.  Why  should  they  risk  so  much  in  de- 
fending a  city,  while  the  greater  part  of  its  inhabitants  were 
plotting  their  destruction?  His  advice  was,  that,  when  they 
could  defend  the  city  no  longer,  they  should  evacuate,  and 
burn  it,  and  retire  from  Manhattan  Island;  should  avoid  any 
general  action,  or  indeed  any  action,  unless  in  view  of  great 
advantages;  and  should  make  it  a  war  of  posts. 

During  the  latter  part  of  Julv,  and  the  early  part  of  Au- 
gust, ships  of  war  with  their  tenders  continued  to  arrive,  and 
Scotch  Highlanders;  Hessians,  and  other  troops  to  be  landed 
on  Staten  Island.  At  the  beginning  of  August,  the  squad- 
ron with  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  recently  repulsed  at  Charleston, 
anchored  in  the  bay.  "His  coming,"  writes  Colonel  Reed, 
"\v;is  as  unexpected  as  if  he  had  dropped  from  the  clouds." 
lie  was  accompanied  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  brought  three 
thousand  troops. 

In  the  mean  time,  Putnam's  contrivances  for  obstructing 
the  channel  had  reached  their  destined  place.  A  letter  dated 
Fort  Washington,  August  3d,  says:  "Four  ships  chained  and 
boomed,  with  a  number  of  amazing  large  chevaux-de-frise,- 
\vt-re  sunk  close  by  the  fort  under  command  of  General 
Mi  til  in,  which  fort  mounts  thirty-two  pieces  of  heavy  cannon. 
We  are  thoroughly  sanguine  that  they  [the  ships  up  the 
river]  never  will  be  able  to  join  the  British  fleet,  nor  assist- 
ance from  the  fleet  be  afforded  to  them;  so  that  we  may  set 
them  down  as  our  own." 

Another  letter,  written  at  the  same  date  from  Tarrytown, 
on  the  borders  of  the  Tappan  Sea,  gives  an  account  of  an 
attack  made  by  six  row  galleys  upon  the  Pluenix  and  the 


116  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XVIII. 

Eose.  They  fought  bravely  for  two  hours,  hulling  the  ships 
repeatedly,  but  sustaining  great  damage  in  return;  until 
their  commodore,  Colonel  Tapper,  gave  the  signal  to  draw 
off.  "Never,"  says  the  writer,  "did  men  behave  with  more 
firm,  determined  spirit,  than  our  little  crews.  One  of  our 
tars  being  mortally  wounded,  cried  to  his  companions:  'I  am 
a  dying  man;  revenge  my  blood,  my  boys,  and  carry  me 
alongside  my  gun,  that  I  may  die  there.'  We  were  so  pre- 
served by  a  gracious  Providence,  that  in  all  our  galleys  we 
had  but  two  men  killed  and  fourteen  wounded,  two  of  which 
are  thought  dangerous.  We  hope  to  have  another  touch  at 
those  pirates  before  they  leave  our  river;  which  God  pros- 
per!" 

Such  was  the  belligerent  spirit  prevailing  up  the  Hudson. 

The  force  of  the  enemy  collected  in  the  neighborhood  of 
New  York  was  about  thirty  thousand  men;  that  of  the 
Americans  a  little  more  than  seventeen  thousand,  but  was 
subsequently  increased  to  twenty  thousand,  for  the  most 
part  raw  and  undisciplined.  One  fourth  were  on  the  sick 
list  with  bilious  and  putrid  fevers  and  dysentery;  others 
were  absent  on  furlough  or  command;  the  rest  had  to  be 
distributed  over  posts  and  stations  fifteen  miles  apart. 

The  sectional  jealousies  prevalent  among  them  were  more 
and  more  a  subject  of  uneasiness  to  Washington.  In  one  of 
his  general  orders  he  observes:  "It  is  with  great  concern  that 
the  general  understands  that  jealousies  have  arisen  among 
the  troops  from  the  different  provinces,  and  reflections  are 
frequently  thrown  out  which  can  only  tend  to  irritate  each 
other,  and  injure  the  noble  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged, 
and  which  we  ought  to  support  with  one  hand  and  one  heart. 
The  general  most  earnestly  entreats  the  officers  and  soldiers 
to  consider  the  consequences  ;  that  they  can  no  way  assist 
our  enemies  more  effectually  than  by  making  divisions 
among  ourselves ;  that  the"  honor  and  success  of  the 
army,  and  the  safety  of  our  bleeding  country,  depend  upon 
harmony  and  good  agreement  with  each  other  ;  that  the 
provinces  are  all  united  to  oppose  the  common  enemy,  and 
all  distinctions  sunk  in  the  name  of  an  American.  To  make 
this  name  honorable,  and  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  our  coun- 
try, ought  to  be  our  only  emulation;  and  he  will  be  the  best 
soldier  and  the  best  patriot,  who  contributes  most  to  this 
glorious  work,  whatever  be  his  station,  or  from  whatever  part 
of  the  continent  he  may  come.  Let  all  distinction  of  nations, 
countries  and  provinces,  therefore,  be  lost  in  the  generous 
contest,  who  shall  behave  with  the  most  courage  against  the 


1776.]  WASHINGTON  TO  THE  ARMY.  117 

enemy,  and  the  most  kindness  and  good-humor  to  each 
other.  If  there  be  any  officers  or  soldiers  so  lost  to  virtue 
and  a  love  of  their  country,  as  to  continue  in  such  practices 
after  this  order,  the  general  assures  them,  and  is  authorized 
by  Congress  to  declare  to  the  whole  army,  that  such  persons 
shall  be  severely  punished,  and  dismissed  from  the  service 
with  disgrace." 

The  urgency  of  such  a  general  order  is  apparent  in  that 
early  period  of  our  confederation,  when  its  various  parts  had 
not  as  yet  been  sufficiently  welded  together  to  acquire  a 
thorough  feeling  of  nationality;  yet  what  an  enduring  lesson 
does  it  furnish  for  every  stage  of  onr  Union! 

We  subjoin  another  of  the  general  orders  issued  in  this 
time  of  gteom  and  anxiety: 

"That  the  troops  may  have  an  opportunity  of  attending 
public  worship,  as  well  as  to  take  some  rest  after  the  great 
fatigue  they  have  gone  through,  the  general,  in  future, 
CM -uses  them  from  fatigue  duty  on  Sundays,  except  at  the 
ship-yards,  or  on  special  occasions,  until  further  orders. 
The  general  is  sorry  to  be  informed,  that  the  foolish  and 
wicked  practice  of  profane  cursing  and  swearing,  a  vice  here- 
tofore little  known  in  an  American  army,  is  growing  into 
fashion.  He  hopes  the  officers  will,  by  example  as  well  as 
influence,  endeavor  to  check  it,  and  that  both  they  and  the 
men  will  reflect,  that  we  can  have  little  hope  of  the  blessing 
of  Heaven  on  our  arms,  if  we  insult  it  by  our  impiety  and 
folly.  Added  to  this,  it  is  a  vice  so  mean  and  low,  without 
any  temptation,  that  every  man  of  sense  and  character  detests 
and  despises  it."* 

While  Washington  thus  endeavored  to  elevate  the  minds 
of  his  soldiery  to  the  sanctity  of  the  cause  in  which  they  were 
engaged,  he  kept  the  most  watchful  eye  upon  the  movements 
of  the  enemy.  Beside  their  great  superiority  in  point  of 
numbers  as  well  as  discipline,  to  his  own  crude  and  scanty 
legions,  they  possessed  a  vast  advantage  in  their  fleet.  "They 
would  not  be  half  the  enemy  they  are,"  observed  Colonel 
LVcd,  "if  they  were  once  separated  from  their  ships."  Every 
arrival  and  departure  of  these,  therefore,  was  a  subject  of 
speculation  and  conjecture.  Aaron  Burr,  at  that  time  in 
New  York,  aide-de-camp  to  General  Putnam,  speaks,  in  a 
letter  to  an  uncle,  of  thirty  transports,  which,  under  convoy 
of  three  frigates,  had  put  to  sea  on  the  7th  of  August,  with 
the  intention  of  sailing  round  Long  Island  and  coming 

*  Orderly  Book,  Aug.  3,  as  cited  by  Sparks.  Writings  of  Washiugton,  vol.  iv.,  p.  28. 


H3  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON,  [en.  xVm. 

through  the  Sound,  and  thus  investing  the  city  by  the  North 
and  East  Elvers.  "They  are  then  to  land  on  both  sides  of 
the  island,"  writes  he,  "join  their  forces,  and  draw  a  line 
across,  which  will  hem  us  in,  and  totally  cut  off  all  com- 
munication ;  after  which,  they  will  have  their  own  fun." 
He  adds:  "They  hold  us  in  the  utmost  contempt.  Talk  of 
forcing  all  our  lines  without  firing  a  gun.  The  bayonet  is 
their  pride.  They  have  forgot  Bunker's  Hill."1 

In  this  emergency,  Washington  wrote  to  General  Mercer 
for  2,000  men  from  the  flying"  camp.  Colonel  Smallwood's 
battalion  was  immediately  furnished,  as  a  part  of  them. 
The  Convention  of  the  State  ordered  out  hasty  levies  of  coun- 
try militia,  to  form  temporary  camps  on  the  shore  of  the 
Sound,  and  on  that  of  the  Hudson  above  King's  "Bridge,  to 
annoy  the  enemy,  should  they  attempt  to  land  from  their  ships 
on  either  of  these  waters.  Others  were  sent  to  reinforce  the 
posts  on  Long  Island.  As  Kings  County  on  Long  Island 
was  noted  for  being  a  stronghold  of  the  disaffected,  the  Con- 
vention ordered  that,  should  any  of  the  militia  of  that  coun- 
ty refuse  to  serve,  they  should  be  disarmed  and  secured,  and 
their  possessions  laid  waste. 

Many  of  the  yeomen  of  the  country,  thus  hastily  sum- 
moned from  the  plow,  were  destitute  of  arms,  in  lieu  of 
which  they  were  ordered  to  bring  with  them  a  shovel,  spade, 
or  pickaxe,  or  a  scythe  straightened  and  fastened  to  a  pole. 
This  rustic  array  may  have  provoked  the  thoughtless  sneers 
of  city  scoffers"  such  as  those  cited  by  Graydon;  but  it  was 
in  truth  one  of  the  glorious  features  of  the  Revolution,  to 
be  thus  aided  in  its  emergencies  by  "hasty  levies  of  husband- 
men.''! 

By  the  authority  of  the  New  York  Convention,  Washing- 
ton had  appointed  General  George  Clinton  to  the  command 
of  the  levies  on  both  sides  of  the  Hudson.  He  now  ordered 

*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  i.,  887. 

t  General  orders,  Ang.  8th,  show  the  feverish  state  of  affairs  in  the  city.  "As 
the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  intelligence  by  deserters,  give  the  utmost  reason 
to  believe  that  the  great  struggle  in  which  we  arc  contending  for  everything  dear  to 
us  and  our  posterity  is  near  at  hand,  the  general  most  earnestly  recommends  the 
closest  attention  to  the  state  of  the  men's  arms,  ammunition,  and  Hints:  that  if  we 


the  troops  to  repair  to  their  alarm  posts,  and  prepare  for  action.  And  that  the 
alarm  may  be  more  effectually  given,  the  drums  are  immediately  to  beat  to  arms, 
upon  the  signal  being  given  from  Bayard's  Hill.  This  order  is  not  to  be  considered 
as  countermanding  the  firing  two  guns  at  Fort  (Jeorge,  as  formerly  ordered.  That  is 
also  to  be  done  on  an  alarm,  but  the  Hag  will  not  bu  hoisted  at  the  old  head-quarters 
in  Broadway."— Am.  Archives,  r-ttlt,  S'-rien,  i.,  912. 


1776.]  PKEPAHATION   FOK   CONFLICT.  119 

him  to  hasten  clown  with  them  to  the  fort  just  erected  on 
the  north  side  of  King's  Bridge;  leaving  two  hundred  men 
under  the  command  of  a  brave  and  alert  officer  to  throw  up 
works  at  the  pass  of  Anthony's  Nose,  where  the  main  road 
to  Albany  crosses  that  mountain.  Troops  of  horse  also  were 
to  be  posted  by  him  along  the  river  to  watch  the  motions  of 
the  enemy. 

Washington  now  made  the  last  solemn  preparations  for  the 
impending  conflict.  All  suspected  persons,  whose  presence 
might  promote  the  plans  of  the  enemy,  were  removed  to  a 
distance.  All  papers  respecting  affairs  of  State  were  put  up  in 
a  large  case,  to  be  delivered  to  Congress.  As  to  his  domestic 
arrangements,  Mrs.  Washington  had  some  time  previously 
gone  to  Philadelphia,  with  the  intention  of  returning  to 
Virginia,  as  there  was  no  prospect  of  her  being  with  him 
any  part  of  the  summer,  which  threatened  to  be  one  of  tur- 
moil and  danger.  The  other  ladies,  wives  of  general  officers, 
who  used  to  grace  and  enliven  head-quarters,  had  all  been 
sent  out  of  the  way  of  the  storm  which  was  lowering  over 
this  devoted  city. 

Accounts  of  deserters,  and  other  intelligence,  informed 
Washington,  on  the  17th,  that  a  great  many  of  the  enemy's 
troops  had  gone  on  board  of  the  transports;  that  three  days' 
provisions  had  been  cooked,  and  other  steps  taken  indicating 
an  intention  of  leaving  Staten  Island.  Putnam,  also,  came 
up  from  below  with  word  that  at  least  one-fourth  of  the  fleet 
huil  sailed.  There  were  many  conjectures  at  head-quarters 
as  to  whither  they  were  bound,  or  whether  they  had  not 
merely  shifted  their  station.  Everything  indicated,  how- 
ever, that  affairs  were  tending  to  a  crisis. 

The  "hysterical  alarms"  of  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  New 
York,  which  had  provoked  the  soldier-like  impatience  and 
satirical  sneers  of  Lee,  inspired  different  sentiments  in  the 
benevolent  heart  of  Washington,  and  produced  the  following 
letter  to  the  New  York  Convention: 

"When  I  consider  that  the  city  of  New  York  will,  in  all 
human  probability,  very  soon  be  the  scene  of  a  bloody  con- 
flict, I  cannot  but  view  the  great  numbers  of  women,  chil- 
dren, and  infirm  persons  remaining  in  it,  with  the  most 
melancholy  concern.  When  the  men-of-war  (the  Phoenix 
and  Rose)  passed  up  the  river,  the  shrieks  and  cries  of  these 
poor  creatures,  running  every  way  with  their  children,  were 
truly  distressing,  and  I  fear  they  will  have  an  unhappy  effect 
upon  the  ears  and  minds  of  our  young  and  inexperienced 
soldiery.  Can  no  method  be  devised  for  their  removal?" 


120  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  xvin. 

How  vividly  does  this  call  to  mind  the  compassionate 
sensibility  of  his  younger  days,  when  commanding  at  Win- 
chester, in  Virginia,  in  time  of  public  peril;  and  melted  to 
"deadly  sorrow"  by  the  "supplicating  tears  of  the  women, 
and  moving  petitions  of  the  men."  As  then,  he  listened  to 
the  prompt  suggestions  of  his  own  heart;  and,  without  await- 
ing the  action  of  the  Convention,  issued  a  proclamation,  ad- 
vising the  inhabitants  to  remove,  and  requiring  the  officers 
and  soldiery  to  aid  the  helpless  and  the  indigent.  The  Con- 
vention soon  responded  to  his  appeal,  and  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  effect  these  purposes  in  the  most  humane  and  ex- 
peditions manner. 

A  gallant  little  exploit  at  this  juncture  gave  a  fillip  to  the 
spirits  of  the  community.  Two  of  the  fire-ships  recently 
constructed  went  up  the  Hudson  to  attempt  the  destruction 
of  the  ships  which  had  so  long  been  domineering  over  its 
waters.  One  succeeded  in  grappling  the  Phoenix,  and  would 
soon  have  set  her  in  flames,  but  in  the  darkness  got  to  lee- 
ward, and  was  cast  loose  without  effecting  any  damage.  The 
other,  in  making  for  the  liose,  fell  foul  of  one  of  the  tenders, 
grappled  and  burned  her.  The  enterprise  was  conducted 
with  spirit,  and  though  it  failed  of  its  main  object,  had  an 
important  effect.  The  commanders  of  the  ships  determined 
to  abandon  those  waters,  where  their  boats  were  fired  upon 
by  the  very  yeomanry  whenever  they  attempted  to  land;  and 
where  their  ships  were  in  danger  from  midnight  incendiaries, 
while  riding  at  anchor.  Taking  advantage  of  a  brisk  wind, 
and  favoring  tide,  they  made  all  sail  early  on  the  morning 
of  the  18th  of  August,  and  stood  down  the  river,  keeping 
close  under  the  eastern  shore,  where  tbey  supposed  the  guns 
from  Mount  Washington  could  not  be  brought  be  bear  upon 
them.  Notwithstanding  this  precaution,  the  Phoenix  was 
thrice  hulled  by  shots  from  the  fort,  and  one  of  the  tenders 
once.  The  Rose,  also,  was  hulled  once  by  a  shot  from  Bur- 
dett's  Ferry.  The  men  on  board  were  kept  close,  to  avoid 
being  picked  off  by  a  party  of  riflemen  posted  on  the  river 
bank.  The  ships  fired  grape-shot  as  they  passed,  but  with- 
out effecting  any  injury.  Unfortunately,  a  passage  had  been 
left  open  in  the  obstructions  on  which  General  Putnam  had 
calculated  so  sanguinely;  it  was  to  have  been  closed  in  the 
course  of  a  day  or  two.  Through  this  they  made  their  way, 
guided  by  a  deserter;  which  alone,  in  Putnam's  opinion, 
saved  them  from  being  checked  in  their  career,  and  utterly 
destroyed  by  the  batteries. 


BATTLE   OF  LONG   ISLAND 

fffm.  SttJmanb  HaHry  tf  Anviaui.  Mini 
nft.  tJJLilUfi.  ' 


1776.]  THE  BATTLE  OF  LONG   ISLAND.  121 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

.  » 

The  Battle  of  Long  Island. 

THE  movements  of  the  British  fleet,  and  of  the  camp  on 
Staten  Island,  gave  signs  of  a  meditated  attack;  but,  as  the 
nature  of  that  attack  was  uncertain,  Washington  was  obliged  i 
to  retain  the  greater  part  of  his  troops  in  the  city  for  its' 
defence,  holding  them  ready,  however,  to  be  transferred  to 
any  point  in  the  vicinity.  General  Miffliu,  with  about  five 
hundred  of  the  Pennsylvania  troops,  of  Colonels  Shee  and 
Macaw's  regiments,  were  at  King's  Bridge,  ready  to  aid  at  a 
ninnient's  notice.  "They  are  the  best  disciplined  of  any 
troops  that  I  have  yet  seen  in  the  army,"  said  General  Heath, 
who  bad  just  reviewed  them.  General  George  Clinton  was 
at  that  post,  with  about  fourteen  hundred  of  his  yeomanry 
of  the  Hudson.  As  the  Pha'nix  and  Rose  had  explored  the 
shores,  and  taken  the  soundings  as  far  as  they  had  gone  up 
the  river,  General  Heath  thought  Howe  might  attempt  an 
attack  somewhere  above  King  s  Bridge,  rather  than  in  the 
fact-  of  the  many  and  strong  works  erected  in  and  around 
the  city.  "Should  his  inclination  lead  him  this  way," 
adds  he,  "nature  has  done  much  for  us,  and  we  shall,  as  fast  as 
possible,  add  the  strength  of  art.  We  are  pushing  our  works 
with  great  diligence."* 

Reports  from  different  quarters  gave  Washington  reason 
to  apprehend  that  the  design  of  the  enemy  might  be  to  land 
part  of  their  force  on  Long  Island,  and  endeavor  to  get 
possession  of  the  heights  of  Brooklyn,  whioh  overlooked  New 
York;  while  another  part  should  land  above  the  city,  as 
General  Heath  suggested.  Thus,  various  disconnected  points 
distant' from  each  other,  and  a  great  extent  of  intervening 
country,  had  to  be  defended  by  raw  troops,  against  a  superior 
force,  well  disciplined,  and  possessed  of  every  facility  for  oper- 
ating by  land  and  water. 

General  Greene,  with  a  considerable  force,  was  stationed 
at  Brooklyn.  He  had  acquainted  himself  with  all  the 
localities  of  the  island,  from  Hell  Gate  to  the  Narrows,  and 
made  his  plan  of  defence  accordingly.  His  troops  were 

*  Heath  to  Washington,  Aug.  17-1& 


122  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XIX. 

diligently  occupied  in  works  which  he  laid  out,  about  a  mile 
beyond  the  village  of  Brooklyn,  and  facing  the  interior  of 
the  island,  whence  a  land  attack  might  be  attempted. 

Brooklyn  was  immediately  opposite  to  New  York.  The 
Sound,  commonly  called  the  East  Eiver,  in  that  place  about 
three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  width,  swept  its  rapid  tides 
between  them.  The  village  stood  on  a  kind  of  peninsula, 
formed  by  the  deep  inlets  of  Wallabout  Bay  on  the  north, 
and  Gowanus  Cove  on  the  south.  A  line  of  intrenchments 
and  strong  redoubts  extended  across  the  neck  of  the  penin- 
sula, from  the  bay  to  a  swamp  and  creek  emptying  into  the 
cove.  To  protect  the  rear  of  the  works  from  the  enemy's 
ships,  a  battery  was  erected  at  Eed  Hook,  the  south-west 
corner  of  the  peninsula,  and  a  fort  on  Governor's  Island, 
nearly  opposite. 

About  two  miles  and  a  half  in  front  of  the  line  of  intrench- 
ments and  redoubts,  a  range  of  hills,  densely  wooded, 
extended  from  south-west  to  north-east,  forming  a  natural  bar- 
rier across  the  island.  It  was  traversed  by  three  roads.  One,  on 
the  left  of  the  works,  stretched  eastwardly  to  Bedford,  and 
then  by  a  pass  through  the  Bedford  Hills  to  the  village  of 
Jamaica;  another,  central  and  direct,  led  through  the  woody 
heights  to  Flatbush;  a  third,  on  the  right  of  the  lines, 
passed  by  Gowanus  Cove  to  the  Narrows  and  Gravesend  Bay. 

The  occupation  of  this  range  of  hills,  and  the  protection 
of  its  passes,  had  been  designed  by  General  Greene;  but 
unfortunately,  in  the  midst  of  his  arduous  toils,  he  was  taken 
down  by  a  raging  fever,  which  confined  him  to  his  bed;  and 
General  Sullivan,  just  returned  from  Lake  Champlain,  had 
the  temporary  command. 

Washington  saw  that  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  landing 
on  Long  Island  would  be  impossible,  its  great  extent  afford- 
ing so  many  places  favorable  for  that  purpose,  and  the 
American  works  being  at  the  part  opposite  to  New  York. 
"However,"  Avrites  he  to  the  President  of  Congress,  "we 
shall  attempt  to  harass  them  as  much  as  possible,  which  is 
all  that  we  can  do." 

On  the  21st  came  a  letter,  written  in  all  haste  by  Brigadier- 
General  William  Livingston,  of  New  Jersey.  Movements  of 
the  enemy  on  Staten  Island  had  been  seen  from  his  camp. 
He  had  sent  over  a  spy  at  midnight,  who  brought  back  the 
following  intelligence.  Twenty  thousand  men  had  embarked 
to  make  an  attack  on  Long  Island,  and  up  the  Hudson. 
Fifteen  thousand  remained  on  Staten  Island,  to  attack 
Bergen  Point,  Elizabethtown  Point,  and  Amboy.  The  spy 


177«.J  TUE   ENEMY   ON   LONG    ISLAND.  123 

declared  that  he  had  heard  orders  read,  and  the  conversation 
of  the  generals.  "They  appear  very  determined,"  added  he, 
"and  will  put  all  to  the  sword!" 

Washington  sent  a  copy  of  the  letter  to  the  New  York 
Convention.  On  the  following  morning  (August  22d)  the 
enemy  appeared  to  be  carrying  their  plans  into  execution. 
The  reports  of  cannon  and  musketry  were  heard  from  Long 
Island,  and  columns  of  smoke  were  descried  rising  above  the 
groves  and  orchards  at  a  distance.  The  city,  as  usual,  was 
alarmed,  and  had  reason  to  be  so;  for  word  soon  came  that 
several  thousand  men,  with  artillery  and  light-horse,  were 
landed  at  Gravesend;  and  that  Colonel  Hand,  stationed  there 
with  the  Pennsylvania  rifle  regiment,  had  retreated  to  the 
lines,  setting  fire  to  stacks  of  wheat,  and  other  articles,  to 
keep  them  from  falling  into  the  enemy's  hands. 

AVashington  apprehended  an  attempt  of  the  foe  by  a  forced 
march,  to  surprise  the  lines  at  Brooklyn.  lie  immediately 
sent  over  a  reinforcement  of  six  battalions.  It  was  all  that 
he  could  spare,  as  with  the  next  tide  the  ships  might  bring 
up  the  residue  of  the  army,  and  attack  the  city.  Five  battal- 
ions more,  however,  were  ordered  to  l>e  ready  as  a  reinforce- 
ment, if  required.  "lie  cool,  but  determined,"  was  the 
exhortation  given  to  the  departing  troops.  "Do  not  fire  at  a 
distance,  but  wait  the  commands  of  your  oHicers.  it  is  the 
general's  express  orders,  that  if  any  man  attempt  to  skulk, 
lie  down,  or  retreat  without  orders,  he  be  instantly  shot 
down  for  an  example." 

In  justice  to  the  poor  fellows,  most  of  whom  were  going 
for  the  first  time  on  a  service  of  life  and  death,  Washington 
observes,  that  "they  went  off  in  high  spirits,"  and  that  the 
whole  capable  of  duty  evinced  the  same  cheerfulness.* 

Nine  thousand  of  the  enemy  had  landed,  with  forty  pieces 
of  cannon.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  the  chief  command,  and 
led  the  first  division.  His  associate  officers  were  the  Earls 
of  Cornwallis  and  Percy,  General  Grant,  and  General  Sir 
William  Erskine.  As  their  boats  approached  the  shore, 
Colonel  Hand,  stationed,  as  has  been  said,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood with  his  rifle  regiment,  retreated  to  the  chain  of 
wooded  hills,  and  took  post  on  a  height  commanding  the 
central  road  leading  from  Flatbush.  The  enemy  having 
landed  without  opposition,  Lord  Cornwallis  was  detached 
with  the  reserve  to  Flatbush,  while  the  rest  of  the  army 

*  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress, 


124  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XIX. 

extended   itself    from    the    ferry  at  the  ^  Narrows   through 
Utrecht  and  Gravcsend,  to  the  village  of  Platland. 

Lord  Cormvallis,  with  two  battalions  of  light-infantry, 
Colonel  Ponop's  corps  of  Hessians,  and  six  field -pieces, 
advanced  rapidly  to  seize  upon  the  central  pass  through  the 
hills.  He  found  Hand  and  his  riflemen  ready  to  make  a 
vigorous  defence.  This  brought  him  to  a  halt,  having  been 
ordered  not  to  risk  an  attack  should  the  pass  be  occupied. 
He  took  post  for  the  night,  therefore,  in  the  village  of 
Klatbush. 

It  was  evidently  the  aim  of  the  enemy  to  force  the  lines  at 
Brooklyn,  and  get  possession  of  the  heights.  Should  they 
succeed,  New  York  would  be  at  their  mercy.  The  panic 
and  distress  of  the  inhabitants  went  on  increasing.  Most  of 
those  who  could  afford  it,  had  already  removed  to  the 
country.  There  was  now  a  new  cause  of  terror.  It  was 
rumored  that,  should  the  American  army  retreat  from  the 
city,  leave  would  be  given  for  any  one  to  set  it  on  tire.  The 
New  York  Convention  apprised  Washington  of  this  rumor. 
"I  can  assure  you.  gentlemen,"  writes  he  in  reply,  "that 
this  .report  is  not  founded  on  the  least  authority  from  me. 
On  the  contrary,  I  am  so  sensible  of  the  value  of  such  a  city, 
and  the  consequences  of  its  destruction  to  many  worthy 
citizens  and  their  families,  that  nothing  but  the  last  necessity, 
and  that  such  as  would  justify  me  to  the  whole  world,  would 
induce  me  to  give  orders  to  that  purpose.  ' 

In  this  time  of  general  alarm,  head-quarters  were  besieged 
by  applicants  for  safeguard  from  the  impending  danger;  arid 
Washington  was  even  beset  in  his  walks  by  supplicating 
women  with  their  children.  The  patriot's  heart  throbbed 
feelingly  under  the  soldier's  belt.  Nothing  could  surpass 
the  patience  and  benignant  sympathy  with  which  he  listened 
to  them,  and  endeavored  to  allay  their  fears.  Again  he 
urged  the  Convention  to  carry  out  their  measures  for  the 
removal  of  these  defenceless  beings.  "There  are  many," 
writes  he,  "who  anxiously  wish  to  remove,  but  have  not  the 
means." 

On  the  24th  he  crossed  over  to  Brooklyn,  to  inspect  the 
lines  and  reeonuoiter  the  neighborhood.  In  this  visit  he  felt 
sensibly  the  want  of  General  Greene's  presence,  to  explain 
his  plans  and  point  out  the  localities. 

The  American  advanced  posts  were  in  the  wooded  hills. 
Colonel  Hand,  with  his  riflemen,  kept  watch  over  the  central 
road,  and  a  strong  redoubt  had  been  thrown  up  in  front  of 
the  pass,  to  check  any  advance  of  the  enemy  from  Flatbush. 


1776.]  PUTNAM   OX   LOXG  ISLAND.  125 

Another  road  leading  from  Flatbush  to  Bedford,  by  which 
tin-  enemy  might  get  round  to  the  left  of  the  works  at 
liiooklyn,  was  guarded  by  two  regiments,  one  under  Colonel 
Williams,  posted  on  the  north  side  of  the  ridge,  the  other  by 
a  Pennsylvania!  rille  regiment,  under  Colonel  Miles,  posted 
on  the  south  side.  The  enemy  were  stretched  along  the 
country  beyond  the  chain  of  hills. 

As  yet,  nothing  had  taken  place  but  skirmishing  and 
irregular  tiring  between  the  outposts.  It  was  with  deep 
concern  Washington  noticed  a  prevalent  disorder  and 
confusion  in  the  camp.  There  was  a  want  of  system  among 
thr  nll'icers,  and  co-operation  among  the  troops,  each  corps 
smiling  to  act  independently  of  the  rest.  Few  of  the  men 
had  any  military  experience,  except,  perchance,  in  bush- 
lighting  with  the  Indians.  Unaccustomed  to  discipline  and 
tin  restraint  of  camps,  they  sallied  forth  whenever  they 
pleased,  singly  or  in  squads,  prowling  about  and  tiring  upon 
the  enemy,  like  hunters  after  game. 

Much  of  this  was  no  doubt  owing  to  the  protracted  illness 
«>f  <  leneral  Greene. 

On  returning  to  the  city,  therefore,  Washington  gave  the 
command  on  Long  Island  to  General  Putnam,  warning  him, 
however,  in  his  letter  of  instructions,  to  summon  the  officers 
together,  and  enjoin  them  to  put  a  stop  to  the  irregularities 
which  he  had  observed  among  the  troops.  Lines  of  defence 
\\tic  to  be  formed  round  the  encampment,  and  works  on 
the  most  advantageous  ground.  Guards  were  to  be  stationed 
on  the  lines,  with  a  brigadier  of  the  day  constantly  at  hand 
to  see  that  orders  were  executed.  Field-officers  were  to 
go  the  rounds  and  report  the  situation  of  the  guards,  and  no 
one  was  to  pass  beyond  the  lines  without  a  special  permit  in 
writing.  At  the  same  time,  partisan  and  scouting  parties, 
under  proper  officers,  and  with  regular  license,  might  sally 
forth  to  harass  the  enemy,  and  prevent  their  carrying  off  the 
horses  and  cattle  of  the  country  people. 

Es}>eciai  attention  was  called  to  the  wooded  hills  between 
the  works  and  tfte  enemy's  camp.  The  passes  through  them 
were  to  be  secured  by  abatis,  and  defended  by  the  best  troops, 
who  should,  at  all  hazards,  prevent  the  .approach  of  the 
enemy.  The  militia,  being  the  least  tutored  and  experienced, 
might  man  the  interior  works. 

i'utnam  crossed  with  alacrity  to  his  post.  "He  was  made 
happy."  writes  Colonel  Reed,  "by  obtaining  leave  to  go  over. 
The  brave  old  man  was  quite  miserable  at  l>cing  kept  here." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  enemy  were  augmenting  their  forces 


12Q  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XIX. 

on  the  island.  Two  brigades  of  Hessians,  under  Lieutenant- 
General  De  Heister,  were  transferred  from  the  camp  on 
Staten  Island  on  the  25th.  This  movement  did  not  escape 
the  vigilant  eye  of  Washington.  By  the  aid  of  his  telescope, 
he  had  noticed  that  from  time  to  time  tents  were  struck  on 
Staten  Island,  and  portions  of  the  encampment  broken  up; 
while  ship  after  ship  weighed  anchor.,  and  dropped  down  to 
the  Narrows. 

He  now  concluded  that  the  enemy  were  about  to  make  a 
push  with  their  main  force  for  the  possession  of  Brooklyn 
Heights.  He  accordingly  sent  over  additional  reinforce- 
ments, and  among  them  Colonel  John  Haslet's  well  equipped 
and  well  disciplined  Delaware  regiment;  which  was  joined 
to  Lord  Stirling's  brigade,  chiefly  composed  of  Southern 
troops,  and  stationed  outside  of  the  lines.  These  were  troops 
which  Washington  regarded  with  peculiar  satisfaction,  on 
account  of  their  soldierlike  appearance  and  discipline. 

On  the  20th,  he  crossed  over  to  Brooklyn,  accompanied  by 
Reed,  the  adjutant-general.  There  was  much  movement 
among  the  enemy's  troops,  and  their  number  was  evidently 
augmented.  In  fact,  General  De  Heister  had  reached 
Flatbush  with  his  Hessians,  and  taken  command  of  the 
center;  whereupon  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  the  right  wing, 
drew  off  to  Flatlands,  in  a  diagonal  line  to  the  right  of  De 
Heister,  while  the  left  wing,  commanded  by  General  Grant, 
extended  to  the  place  of  landing  on  Gravescnd  Bay. 

Washington  remained  all  day,  aiding  General  Putnam 
with  his  counsels,  who,  new  to  the  command,  had  not  been 
able  to  make  himself  well  acquainted  with  the  fortified  posts 
beyond  the  lines.  In  the  evening,  Washington  returned  to 
the  city,  full  of  anxious  thought.  A  general  attack  was 
evidently  at  hand.  Where  would  it  be  made?  How  would 
his  inexperienced  troops  stand  the  encounter?  What  would 
be  the  defence  of  the  city  if  assailed  by  the  ships?  It  was 
a  night  of  intense  solicitude,  and  well  might  it  be;  for 
during  that  night  a  plan  was  carried  into  effect,  fraught 
with  disaster  to  the  Americaiis. 

The  plan  to  which  AVO  allude  was  concerted  by  General 
Howe,  the  commander-in-chief.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with 
the  vanguard,  composed  of  the  choicest  troops,  was,  by  a 
circuitous  march  in  the  night,  to  throw  himself  into  the 
road  leading  from  Jamaica  to  Bedford,  seize  upon  a  pass 
through  the  Bedford  Hills,  within  three  miles  of  that  village, 
and  thus  turn  the  left  of  the  American  advanced  posts.  It 
was  preparatory  to  this  nocturnal  march,  that  Sir  Henry 


1776.]  THE  NOCTURNAL  MARCH.  127 

during  the  day  had  fallen  back  with  his  troops  from  Flatbnsh 
to  Flatlands,  and  caused  that  stir  and  movement  which  had 
attracted  the  notice  of  Washington. 

To  divert  the  attention  of  the  Americans  from  this  stealthy 
march  on  their  left,  General  Grant  was  to  menace  their 
right  flank  toward  Gravesend  before  daybreak,  and  General 
!>••  I  leister  to  cannonade  their  center,  where  Colonel  Hand 
was  stationed.  Neither,  however,  was  to  press  an  attack 
until  the  guns  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  should  give  notice  that 
he  had  effected  his  purpose,  and  turned  the  left  flank  of  the 
Americans;  then  the  latter  were  to  be  assailed  at  all  points 
with  the  utmost  vigor. 

About  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  26th,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  began  his  march  from  Flatlands  with  the  vanguard, 
composed  of  light  infantry.  Lord  Percy  followed  with  the 
grenadiers,  artillery,  and  light  dragoons,  forming  the  center. 
Lord  Corn  wall  is  brought  up  the  rear-guard  with  the  heavy 
ordnance.  General  Howe  accompanied  this  division. 

It  was  a  silent  march,  without  beat  of  drum  or  sound  of 
trumpet,  under  guidance  of  a  Long  Island  tory,  along  by- 
roads traversing  a  swamp  by  a  narrow  causeway,  and  so 
across  the  country  to  the  Jamaica  road.  About  two  hours 
before  daybreak,  they  arrived  within  half  a  mile  of  the  pass 
through  the  Bedford  Hills,  and  halted  to  prepare  for  an 
attack.  At  this  juncture  they  captured  an  American  patrol, 
:tin I  learned,  to  their  surprise,  that  the  Hertford  pass  w:is 
unoccupied.  In  fact,  the  whole  road  beyond  Bedford, 
leading  to  Jamaica,  had  been  left  unguarded,  excepting  by 
some  light  volunteer  troops.  Colonels  Williams  and  Miles, 
who  were  stationed  to  the  left  of  Colonel  Hand,  among  the 
wooded  hills,  had  been  instructed  to  send  out  parties 
occasionally  to  patrol  the  road,  but  no  troops  had  been 
stationed  at  the  Bedford  pass.  The  road  and  pass  may  not 
have  l>cen  includwl  in  General  Greene's  plan  of  defence,  or 
may  have  Ixsen  thought  too  far  out  of  the  way  to  need  special 
precaution.  The  neglect  of  them,  however,  proved  fatal. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  immediately  detached  rt  battalion  of 
light  infantry  to  secure  the  pass;  and,  advancing  with  his 
corps  at  the  first  break  of  day,  possessed  himself  of  the 
heights.  He  was  now  within  three  miles  of  Bedford,  and 
his  march  had  been  undiscovered.  Having  passed  the 
heights,  therefore,  he  halted  his  division  for  the  soldiers  to 
take  some  refreshment,  preparatory  to  the  morning's  hostil- 
ities. 


}2g  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  XIX. 

There  we  will  leave  them,  while  we  note  how  the  other 
divisions  performed  their  part  of  the  plan. 

About  midnight  General  Grant  moved  from  Gravesend 
Bay,  with  the  left  wing,  composed  of  two  brigades  and  a 
regiment  of  regulars,  a  battalion  of  New  York  loyalists,  and 
ten  field-pieces.  He  proceeded  along  the  road  leading^  past 
the  Narrows  and  Gowanus  Cove,  toward  the  right  of  the 
American  works.  A  picket  guard  of  Pennsylvania!!  and 
New  York  militia,  under  Colonel  Atlee,  retired  before  him, 
lighting,  to  a  position  on  the  skirts  of  the  wooded  hills. 
"in  the  mean  time  scouts  had  brought  in  word  to  the 
American  lines  that  the  enemy  were  approaching  in  force 
upon  the  right.  General  Putnam  instantly  ordered  Lord 
Stirling  to  hasten  with  the  two  regiments  nearest  at  hand, 
and  hold  them  in  check.  These  were  Haslet's  Delaware, 
and  Smallwood's  Maryland  regiments;  the  latter  the  maca- 
ronis, in  scarlet  and  buff,  who  had  outshone,  in  camp,  their 
yeoman  fellow-soldiers  in  homespun.  They  turned  out  with 
great  alacrity,  and  Stirling  pushed  forward  with  them  on  the 
road  toward  the  Narrows.  By  the  time  he  had  passed 
Gowanus  Cove,  daylight  began  to  appear.  Here,  on  a  rising 
ground,  he  met  Colonel  Atlee  with  his  Pennsylvania  Provin- 
cials, and  learned  that  the  enemy  were  near.  Indeed,  their 
front  began  to  appear  in  the  uncertain  twilight.  Stirling 
ordered  Atlee  to  place  himself  in  ambush  in  an  orchard  on 
the  left  of  the  road,  and  await  their  coming  up,  while  he 
formed  the  Delaware  and  Maryland  regiments  along  a  ridge 
from  the  road,  up  to  a  piece  of  woods  on  the  top  of  the  hill. 

Atlee  gave  the  enemy  two  or  three  volleys  as  they 
approached,  and  then  retreated  and  formed  in  the  wood  on 
Lord  Stirling's  left.  By  this  time  his  lordship  was  rein- 
forced by  Kichline's  riflemen,  part  of  whom  he  placed  along 
a  hedge  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  part  in  front  of  the  wood. 
General  Grant  threw  his  light  troops  in  the  advance,  and 
posted  them  in  an  orchard  and  behind  hedges,  extending  in 
front  of  the  Americans,  and  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  distant. 

It  was  now  broad  daylight.  A  rattling  fire  commenced 
between  the  British  light  troops  and  the  American  riflemen, 
which  continued  for  about  two  hours,  when  the  former 
retired  to  their  main  body.  In  the  mean  time,  Stirling's 
position  had  been  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  Captain 
Carpenter  with  two  field -pieces.  These  were  placed  on  the 
side  of  the  hill,  so  as  to  command  the  road  and  the  approach 
for  some  hundred  yards.  General  Grant,  likewise,  brought 


'I  UK    •  ATASTROPHE.  129 

up  his  artillery  within  three  hundred  yards,  and  formed  his 
brigades  on  opposite  hills,  about  six  hundred  yards  distant. 
There  was  occasional  cannonading  on  both  sides,  but  neither 
party  sought  a  general  action.  • 

Lord  Stirling's  object  was  merely  to  hold  the  enemy  in 
check;  and  the  instructions  of  General  Grant,  as  we  have 
shown,  were  not  to  press  an  attack  until  aware  that  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  was  on  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans. 

During  this  time,  De  Heister  had  commenced  his  part  of 
the  plan  by  opening  a  cannonade  from  his  camp  at  Flatbnsh, 
upon  the  redoubt,  at  the  pass  of  the  wooded  hills,  where 
Hand  and  his  riflemen  were  stationed.  On  hearing  this. 
General  Sullivan,  who  was  within  the  lines,  rode  forth  to 
Colonel  Hand's  post  to  reconnoiter.  De  Heister,  however, 
according  to  the  plan  of  operations,  did  not  advance  from 
Flatlmsh.  but  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  from  his  artillery  on  the 
redoubt  in  front  of  the  pass,  which  replied  as  briskly.  At 
til.-  same  time,  a  cannonade  from  a  British  ship  upon  the 
battery  at  Red  Hook,  contributed  to  distract  the  attention 
of  the  Americans. 

In  the  mean  time  terror  reigned  in  New  York.  The 
volli-ying  of  musketry  and  the  booming  of  cannon  at  early 
d:i\vn,  had  told  of  the  fighting  that  had  commenced.  As 
the  morning  advanced,  and  platoon  firing  and  the  occasional 
ilix  h.ir-v  of  a  field-piece  were  heard  in  different  directions, 
tin-  terror  increased.  Washington  was  still  in  doubt  whether 
this  was  but  a  part  of  a  general  attack,  in  which  the  city 
\\.i-  to  be  included.  Five  ships  of  the  line  were  endeavoring 
to  heat  up  the  bay.  Were  they  to  cannonade  the  city,  or  to 
land  troops  above  it?  Fortunately,  a  strong  head-wind 
ballled  their  efforts;  but  one  vessel  of  inferior  force  got  up 
far  enough  to  open  the  fire  already  mentioned  upon  the  fort 
at  liwl  Hook. 

Seeing  no  likelihood  of  an  immediate  attack- upon  the  city, 
Washington  hastened  over  to  Brooklyn  in  his  barge,  and 
galloped  up  to  the  works.  He  arrived  there  .in  lime  to 
witness  the  catastrophe  for  which  all  the  movements  of  the 
enemy  had  been  concerted. 

The  thundering  of  artillery  in  the  direction  of  Bedford 
had  given  notice  that  Sir  Henry  had  turned  the  left  of  the 
Americans.  De  J leister  immediately  ordered  Colonel  Count 
Donop  to  advance  with  his  Hessian  regiment,  and  storm  the 
redoubt,  while  he  followed  with  his  whole  division.  Sullivan 
did  not  remain  to  defend  the  redoubt.  Sir  Henry's  cannon 
had  apprised  him  of  the  fatal  truth,  that  his  flank  was 


OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XIX. 

turned,  and  he  in  danger  of  being  surrounded.  He 
ordered  a  retreat  to  the  lines,  but  it  was  already  too  late. 
Scarce  had  he  descended  from  the  height,  and  emerged  into 
tie  plain,  when  he  was  met  by  the  British  light  infantry,  and 
dragoons,  and  driven  back  into  the  woods.  By  this  time 
I)e  Heister  and  his  Hessians  had  come  up,  and  now 
commenced  a  scene  of  confusion,  consternation,  and 
slaughter,  in  which  the  troops  under  Williams  and  Miles 
were  involved.  Hemmed  in  and  entrapped  between  the 
British  and  Hessians,  and  driven  from  one  to  the  other,  the 
Americans  fought  for  a  time  bravely,  or  rather  desperately. 
Some  were  cut  down  and  trampled  by  the  cavalry,  others 
bayoneted  without  mercy  by  the  Hessians.  Some  rallied  in 
groups,  and  made  a  brief  stand  with  their  riiles  from  rocks  or 
behind  trees.  The  whole  pass  was  a  scene  of  carnage, 
resounding  with  the  clash  of  arms,  the  tramp  of  horses,  the 
volleying  of  fire-arms  and  the  cries  of  the  combatants,  with 
now  and  then  the  dreary  braying  of  the  trumpet.  We  give 
the  words  of  one  who  mingled  in  the  light,  and  whom  we 
have  heard  speak  with  horror  of  the  sanguinary  fury  with 
which  the  Hessians  plied  the  bayonet.  At  length  some  of 
the  Americans,  by  a  desperate  effort,  cut  their  way  through 
the  host  of  foes,  and  elTected  a  retreat  to  the  lines,  fighting 
as  they  went.  Others  took  refuge  among  the  woods  and 
fastnesses  of  the  hills,  but  a  great  part  were  either  killed  or 
taken  prisoners.  Among  the  latter  was  General  Sullivan. 

Washington,  as  we  observed,  arrived  in  time  to  witness 
this  catastrophe,  but  was  unable  to  prevent  it.  He  had 
heard  the  din  of  the  battle  in  the  woods,  and  seen  the  smoke 
rising  from  among  the  trees;  but  a  deep  column  of  the 
enemy  was  descending  from  the  hills  on  the  left;  his  choicest 
troops  were  all  in  action,  and  he  had  none  but  militia  to 
man  the  works.  His  solicitude  was  now  awakened  for  the 
safety  of  Lord  Stirling  and  his  corps,  who  had  been  all  the 
morning  exchanging  cannonades  with  General  f I  rant.  The 
forbearance  of  the  latter  in  not  advancing,  though  so 
superior  in  force,  had  been  misinterpreted  by  the  Americans. 
According  to  Colonel  Haslet's  statement,  the  Delawares  and 
Marylanders,  drawn  up  on  the  side  of  the  hill,  "stood 
upward  of  four  hours,  with  a  firm  and  determined  counte- 
nance, in  close  array,  their  colors  flying,  the  enemy's  artillery 
playing  on  them  all  the  while,  not  daring  to  advance  and 
attack  them,  though  six  times  their  number,  and  nearly 
surrounding  them."* 

*  Atlee  to  Col.  Rodney.    Sparks,  iv.,  516. 


1776.]  LORD  STIHLING  SUlsBOUNDED.  131 

Washington  saw  tlie  danger  to  which  these  brave  fellows 
were  exposed,  though  they  could  not.  Stationed  on  a  hill 
within  the  lines,  he  commanded,  with  his  telescope,  a  view 
of  the  whole  field,  and  saw  the  enemy's  reserve,  under 
Comwallis,  marching  down  by  a  cross-road  to  get  in  their 
rear  and  thus  place  them  between  two  tires.  With  breathless 
anxiety  he  watched  the  result. 

The  sound  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  cannon  apprised  Stirling 
that  the  enemy  was  between  him  and  the  lines.  General 
(irant,  too,  aware  that  the  time  had  come  for  earnest  action, 
\\  a>  closing  up,  and  had  already  taken  Colonel  Atlee  prisoner. 
Jlis  lordship  now  thought  to  effect  a  circuitous  retreat  to  the 
lines,  by  crossing  the  creek  which  empties  intoGowauus  Cove, 
nc;ir  what  was  called  the  Yellow  Mills.  There  was  a  bridge 
ami  mill-dam,  and  the  creek  might  be  forded  at  low  water, 
but  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  for  the  tide  was  rising. 

Leaving  part  of  his  men  to  keep  face  toward  General 
Grant,  Stirling  advanced  with  the  rest  to  pass  the  creek,  but 
was  suddenly  checked  by  the  appearance  of  Cornwallis  and 
his  grenadiers. 

Washington,  and  some  of  his  officers  on  the  hill,  who 
watched  every  movement,  had  supposed  that  Stirling  and  his 
troops,  finding  the  case  desperate,  would  surrender  in  a  body, 
without  firing.  On  the  contrary,  his  lordship  boldly 
attacked  Cornwallis  with  half  of  Small  wood's  battalion, 
while  the  rest  of  his  troops  retreated  across  the  creek. 
Washington  wrung  his  hands  in  agony  at  the  sight.  "Good 
God!"  cried  he,  "what  brave  fellows  I  must  this  day  lose!"* 

It  was,  indeed,  a  desperate  fight;  and  now  Smalhvood's 
iniii-itronia  showed  their  game  spirit.  They  were  repeatedly 
broken,  but  as  often  rallied,  and  renewed  the  fight.  "We 
were  on  the  point  of  driving  Lord  Cornwallis  from  his 
station,"  writes  Lord  Stirling,  "but  large  reinforcements 
arriving,  rendered  it  impossible  to  do  more  than  provide  for 
safety." 

"Being  thus  surrounded,  and  no  probability  of  a  reinforce- 
ment," writes  a  Maryland  officer,  "his  lordship  ordered 
me  to  retreat  with  the  remaining  part  of  our  men,  and  force 
our  way  to  our  camp.  We  soon  fell  in  with  a  party  of  the 
enemy,  who  clubbed  their  firelocks,  and  waved  their  hats  to 
us  as  if  they  meant  to  surrender  as  prisoners;  but  on  our 
advancing  within  sixty  yards,  they  presented  their  pieces 
and  fired,  which  we  returned  with  so  much  warmth  that 

*  Letter  from  an  American  officer.    Am.  Archives,  5th  Scries,  ii.,  108. 


132  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XI*. 

they  soon  quitted  their  post,  and  retired  to  a  large  body  that 
was  lying  in  ambuscade/'* 

The  enemy  rallied,  and  returned  to  the  combat  with 
additional  force.  Only  five  companies  of  Smallwood's 
battalion  were  now  in  action.  There  was  a  warm  and  close 
engagement  for  nearly  ten  minutes.  The  struggle  became 
desperate  on  the  part  of  the  Americans.  Broken  and  dis- 
ordered, they  rallied  in  a  piece  of  woods,  and  made  a  second 
attack.  They  were  again  overpowered  with  numbers.  Some 
were  surrounded  and  bayoneted  in  a  field  of  Indian  corn; 
others  joined  their  comrades  who  were  retreating  across  the 
marsh.  Lord  Stirling  had  encouraged  and  animated  his 
young  soldiers  by  his  voice  and  example,  but  when  all  was 
lost,  he  sought  out  General  Ue  Hcister,  and  surrendered 
himself  as  his  prisoner. 

More  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  brave  fellows,  most  of 
them  of  Smallwood's  regiment,  perished  in  this  deadly 
struggle,  within  sight  of  the  lines  of  Brooklyn.  That  part 
of  the  Delaware  troops  who  had  first  crossed  the  creek  and 
swamp,  made  good  their  retreat  to  the  lines  with  a  trifling 
loss,  and  entered  the  cam])  covered  with  mud  and  drenched 
with  water,  but  bringing  with  them  twenty-three  prisoners, 
and  their  standard  tattered  by  grapeshot. 

The  enemy  now  concentrated  their  forces  within  a  few 
hundred  yards  of  the  redoubts.  The  grenadiers  were  within 
musket  shot.  Washington  expected  they  would  storm  the 
works,  and  prepared  for  a  desperate  defence.  The  discharge 
of  a  cannon  and  volleys  of  musketry  from  the  part  of  the 
lines  nearest  to  them,  seemed  to  bring  them  to  a  pause. 

It  was,  in  truth,  the  forbearance  of  the  British  commander 
that  prevented  a  bloody  conflict.  His  troops,  heated  with 
action  and  flushed  with  success,  were  eager  to  storm  the 
works;  but  he  was  unwilling  to  risk  the  loss  of  life  that 
must  attend  an  assault,  when  the  object  might  be  attained 
at  a  cheaper  rate,  by  regular  approaches.  Checking  the 
ardor  of  his  men,  therefore,  though  with  some  difficulty,  he 
drew  them  off  to  a  hollow  way,  in  front  of  the  lines,  but  out 
of  reach  of  the  musketry,  and  encamped  there  for  the  night,  f 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  disastrous  battle  has 
been  variously  stated,  but  is  thought  in  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners,  to  have  been  nearly  two  thousand;  a  large  number, 

*  Letter  from  a  Marylander.    Idem,  5th  Series,  i.,  1,233. 

t  General  Iloweto  Lord  G.  Geriuaine.    Remembrancer,  iii.,  317. 


17;.;  I  FATXI.   SF.ULECTS.  133 

con>idcring  that  not  above  five  thousand  were  engaged. 
Tin-  enemy  acknowledged  a  loss  of  380  killed  and  wounded.* 

The  success  <>f  the  enemy  was  attributed,  in  some  measure, 
thi!  doubt  in  which  Washington  was  kept  as  to  the  nature 
the  intended  attack,  and  at  what  point  it  would  chiefly 
made.  This  obliged  him  to  keep  a  great  part  of  his  forces 
.New  York,  and  to  distribute  those  at  Brooklyn  over  a 
iide  i  \teiit  of  country,  and  at  widely  distant  places.  In 

it,  he  Juiew  not  the  superior  number  of  the  enemy 
ncampcd  on  Long  Island,  a  majority  of  them  having  been 

irtivelv  landed  in  the  night,  some  days  after  the  debarka- 
iou  of  the  first  division. 

Much  of  the  day's  disaster  has  been  attributed,  also,  to  a 
(•(infusion  in  the  command,  caused  by  the  illness  of  General 
(in  cue.  Putnam,  who  had  supplied  his  place  in  the 
emergency  after  the  enemy  had  landed,  had  not  time  to 
make  himself  acquainted  with  the  post,  and  the  surrounding 
country.  Sullivan,  though  in  his  letters  he  professes  to 
have  considered  himself  subordinate  to  General  Putnam 
within  the  lines,  seems  still  to  have  exercised  somewhat  of 
an  i  no! cpendent  command,  and  to  have  acted  at  his  own 
discretion:  while  Lord  Stirling  was  said  to  have  command  of 
all  the  troops  outside  of  the  works. 

The  fatal  error,  however,  and  one  probably  arising  from 
all  these  causes,  consisted  in  leaving  the  passes  through  the 
woo. Ird  hills  too  weakly  fortified  and  guarded;  and  especially 
in  neglecting  the  eastern  road,  by  which  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
Lrot  in  the  rear  of  the  advanced  troops,  rut  them  ofT  from 
the  lines,  and  subjected  them  to  a  cross  fire  of  his  own  men 
ami  De  Ileister's  Hessians. 

This  able  and  fatal  scheme  of  the  enemy  might  have  been 
thwarted,  had  the  army  been  provided  with  a  few  troops  of 
liiJit-horse,  to  serve  as  vedettes.  With  these  to  scour  the 
road-  and  bring  intelligence,  the  night  march  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  so  decisive  of  the  fortunes  of  the  day,  could  hardly 
ha\e  failed  to  be  discovered  and  reported.  The  Connecticut 
horsemen,  therefore,  ridiculed  by  the  Southerners  for  their 
homely  equipments,  sneered  at  as  useless,  and  dismissed  for 
stan. ling  on  their  dignity  and  privileges  as  troopers,  might. 
if  retained,  have  saved  the  army  from  being  surprised  and 
severed,  its  advanced  guards  routed,  and  those  very  Southern 
troops  cut  up,  captured,  and  almost  annihilated. 

*  I  In  we  states  the  prisoners  at  1  ,<XM,  and  computes  the  whole  American  loss  at  3,300. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON".  [cfl.  XX. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

The  Retreat  from  Long  Island. 

THE  night  after  the  battle  was  a  weary,  yet  almost  sleepless 
one  to  the  Americans.  Fatigued,  dispirited,  many  of  them 
sick  and  wounded,  yet  they  were,  for  the  most  part,  without 
tent  or  other  shelter.  To  Washington  it  was  a-  night  of 
anxious  vigil.  Everything  boded  a  close  and  deadly  conflict. 
The  enemy  had  pitched  a  number  of  tents  about  a  mile 
distant.  Their  sentries  were  but  a  quarter  of  a  mile  off, 
and  close  to  the  American  sentries.  At  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  Washington  went  the  round  of  the  works,  to  see 
that  all  was  right,  and  to  speak  words  of  encouragement. 
The  morning  broke  lowering  and  dreary.  Large  encamp- 
ments were  gradually  descried;  to  appearance,  the  enemy 
were  twenty  thousand  strong.  As  the  day  advanced,  their 
ordnance  began  to  play  upon  the  works.  They  were  pro- 
ceeding to  intrench  themselves,  but  were  driven  into  their 
tents  by  a  drenching  rain. 

Early  in  the  morning  General  Mifflin  arrived  in  camp, 
with  part  of  the  troops  which  had  been  stationed  at  Fort 
Washington  and  King's  Bridge.  He  brought  with  him 
Shoe's  prime  Philadelphia  regiment,  and  Magaw's  Pennsyl- 
vania regiment,  both  well  disciplined  and  officered,  and 
accustomed  to  act  together.  They  were  so  much  reduced  in 
number,  however,  by  sickness,  that  they  did  not  amount  in 
the  whole  to  more  than  eight  hundred  men.  With  Mifflin 
came  also  Colonel  Glover's  .Massachusetts  regiment,  composed 
chiefly  of  Marblehead  fishermen  and  sailors,  hardy,  adroit, 
and  weather-proof;  trimly  clad  in  blue  jackets  and  trowsers. 
The  detachment  numbered,  in  the  whole,  about  thirteen 
hundred  men,  all  fresh  and  full  of  spirits.  Every  eye 
Brightened  as  they  marched  briskly  along  the  line  witli  alert 
step  and  cheery  aspect.  They  were  posted  at  the  left 
extremity  of  the  intrenchments  toward  the  Walla-bout. 
_  There  were  skirmishes  throughout  the  day,  between  the 
riflemen  on  the  advanced  posts  and  the  British  "irregulars," 
which  at  times  were  quite  severe;  but  no  decided  attack  was 
attempted.  The  main  body  of  the  enemy  kept  within  their 
tents  until  the  latter  part  of  the  day;  when  they  began  to 


1773.]  HECONNOITEKING.  135 

break  ground  at  about  five  hundred  yards  distance  from  the 
works,  as  if  preparing  to  carry  them  by  regular  approaches. 

On  the  -.".'th,  there  was  a  dense  fog  over  the  island,  that 
wrapped  everything  in  mystery.  In  the  course  of  the 
morning.  General  Mifflin,  with  Adjutant-General  Heed,  and 
Colonel  (iniyson  of  Virginia,  one  of  Washington's  aides-de- 
camp,  rode  to  the  western  outposts,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
KV«|  Hook.  While  they  were  there,  a  light  breeze  lifted  the 
J'o.ir  frotn  a  part  of  the  New  York  Hay,  and  revealed  the 
British  ships  at  their  anchorage  opposite  State  n  Island. 
There  appeared  to  be  an  unusual  bustle  among  them.  Boats 
were  passing  to  and  from  the  admiral's  ship,  as  if  seeking  or 
carrying  orders.  Some  movement  was  apparently  in  agitation. 
The  i<lea  occurred  to  the  recoimoitering  party  that  the  fleet 
w;i-  preparing,  should  the  wind  hold  and  the" fog  clear  away, 
to  come  up  ^ne  h!iv  ^  ^ne  turn  of  the  tide,  silence  the  feeble 
batteries  at  Red  Hook  and  the  city,  and  anchor  in  the  East 
If  her.  In  that  case  the  army  on  Long  Island  would  be 
completely  surrounded  and  entrapped. 

Alarmed  at  this  perilous  probability,  they  spurred  back  to 
bead-quarters,  to  urge  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  army. 
As  this  might  not  be  acceptable  advice,  Reed,  emboldened 
by  his  intimacy  with  the  Commander-in-chief,  undertook  to 
i:i\c  it.  Washington  instantly  summoned  a  council  of  war. 
The  difficulty  was  already  apparent,  of  guarding  such 
extensive  works  with  troops  fatigued  and  dispirited,  and 
exposed  to  the  inclemencies  of  the  weather.  Other  dangers 
now  presented  themselves.  Their  communication  with  New 
York  might  be  cut  off  by  the  fleet  from  below.  Oilier  ships 
ha' I  p;t->ed  round  Long  Island,  and  were  at  Flushing  Buy 
on  the  Sound.  These  might  land  troops  on  the  east  side  of 
Harlem  River,  and  make  themselves  masters  of  King's 
Bridge;  that  key  of  Manhattan  Island.  Taking  all  these 
things  into  consideration,  it  was  resolved  to  cross  with  the 
troops  to  the  city  that  very  night. 

Never  did  retreat  require  greater  secrecy  and  circumspec- 
tion. Nine  thousand  men,  with  all  the  munitions  of  war, 
were  to  be  withdrawn  from  before  a  victorious  army, 
encamped  so  near,  that  every  stroke  of  spade  and  pickaxe 
from  their  trenches  could  be  heard.  The  retreating  troops, 
moreover,  were  to  be  embarked  and  conveyed  across  a  strait 
three  quarters  of  a  mile  wide,  swept  by  rapid  tides.  The 
least  alarm  of  their  movement  would  bring  the  enemy  upon 
them,  and  produce  a  terrible  scene  of  confusion  and  carnage 
at  the  place  of  embarkation. 


136  MFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  .  [CH.  XX. 

Washington  made  tlie  preparatory  arrangements  with 
great  alertness,  yet  profound  secrecy.  Verbal  orders  were 
sent  to  Colonel  Hughes,  who  acted  as  quartermaster-general, 
to  impress  all  water  craft,  large  and  small,  from  Spuyten 
Duyvil  on  the  Hudson  round  to  Hell  (late  on  the  Sound, 
and  have  them  on  the  east  side  of  the  city  by  evening  The 
order  was  issued  at  noon,  and  so  promptly  executed,  that, 
although  some  of  the  vessels  had  to  be  brought  a  distance  of 
lifteun  miles,  they  were  all  at  Brooklyn  at  eight  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  and  put  under  the  management  of  Colonel 
Clover's  amphibious  Marblehead  regiment. 

To  prepare  the  army  for  a  general  movement  without 
betraying  the  object,  orders  were  issued  for  the  troops  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  a  night  attack  upon  the 
enemy.  The  'orders  caused  surprise,  for  the  poor  fellows 
were  exhausted,  and  their  arms  rendered  nearly  useless  by 
the  rain;  all,  however,  prepared  to  obey;  but  several  made 
nuncupative  wills;  as  is  customary  among  soldiers  on  the  eve 
of  sudden  and  deadly  peril. 

According  to  Washington's  plan  of  retreat,  to  keep  the 
enemy  from  discovering  the  withdrawal  of  the  Americans 
until  their  main  body  should  have  embarked  in  the  boats 
and  pushed  off  from  the  shore,  General  Miirlin  was  to  remain 
at  the  lines  with  his  Pennsylvania  troops,  and  the  gallant 
remains  of  Haslet,  Smallwood  and  Hand's  regiments,  with 
guards  posted  and  sentinels  alert,  as  it'  nothing  extraordinary 
was  taking  place;  when  the  main  embarkation  was  effected, 
they  were  themselves  to  move  off  quietly,  march  briskly  to 
the  ferry,  and  embark.  In  case  of  any  alarm  that  might 
disconcert  the  arrangements,  Brooklyn  church  was  to  be  the 
rallying  place,  whither  all  should  repair,  so  as  unitedly  to 
resist  any  attack. 

It  was  late  in  the  evening  when  the  ti'oops  began  to  retire 
from  the  breastworks.  As  one  regiment  quietly  withdrew 
from  their  station  on  guard,  the  troops  on  the  right  and  left 
moved  up  and  filled  the  vacancy.  There  was  a  stifled 
murmur  in  the  camp,  unavoidable  in  a  movement  of  the 
kind;  but  it  gradually  died  away  in  the  direction  of  the 
river,  as  the  main  body  moved  on  in  silence  and  order.  The 
youthful  Hamilton,  whose  military  merits  had  won  the  favor 
of  General  Greene,  and  who  had  lost  his  baggage  and  a  field  - 
piece  in  the  battle,  brought  up  the  rear  of  the  retreating 
party.  In  the  dead  of  the  night,  and  in  the  midst  of  this 
hushed  and  anxious  movement,  a  cannon  went  off  with  a 
tremendous  roar.  ''The  effect,"  says  an  American  who  was 


1776.]  THE   WITHDRAWAL   FROM  THE   CAMP.  137 

present,  "was  ;it  once  alarming  and  sublime.  If  the 
explosion  was  within  our  lines,  the  gun  was  probably 
ilisrliar:!V'l  in  the  act  of  spiking  it,  and  could  have  been  no 
lets  a  matter  of  speculation  to  the  enemy  than  to  ourselves."* 

"What  with  the  greatness  of  the  stake,  the  darkness  of 
the  night,  the  uncertainty  of  the  design,  and  the  extreme 
ha/ard  of  the  issue,"  iwlds  the  same  writer,  "it  would  be 
difficult  to  conceive  a  more  deeply^  solemn  and  interesting 
Mene." 

The  meaning  of  this  midnight  gun  was  never  ascertained; 
fortunately,  though  it  startled  the  Americans,  it  failed  to 
rouse  the  British  camp. 

In  the  mean  time  the  embarkation  went  on  with  all 
possible  dispatch,  under  the  vigilant  eye  of  Washington, 
who  stationed  himself  at  the  ferry,  superintending  every 
movement.  In  his  anxiety  for  dispatch,  he  sent  back 
(  'olouel  Scammel,  one  of  his  aides-de-camp,  to  hasten  forward 
all  the  troops  that  were  on  the  march.  Scammel  blundered 
in  executing  his  errand,  and  gave  the  order  to  Miffliu  like- 
\\  i-r.  The  general  instantly  called  in  his  pickets  and 
sentinels,  and  set  olT  for  the  ferry. 

By  this  time  the  tide  had  turned;  there  was  a  strong  wind 
from  the  north-east;  the  boats  with  oars  were  insufficient  to 
convey  the  troops;  those  with  sails  could  not  make  headway 
against  wind  and  tide.  There  was  some  confusion  at  the 
ferry,  and  in  the  midst  of  it,  General  Mifflin  came  down 
with  the  whole  covering  party;  adding  to  the  embarrassment 
ami  uproar. 

"Good  God!  General  Mifflin!"  cried  Washington,  "I  am 
afraid  you  have  ruined  us  by  so  unseasonably  withdrawing 
the  troops  from  the  lines." 

"I  did  so  by  your  order,"  replied  Mifflin  with  some 
warmth.  "It  cannot  be!"  exclaimed  Washington.  "By 
G  —  I  did!"  was  the  blunt  rejoinder.  "Did  Scammel  act 
as  aide-de-camp  for  the  day,  or  did  he  not?"  "lie  did." 
"Then,"  said  Mifflin,  "I  had  orders  through  him."  "It  is 
a  dreadful  mistake,"  rejoined  Washington,  "and  unless  the 
troops  can  regain  the  lines  before  their  absence  is  discovered 
by  the  enemy,  the  most  disastrous  consequences  are  to  be 
apprehended." 

Mi  !llin  led  back  his  men  to  the  lines,  which  had  been 
completely  deserted  for  three-quarters  of  an  hour.  For- 
tunately, the  'dense  fog  had  prevented  the  enemy  from 


*  Graydon'8  Memoirs,  ecUjed  by  I.  S.  I.iitHI,  p. 


138  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  fen.  XX. 

discovering  that  they  were  unoccupied.  The  men  resumed 
their  former  posts,  and  remained  at  them  until  called  off  to 
cross  the  ferry.  "Whoever  has  seen  troops  in  a  similar 
situation,"  writes  General  Heath,  "or  duly  contemplates  the 
human  heart  in  such  trials,  will  know  how  to  appreciate  the 
conduct  of  these  brave  men  on  this  occasion." 

The  fog  which  prevailed  all  this  time,  seemed  almost 
providential.  While  it  hung  over  Long  Island,  and  con- 
cealed the  movements  of  the  Americans,  the  atmosphere  was 
clear  on  the  New  York  side  of  the  river.  The  adverse  wind, 
too,  died  away,  the  river  became  so  smooth  that  the  row- 
boats  could  be  laden  almost  to  the  gunwale;  and  a  favoring 
breeze  sprang  up  for  the  sail-boats.  The  whole  embarkation 
of  troops,  artillery,  ammunition,  provisions,  cattle,  horses 
and  carts,  was  happily  effected,  and  by  daybreak  the  greater 
part  had  safely  reached  the  city,  thanks  to  the  aid  of  Glover's 
Marblehead  men.  Scarce  anything  was  abandoned  to  the 
enemy,  excepting  a  few  heavy  pieces  of  artillery.  At  a 
proper  time,  Mifflin  Avith  his  covering  party  left  the  lines, 
and  effected  a  silent  retreat  to  the  ferry.  Washington, 
though  repeatedly  entreated,  refused  to  enter  a  boat  until  all 
the  troops  were  embarked;  and  crossed  the  river  with  the 
last. 

A  Long  Island  tradition  tells  how  the  British  camp  became 
aware  of  the  march  which  had  been  stolen  upon  it.*  Near 
the  ferry  resided  a  Mrs.  Rapelye,  whose  husband,  suspected 
of  favoring  the  enemy,  had  been  removed  to  the  interior  of 
New  Jersey.  On  seeing  the  embarkation  of  the  first  detach- 
ment, she,  out  of  loyalty  or  revenge,  sent  off  a  black  servant 
to  inform  the  first  British  officer  he  could  find,  of  what  was 
going  on.  The  negro  succeeded  in  passing  the  American 
sentinels,  but  arrived  at  a  Hessian  outpost,  where  he  could 
not  make  himself  understood,  and  was  put  under  guard  as  a 
suspicious  person.  There  he  was  kept  until  daybreak,  when 
an  officer  visiting  the  post,  examined  him,  and  was  astounded 
by  his  story.  An  alarm  was  given,  the  troops  were  called  to 
arms;  Captain  Montresor,  aide-de-camp  of  General  HOAVC, 
followed  by  a  handful  of  men,  climbed  cautiously  over  the 
crest  of  the  works  and  found  them  deserted.  Advanced 
parties  were  hurried  down  to  the  ferry.  The  fog  had  cleared 
away,  sufficiently  for  them  to  see  the  rear  boats  of  the  retreat- 
ing army  half  way  across  the  river.  One  boat,  still  within 

*  Hist.  Long  Island,  p.  258. 


1770.]  RETREAT   FROM    LONG    ISLAND.  139 

musket-shot,  was  compelled  to  return;   it  was  manned  by 
three  vagabonds,  who  had  lingered  behind  to  plunder. 

This  extraordinary  retreat,  which,  in  its  silence  and  celerity, 
equaled  the  midnight  fortifying  of  Bunker's  Hill,  was  one 
of  the  biost  signal  achievements  of  the  war,  and  redounded 
greatly  to  the  reputation  of  Washington,  who,  we  are  told, 
for  forty-eight  hours  preceding  the  safe  extricating  of  his 
army  from  their  perilous  situation,  scarce  closed  his  eyes, 
and  was  the  greater  part  of  the  time  on  horseback.  Many, 
however,  who  considered  the  variety  of  risks  and  dangers 
which  surrounded  the  camp,  and  the  apparently  fortuitous 
circumstances  which  averted  them  all,  were  disposed  to 
attribute  the  safe  retreat  of  the  patriot  army  to  a  peculiar 
Providence. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Long  Island  in  Possession  of  the  Enemy — Distressed  Situation  of  the 
American  Army  at  New  York — Question  of  Abandoning  the  City 
— Letters  from  either  Camp — Enemy's  Ships  in  the  Sound — Re- 
moval of  Women  and  Children  from  the  City — Yearning  for  Home 
among  the  Militia — Tolerant  Ideas  of  VVashingtou  and  Greene — 
Fort  Constitution — Conference  of  Lord  Howe  with  a  Committee 
from  Congress. 

TUP:  enemy  had  now  possession  of  Long  Island.  British 
and  Hessian  troops  garrisoned  the  works  at  Brooklyn,  or 
were  distributed  at  Bushwick,  Newtowu,  Hell  Gate  and 
Flushing.  Admiral  Howe  came  up  with  the  main  body  of 
the  fleet,  and  anchored  close  to  Governor's  Island,  within 
cannon  shot  of  the  city. 

"Our  situation  is  truly  distressing,"  writes  Washington  to 
the  President  of  Congress,  on  the  3d  of  September.  "The 
check  our  detachment  sustained  on  the  27th  ultimo  has 
dispirited  too  great  a  proportion  of  our  troops,  and  filled 
their  minds  with  apprehension  and  despair.  The  militia, 
instead  of  calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave  and 
manly  opposition  in  order  to  repair  our  losses,  are  dismayed, 
intractable^  and  impatient  to  return.  Great  numbers  of 
them  have  gone  off;  in  some  instances  almost  by  whole 
regiments,  by  half  ones,  and  by  companies,  at  a  time. 
*  *  *  *  With  the  deepest  concern,  I  am  obliged  to 


140  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [en.  XXL 

confess  my  want  of  confidence  in  the  generality  of  the  troops. 
*  *  *  Our  number  of  men  at  present  fit  for  duty  is  under 
twenty  thousand.  I  have  ordered  General  Mercer  to  send 
the  men  intended  for  the  flying  camp  to  this  place,  about  a 
thousand  in  number,  and  to  try  with  the  militia,  if  practic- 
able,  to  make  a  diversion  upon  Staten  Island.  Till  of  late, 
I  had  no  doubt  in  my  own  mind  of  defending  this  place;  nor 
should  I  have  yet,  if  the  men  would  do  their  duty,  but  this 
I  despair  of. 

"If  we  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  town,  ought  it  to 
stand  as  winter  quarters  for  the  enemy?  They  would  derive 
great  conveniences  from  it,  on  the  one  hand,  and  much 
property  would  be  destroyed  on  the  other.  _  It  is  an  impor- 
tant question,  but  will  admit  of  but  little  time  for  delibera- 
tion. At  present,  I  dare  say  the  enemy  mean  to  preserve  it 
if  they  can.  If  Congress,  therefore,  should  resolve  upon  the 
destruction  of  it,  the  resolution  should  be  a  profound  secret, 
as  the  knowledge  will  make  a  capital  change  in  their  plans." 

Colonel  Keed,  writing  on  the  same  day  to  his  wife,  says, 
"I  have  only  time  to  say  I  am  alive  and  well;  as  to  spirits, 
but  middling.  *  *  *  *  My  country  will,  I  trust,  yet 
be  free,  whatever  may  be  our  fate  who  are  cooped  up,  or  are 
in  danger  of  so  being,  on  this  tongue  of  land,  where  we 
ought  never  to  have  been."* 

We  turn  to  cite  letters  of  the  very  same  date  from  British 
officers  on  Long  Island,  full  of  rumors  and  surmises.  "I 
have  just  heard,"  writes  an  English  field-officer,  "there  has 
been  a  most  dreadful  fray  in  the  town  of  New  York.  The 
New  Englanders  insisted  on  setting  the  town  on  fire  and 
retreating.  This  was  opposed  by  the  New  Yorkers,  who 
were  joined  by  the  Pennsylvanians,  and  a  battle  has  been  the 
consequence,  in  which  many  have  lost  their  lives.  By  the 
steps  our  general  is  taking,  I  imagine  he  will  effectually  cut 
off  their  retreat  at  King's  Bridge,  by  which  the  island  of 
New  York  is  joined  to  the  continent." 

An  English  officer  of  the  guards,  writing  from  camp  on 
the  same  day,  varies  the  rumor.  The  Pennsylvanians, 
according  to  his  version,  joined  with  the  New  Englanders  in 
the  project  to  set  fire  to  the  town;  both  had  a  battle  with 
the  New  Yorkers  on  the  subject,  and  then  withdrew  them- 
selves from  the  city — which,  "with  other  favorable  circum- 
stances," gave  the  latter  writer  a  lively  "hope  that  this 
distressful  business  would  soon  be  brought  to  a  happy  issue." 

*  Force's  Am.  Archives,  5th  St-rii*,  ii.,  I'-JSj, 


1770.]  REMOVAL  OF   SICK   AXD   WOUNDED.  141 

Another  letter  gives  a  different  version.  "In  the  night  of 
tin-  "M  instant,  three  persons  escaped  from  the  city  in  a  canoe 
and  informed  our  general  that  Mr.  Washington  had  ordered 
three  battalions  of  New  York  Provincials  to  leave  New  York, 
and  that  they  should  be  replaced  by  an  equal  number  of 
Connecticut  troops,  but  the  former,  assured  that  the  Con- 
necticutians  would  burn  and  destroy  all  the  houses,  peremp- 
torily refused  to  give  up  their  city,  declaring  that  no  cause 
of  exigency  whatever  should  induce  them  to  intrust  the 
defence  of  it  to  any  other  than  her  own  inhabitants.  This 
spirited  and  stubborn  resolution  prevailed  over  the  order  of 
their  commander,  and  the  New  Yorkers  continue  snugly  in 
possession  of  the  place."* 

"Matters  go  on  swimmingly,"  writes  another  officer.  "I 
don't  doubt  the  next  news  we  send  you,  is,  that  New  York 
is  ours,  though  in  ashes,  for  the  rebel  troops  have  vowed  to 
put  it  in  flames  if  the  tory  troops  get  over. 

A  n  American  officer  writes  to  an  absent  New  Yorker,  in  a 
different  tone.  "I  fear  we  shall  evacuate  your  poor  city. 
The  very  thought  gives  me  the  horrors!"  Still  he  indulges 
a  \aurue  hope  of  succor  from  General  Lee,  who  was  returning, 
all  glorious,  from  his  successes  at  the  South.  "General 
Lee,"  writes  he,  "is  hourly  expected,  as  if  from  heaven,  with 
a  legion  of  flaming  swordsmen."  It  was,  however,  what 
Lee  himself  would  have  termed  a  mere  brutwn  fulmen. 

These  letters  show  the  state  of  feeling  in  the  opposite 
eamps,  at  this  watcliful  moment,  when  matters  seemed 
hurrying  to  a  crisis. 

On  the  night  of  Monday  (Sept.  2d),  a  forty-gun  ship, 
taking  advantage  of  a  favorable  wind  and  tide,  passed 
bet  \veen  Governor's  Island  and  Long  Island,  swept  unharmed 
by  the  batteries  which  opened  upon  her,  and  anchored  in 
Turtle  Bay,  above  the  city.  In  the  morning,  Washington 
dispatched  Major  Crane  of  the  artillery,  with  two  twelve- 
pounders  and  a  howitzer  to  annoy  her  from  the  New  York 
shore.  They  hulled  her  several  times,  and  obliged  her  to 
take  shelter  behind  BlackwelPs  Island.  Several  other  ships- 
of-war,  with  transports  and  store-ships,  had  made  their 
appearance  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Sound,  having  gone 
round  Long  Island. 

As  the  city  might  speedily  be  attacked,  Washington  caused 
all  the  sick  and  wounded  to  be  conveyed  to  Oraugetown,  in 
the  Jerseys,  and  such  military  stores  and  baggage  as  were 

*  force's  Am.  Archives,  3th  Scries,  ii.,  1G8. 


142  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [en.  XXI. 

not  immediately  needed,  to  be  removed,  as  fast  as  convey- 
ances conld  be  procured,  to  a  post  partially  'fortified  at 
Dobbs'  Ferry,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Hudson,  about 
twenty-two  miles  above  the  city. 

Eeed,  in  his  letters  to  his  wife,  talks  of  the  dark  and 
mysterious  motions  of  the  enemy,  and  the  equally  dark  and 
intricate  councils  of  Congress,  by  which  the  army  were 
disheartened  and  perplexed.  "We  are  still  here"  writes  he  on 
the  6th,  "in  a  posture  somewhat  awkward;  we  think  (at 
least  I  do)  that  we  cannot  stay,  and  yet  we  do  not  know  how 
to  go,  so  that  we  may  be  properly  said  to  be  between  hawk 
and  buzzard." 

The  "shameful  and  scandalous  desertions,"  as  Washington 
termed  them,  continued.  In  a  few  days  the  Connecticut 
militia  dwindled  down  from  six  to  less  than  two  thousand. 
"The  impulse  for  going  home  was  so  irresistible,"  writes  he, 
"that  it  answered  no  purpose  to  oppose  it.  Though  I  would 
not  discharge  them,  I  have  been  obliged  to  acquiesce." 

Still  his  considerate  mind  was  tolerant  of  their  defection. 
"Men,"  said  he,  "accustomed  to  unbounded  freedom,  can- 
not brook  the  restraint  which  is  indispensably  necessary  to 
the  good  order  and  government  of  an  army."  And  again, 
"Men  just  dragged  from  the  tender  scenes  of  domestic;  life, 
unaccustomed  to  the  din  of  arms,  totally  unacquainted  with 
every  kind  of  military  skill  (which  is  followed  by  a  want  of 
confidence  in  themselves,  when  opposed  to  troops  regularly 
trained,  superior  in  knowledge,  and  superior  in  arms),  are 
timid  and  ready  to  fly  from  their  own  shadows.  Besides, 
the  sudden  change  in  their  manner  of  living,  brings  on  an 
unconquerable  desire  to  return  to  their  homes." 

Greene,  also,  who  coincided  so  much  with  Washington  in 
opinions  and  sentiments,  observes:  "People  coming  from 
home  with  all  the  tender  feelings  of  domestic  life,  are  not 
sufficiently  fortified  with  natural  courage  to  stand  the 
shocking  scenes  of  war.  To  march  over  dead  men,  to  hear 
without  concern  the  groans  of  the  wounded — I  say  few  men 
can  stand  such  scenes  unless  steeled  by  habit  or  fortified  by 
military  pride." 

Nor  was  this  ill-timed  yearning  for  home  confined  to  the 
yeomanry  of  Connecticut,  who  might  well  look  back  to  their 
humble  farms,  where  they  had  left  the  plow  standing  in 
the  furrow,  and  where  everything  might  go  to  ruin,  and 
their  family  to  want,  in  their"  absence.  Some  of  the  gentle- 
men volunteers  from  beyond  the  Delaware,  who  had  made 
themselves  merry  at  the  expense  of  the  rustic  soldiery  of 


1776.]  YEARNINOS   FOR  HOME.  149 

New  England,  were  likewise  among  the  first  to  feel  the 
homeward  impulse.  "When  I  look  around,"  said  Reed,  the 
ai Ij u taut-general,  "and  see  how  few  of  the  numbers  who 
talked  so  loudly  of  death  and  honor  are  around  me,  I  am  lost 
in  wonder  and  surprise.  Some  of  our  Philadelphia  gentle- 
men who  came  over  on  visits,  upon  the  first  cannon,  went 
off  in  a  most  violent  hurry.  Your  noisy  sons  of  liberty,  are, 
I  find,  the  quietest  on  the  field."* 

Present  experience  induced  Washington  to  reiterate  the 
opinion  he  had  repeatedly  expressed  to  Congress,  that  little 
reliance  was  to  be  placed  on  militia  enlisted  for  short  periods. 
Tin-  only  means  of  protecting  the  national  liberties  from 
^rcat  hazard,  if  not  utter  loss,  was,  he  said,  an  army  enlisted 
for  the  war. 

The  thousand  men  ordered  from  the  flying  camp  were 
furnished  by  General  Mercer.  They  were  Maryland  troops 
under  Colonels  Griffith  and  Richardson,  and  were  a  season- 
able addition  to  his  effective  forces;  but  the  ammunition 
carried  off  by  the  disbanding  militia  was  a  serious  loss  at 
this  critical  juncture.  A  work  had  been  commenced  on  the 
.Jersey  shore,  opposite  Fort  Washington,  to  aid  in  protecting 
Putnam's  chevaux-de-frise  which  had  been  sunk  between 
them.  This  work  had  received  the  name  of  Fort  Constitu- 
tion (a  name  already  borne  by  one  of  the  forts  in  the 
Highlands).  Troops  were  drawn  from  the  flying  camp  to 
make  a  strong  encampment  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort,  with 
an  able  officer  to  command  it  and  a  skillful  engineer  to 
strengthen  the  works.  It  was  hoped,  by  the  co-operation  of 
these  opposite  forts  and  the  chevaux-de-frise,  to  command 
the  Hudson,  and  prevent  the  passing  and  repassiug  of  hostile 
ships. 

The  British,  in  the  mean  time,  forbore  to  press  further 
hostilities.  Lord  Howe  was  really  desirous  of  a  peaceful 
adjustment  of  the  strife  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother 
country,  and  supposed  this  a  propitious  moment  for  a  new 
attempt  at  pacification.  He  accordingly  sent  off  General 
Sullivan  on  parole,  charged  with  an  overture  to  Congress. 
In  this  he  declared  himself  empowered  and  disposed  to 
compromise  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  America 
on  the  most  favorable  terms,  and,  though  he  could  not  treat 
with  Congress  as  a  legally  organized  body,  he  was  desirous  of 
a  conference  with  some  of  its  members.  These,  for  the 
time,  he  should  consider  only  as  private  gentlemen,  but  if 

*  Life  of  Reed,  i.,  231. 


144  LIFE   07  WASHIKGTOH.  [cil.     XXI. 

in  the  conference  any  probable  scheme  of  accommodation 
should  be  agreed  upon,  the  authority  of  Congress  would 
afterward  be  acknowledged,  to  render  the  compact  complete.* 

The  message  caused  some  embarrassment  in  Congress.  To 
accede  to  the  interview  might  seem  to  waive  the  question 
of  independence;  to  decline  it  was  to  shut  the  door  on  all 
hope  of  conciliation,  and  might  alienate  the  co-operation  of 
some  worthy  whigs  who  still  clung  to  that  hope.  Aftei 
much  debate,  Congress,  on  the  5th  September,  replied,  that 
being  the  representatives  of  the  free  and  independent  States 
of  America,  they  could  not  send  any  members  to  confer  with 
his  lordship  in  their  private  characters,  but  that,  evei 
desirous  of  establishing  peace  on  reasonable  terms,'  they 
would  send  a  committee  of  their  body  to  ascertain  what 
authority  he  had  to  treat  with  persons  authorized  by 
Congress,  and  what  propositions  he  had  to  offer. 

A  committee  was  chosen  on  the  6th  of  September,  com- 
posed of  John  Adams,  Edward  Eutledge,  and  Doctor 
Franklin.  The  latter,  in  the  preceding  year,  during  his 
residence  in  England,  had  become  acquainted  with  Lord 
Howe,  at  the  house  of  his  lordship's  sister,  the  honorable 
Mrs.  Howe,  and  they  had  held  frequent  conversations  on  the 
subject  of  American  affairs,  in  the  course  of  Avhich,  his 
lordship  had  intimated  the  possibility  of  his  being  sent 
commissioner  to  settle  the  differences  in  America. 

Franklin  had  recently  adverted  to  this  in  a  letter  to  Lord 
Howe.  "Your  lordship  may  possibly  remember  the  tears  of 
joy  that  wet  my  cheek,  when,  at  your  good  sister's  in 
London,  you  gave  me  expectations  that  a  reconciliation 
might  soon  take  place.  I  had  the  misfortune  to  find  those 
expectations  disappointed. 


"The  well-founded  esteem,  and,  permit  me  to  say,  affec- 
tion, which  I  shall  always  have  for  your  lordship,  makes  it 
painful  for  me  to  see  you  engaged  in  conducting  a  war,  the 
great  ground  of  which,  as  expressed  in  your  letter,  is  'the 
necessity  of  preventing  the  American  trade  from  passing 
into  foreign  channels.'  *  *  *  I  know  your  great  motive 
in  coming  hither,  was  the  hope  of  being  instrumental  in  a 
reconciliation;  and  I  believe  that  when  you  find  that  impos- 
sible on  any  terms  given  to  you  to  propose,  you  will  relin- 

*  Civil  war,  vol.  i.,  p.  190. 


1776.]  A   •  <is  ri.iM.s<  i:  PROPOSED.  145 


so  odious  a  command,  and  return  to  a  more  honorable 
private  station." 

"I  can  have  no  difficulty  to  acknowledge,"  replied  Lord 
Howe,  "that  the  Bovvers  I  am  invested  with  were  never 
calculated  to  negotiate  a  reunion  with  America,  under  any 
other  description  than  as  subject  to  the  crown  of  Great 
Britain.  But  I  do  esteem  these  powers  competent,  not  only 
to  confer  and  negotiate  with  any  gentlemen  of  influence  in 
the  colonies  upon  the  terms,  but  also  to  effect  a  lasting  peace 
and  reunion  between  the  two  countries,  were  the  tempers  of 
the  colonies  such  as  professed  in  the  last  petition  of  Congress 
to  the  king."* 

A  hope  of  the  kind  lingered  in  the  breast  of  his  lordship 
when  he  sought  the  proposed  conference.  It  was  to  take 
place  on  the  llth,  at  a  house  on  Staten  Island,  opposite  to 
Amboy;  at  which  latter  place  the  veteran  Mercer  was 
stationed  with  his  flying  camp.  At  Amboy,  the  committee 
found  Lord  Howe's  barge  waiting  to  receive  them;  with  a 
British  officer  of  rank,  who  was  to  remain  within  the  Ameri- 
can lines  during  their  absence,  as  a  hostage.  This  guarantee 
of  safety  was  promptly  declined,  and  the  parties  crossed 
together  to  Staten  Island.  The  admiral  met  them  on  their 
landing,  and  conducted  them  through  his  guards  to  his 
house. 

On  opening  the  conference,  his  lordship  again  intimated 
that  he  could  not  treat  with  them  as  a  committee  of 
Congress,  but  only  confer  with  them  as  private  gentlemen 
of  influence  in  the  colonies,  on  the  means  of  restoring  peace 
between  the  two  countries. 

The  commissioners  replied  that,  as  their  business  was  to 
hear,  he  might  consider  them  in  what  light  he  pleased;  but 
that  they  should  consider  themselves  in  no  other  character 
than  that  in  which  they  were  placed  by  order  of  Congress. 

Lord  Howe  then  entered  into  a  discourse  of  considerable 
length,  but  made  no  explicit  proposition  of  peace,  nor 
promise  of  redress  of  grievances,  excepting  on  condition  that 
the  colonies  should  return  to  their  allegiance. 

This,  the  commissioners  replied,  was  not  now  to  be 
expected.  Their  repeated  humble  petitions  to  the  king  and 
parliament  having  been  treated  with  contempt,  and  answered 
by  additional  injuries,  and  war  having  been  declared  against 
them,  the  colonies  had  declared  their  independence,  and  it 

*  Franklin's  Writings,  v.,  103. 


•j^O  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  XXII. 

was  not  in  the  power  of  Congress  to  agree  for  them  that  they 
should  return  to  their  former  dependent  state,* 

His  lordship  expressed  his  sorrow  that  no  accommodation 
was  likely  to  take  place;  and,  on  breaking  np  the  conference, 
assured  his  old  friend,  Dr.  Franklin,  that  he  should  suffer 
great  pain  in  being  obliged  to  distress  those  for  whom  lie 
had  so  much  regard. 

"I  feel  thankful  to  your  lordship  for  your  regard,"  replied 
Franklin  good-humored ly;  "the  Americans,  on  their  part, 
will  endeavor  to  lessen  the  pain  you  may  feel,  by  taking  good 
care  of  themselves." 

The  result  of  this  conference  had  a  beneficial  effect.  It 
showed  that  his  lordship  had  no  power  but  what  was  given 
by  the  act  of  Parliament;  and  put  an  end  to  the  popular 
notion  Unit  he  was  vested  with  secret  powers  to  negotiate 
an  ai.ljustmeut  of  grievances. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Movements  of  the  Enemy— Councils  of  War — Question  of  the  Aban- 
donment of  the  City— Distribution  of  the  Army — Ships  in  the  East 
Iliver— The  Enemy  at  Hell  Gate— Skirmish  ;it  Turtle  Bay— Panic 
of  the  Connecticut  Militia — Rage  and  Personal  Peril  of  Washington 
— Putnam's  Perilous  Retreat  from  the  City — British  Resale  at 
Murray  Hill. 

SINCE  the  retreat  from  Brooklyn,  Washington  had  narrowly 
watched  the  movements  of  the  enemy  to  discover  their  further 
plans.  Their  whole  force,  excepting  about  four  thousand 
men,  had  been  transferred  from  Staten  to  Long  Island.  A 
great  part  was  encamped  on  the  peninsula  between  Newtown 
Inlet  and  Flushing  Bay.  A  battery  had  been  thrown  up 
near  the  extremity  of  the  peninsula,  to  check  an  American 
battery  at  Uoren's  Hook  opposite,  and  to  command  the 
mouth  of  Harlem  Iliver.  Troops  were  subsequently  stationed 
on  the  islands  about  Hell  Gate.  "It  is  evident,"  writes 
Washington,  "the  enemy  mean  to  inclose  us  on  the  island  of 
New  York,  by  taking  post  in  our  rear,  while  the  shipping 
secures  the  front,  and  thus,  by  cutting  off  our  communica- 
tion with  the  country,  oblige  us  to  fight  them  on  their  own 

*.Kcport  of  the  Comm.  to  Cong.,  Sept.  13, 1770. 


1776.1  QUESTION  OF  ABANDONING  THE  CITY.  147 

lei  ins,  or  surrender  at  discretion;  or  by  a  brilliant  stroke 
cm  It-aver  to  cut  this  army  in  pieces,  and  secure  the  collection 
of  :inns  and  stores,  which,  they  well  know,  we  shall  not  bo 
able  soon  to  replace."* 

The  question  was,  how  could  their  plans  be  most  success- 
fully opposed?  On  every  side,  he  saw  a  choice  of  difficulties; 
every  measure  was  to  be  formed  with  some  apprehension  that 
all  the  troops  would  not  do  their  duty.  History,  experience, 
tin-  opinions  of  able  friends  in  Europe,  the  fears  of  the 
cut -my,  even  the  declarations  of  Congress,  all  concurred  in 
demonstrating  that  the  war  on  the  American  side  should  be 
defensive;  a  war  of  posts;  that,  on  all  occasions,  a  general 
action  should  be  avoided,  and  nothing  put  at  risk  unneces- 
sarily. "With  these  views,"  said  Washington,  "and  being 
fully  persuaded  that  it  would  be  presumption  to  draw  out 
our  young  troops  into  open  ground  against  their  superiors, 
both  in  number  and  discipline,  I  have  never  spared  the  spade 
ami  pickaxe." 

In  a  council  of  war,  held  on  the  7th  of  September,  the 
question  was  discussed,  whether  the  cityshould  be  defended 
or  evacuated.  All  admitted  that  it  would  not  be  tenable, 
should  it  be  cannonaded  and  bombarded.  Several  of  the 
council,  among  whom  was  General  Putnam,  were  for  a  total 
and  immediate  removal  from  the  city;  urging  that  oiio  part 
of  the  army  might  be  cut  off  before  the  other  could  support 
it;  the  extremities  being  at  least  sixteen  miles  apart,  and  the 
whole,  when  collected,  being  inferior  to  the  enemy.  By 
removing,  they  would  deprive  the  enemy  of  the  advantage  of 
their  ships;  they  would  keep  them  at  bay;  put  nothing  at 
ha/ard;  keep  the  army  together  to  be  recruited  another  year, 
and  preserve  the  unspent  stores  and  the  heavy  artillery. 
Washington  himself  inclined  to  this  opinion.  Others,  how- 
ever, were  unwilling  to  abandon  a  place  which  had  been 
fortified  with  great  cost  and  labor,  and  seemed  defensible; 
and  which,  by  some,  had  been  considered  the  key  to  the 
northern  country;  it  might  dispirit  the  troops,  and  enfeeble 
the  cause.  General  Mercer,  who  was  prevented  by  illness 
from  attending  the  council,  communicated  his  opinion  by 
letter.  "We  should  keep  New  York  if  possible,  said  he, 
"as  the  acquiring  of  it  will  give  eclat  to  the  arms  of  Great 
Britain,  afford  the  soldiers  good  quarters,  and  furnish  a  safe 
harbor  for  the  lleet." 

General   Greene,  also,   being  still  unwell,  conveyed   his 

*  Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


148  LIFE  OP  WASHINGTON1.  [en.  xxil. 

opinion  in  a  letter  to  Washington,  dated  Sept.  5th.  He 
advised  that  the  army  should  abandon  both  city  and  island, 
and  post  itself  at  King's  Bridge  and  along  the  Westchester 
shore.  That  there  was  no  object  to  he  obtained  by  holding 
any  position  below  King's  Bridge.  The  enemy  might  throw 
troops  on  Manhattan  Island,  from  their  camps  on  Long 
Island,  and  their  ships  on  the  Hudson,  and  form  an  in- 
trenched line  across  it,  between  the  city  and  the  middle 
division  of  the  army,  and  support  the  two  flanks  of  the  line 
by  their  shipping.  In  such  case,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
light  them  on  disadvantageous  terms  or  submit. 

The  city  and  island,  he  observed,  were  objects  not  to  be 
put  in  competition  with  the  general  interests  of  America.  Two- 
thirds  of  the  city  and  suburbs  belonged  to  tories,  there  was 
no  great  reason,  therefore,  to  run  any  considerable  risk  in  its 
defence.  The  honor  and  interest  of  America  required  a 
general  and  speedy  retreat.  But  as  the  enemy,  once  in 
possession,  could  never  be  dislodged  without  a  superior  naval 
force;  as  the  place  would  furnish  them  with  excellent  winter 
quarters  and  barrack  room,  and  an  abundant  market,  lie 
advised  to  burn  both  city  and  suburbs  before  retreating.* 

Well  might  the  poor,  harassed  citizens  feel  hysterical, 
threatened  as  they  were  by  sea  and  land,  and  their  very 
defenders  debating  the  policy  of  burning  their  houses  over 
their  heads.  Fortunately  for  them,  Congress  had  expressly 
forbidden  that  any  harm  should  be  done  to  New  York, 
trusting,  that  though  the  enemy  might  occupy  it  for  a  time, 
it  would  ultimately  be  regained. 

After  much  discussion  a  middle  course  was  adopted. 
Putnam,  with  five  thousand  men,  was  to  be  stationed  in  the 
city.  Heath,  with  nine  thousand,  was  to  keep  guard  on  the 
upper  part  of  the  island,  and  oppose  any  attempt  of  the 
enemy  to  land.  His  troops,  among  whom  were  Magaw's, 
Slice's,  Hand's  and  Miles's  Pennsylvania!!  battalions,  and 
Haslet's  Delaware  regiment,  were  posted  about  King's  Bridge 
and  its  vicinity. 

The  third  division,  composed  principally  of  militia,  was 
under  the  command  of  Generals  Greene  and  Spencer,  the 
form  or  of  whom,  however,  was  still  unwell.  It  was  stationed 
n  bout  the  center  of  the  island,  chiefly  along  Turtle  Bay  and 
kip's  Bay,  where  strong  .works  had  been  thrown  up,  to 
guard  against  any  landing  of  troops  from  the  ships  or  from 
the  encampments  on  Long  Island.  It  was  also  to  hold  itself 

*  Force's  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  182. 


1776.  J  THE  ENEMY  AT  HELL  GATE.  140 

ready  to  support  either  of  the  other  divisions.  Washington 
himself  had  his  head-quartan  at  a  short  distance  from  the 
city.  A  resolution  of  Congress,  passed  the  10th  of  Septem- 
ber, left  the  occupation  or  ahandonment  of  the  city  entirely 
at  Washington's  discretion.  Nearly  the  whole  of  his  officers, 
too,  in  a  second  council  of  war,  retracted  their  former 
opinion,  and  determined  that  the  removal  of  his  army  was 
not  only  prudent,  but  absolutely  necessary.  Three  members 
of  the  council,  however,  Generals  Spencer,  Heath,  and 
George  Clinton,  tenaciously  held  to  the  former  decision.' 

Convinced  of  the  propriety  of  evacuation,  Washington 
prepared  for  it  by  ordering  the  removal  of  all  stores,  except- 
ing such  us  were  indispensable  for  the  subsistence  of  the 
tmops  while  they  remained.  A  letter  from  a  Rhode  Island 
oliirer,  on  a  visit  to  New  York,  gives  an  idea  of  its  agitations. 
"On  the  l.'Jth  of  September,  just  after  dinner,  three  frigates 
and  a  forty-gun  ship  sailed  up  the  East  River  with  a  gentle 
breeze,  toward  Hell  Gate,  and  kept  up  an  incessant  fire, 
assisted  by  the  cannon  at  Governor's  Island.  The  batteries 
of  the  city  returned  the  ships  the  like  salutation.  Three 
mm  agape,  idle  spectators,  had  the  misfortune  of  being 
killed  by  one  cannon  ball.  One  shot  struck  within  six  feet 
of  (ieneral  Washington,  as  he  was  on  horseback,  riding  into 
the  fort."* 

On  the  14th,  Washington's  baggage  was  removed  to  King's 
Bridge,  whither  head- quarters  were  to  be  transferred  the 
same  evening;  it  being  clear  that  the  enemy  were  preparing 
to  encompass  him  on  the  island.  "It  is  now  a  trial  of  skill 
whether  they  will  or  not,"  writes  Colonel  Reed,  "and  every 
night  we  lie  down  with  the  most  anxious  fears  for  the  fate  of 
to-morrow,  "f 

About  sunset  of  the  same  day,  six  more  ships,  two  of  them 
men-of-war,  passed  up  the  Sound  and  joined  those  above. 
Within  half  an  hour  came  expresses  spurring  to  head- 
quarters, one  from  Mifflin  at  King's  Bridge,  the  other  from 
Colonel  Sargent  at  Horen's  Hook.  Three  or  four  thousand 
of  the  enemy  were  crossing  at  Hell  Gate  to  the  islands  at  the 
mouth  of  Harlem  River,  where  numbers  were  already 
etn  amped.  An  immediate  landing  at  Harlem,  or  Morrisania, 
was  apprehended.  Washington  was  instantly  in  the  saddle, 
spurring  to  Harlem  Heights.  The  night,  however,  passed 
away  quietly.  In  the  morning  the  enemy  commenced  opera- 

*Col.  Babcock  to  Gov.  Cookc.    Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii..  443. 
t  Itecdlo  Mrs.  Kced. 


150  LH'E  OF  WASIimGTOtf.  fen.  XXTt 


tions.  Three  ships  of  war  stood  up  the  Hudson,  "causing  a 
most  tremendous  iiring,  assisted  by  the  cannons  of  Governor's 
Island,  which  firing  was  returned  from  the  city  as  well  as  the 
scarcity  of  heavy  cannon  would  allow.  ":  The  ships  anchored 
opposite  Bloomingdale,  a  few  miles  above  the  city,  and  put 
a  stop  to  the  removal  by  water  of  stores  and  provisions  to 
Dobbs'  Ferry.  About  eleven  o'clock,  the  ships  in  the  East 
River  commenced  a  heavy  cannonade  upon  the  breastworks 
between  Turtle  Bay  and  the  city.  At  the  same  time  two 
divisions  of  the  troops  encamped  on  Long  Island,  one  British, 
under  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  the  other  Hessian,  under  Colonel 
Donop,  emerged  in  boats  from  the  deep,  woody  recesses  of 
Newtown  Inlet,  and  under  cover  of  the  fire  from  the  ships, 
began  to  land  at  two  points  between  Turtle  and  Kip's  Bays. 
The  breastworks  were  manned  by  militia  who  had  recently 
served  at  Brooklyn.  Disheartened  by  their  late  defeat, 
they  fled  at  the  first  advance  of  the  enemy.  Two  brigades  of 
Putnam's  Connecticut  troops  (Parsons'  and  Fellows')  which 
had  been  sent  that  morning  to  support  them,  caught  the 
panic,  and  regardless  of  the  commands  and  entreaties  of 
their  officers,  joined  in  the  general  scamper. 

At  this  moment  Washington,  who  had  mounted  his  horse 
at  the  first  sound  of  the  cannonade,  came  galloping  to  the 
scene  of  confusion;  riding  in  among  the  fugitives,  he 
endeavored  to  rally  and  restore  them  to  order.  All  in  vain. 
At  the  first  appearance  of  sixty  or  seventy  red  coats,  they 
broke  again  without  firing  a  shot,  and  lied  in  headlong 
terror.  Losing  all  self-command  at  the  sight  of  such 
dastardly  conduct,  bedashed  his  hat  upon  the  'ground  in  a 
transport  of  rage.  "Are  these  the  men,"  exclaimed  he, 
"with  whom  I  am  to  defend  America!"  In  a  paroxysm  of 
passion  and  despair  he  snapped  his  pistols  at  some  of  them, 
threatened  others  with  his  sword,  and  was  so  heedless  of  his 
own  danger,  that  he  might  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  who  were  not  eighty  yards  distant,  had  not  an  aide- 
de-camp  seized  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  and  absolutely  hurried 
him  away.f 

It  was  one  of  the  rare  moments  of  his  life,  when  the 
vehement  element  of  his  nature  was  stirred  up  from  its  deep 

*  Letter  of  Col.  Babcock  to  Gov.  Cooke. 

t  Graydon's  Memoirs,  Littell's  eel.,  p.  174.  General  Greene,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend, 
writes:  "  We  made  a  miserable,  disorderly  retreat  from  New  York,  owing  to  the 
conduct  of  tlie  militia,  who  ran  at  the  appearance  of  the  enemy's  advanced  guard. 
Fellows'  and  Parsons1  brigadesran  away  from  about  tifty  men,  and  left  his  excellen- 
cy on  the  ground,  within  eighty  yards  of  the  enemy,  so  vexed  at  the  infamous  con- 
duct of  hisjjoops,  that  he  sought  death  rather  than  life." 


177«.]  PUTNAM'S  I;I;TI;I;AT  rumi  Tin;  CITY.  151 

recesses.  He  soon  recovered  his  self-possession,  and  took 
measures  against  the  general  peril.  The  enemy  might  land 
another  force  about  Hell  Gate,  seize  upon  Harlem  Heights, 
the  strong  central  portion  of  the  island,  cut  oif  all  retreat  of 
the  lower  divisions,  and  effectually  sever  his  army.  In  all 
haste,  therefore,  he  sent  off  an  express  to  the  forces  encamped 
above,  directing  them  to  secure  that  position  immediately; 
while  another  express  to  Putnam,  ordered  an  immediate 
retreat  from  the  city  to  those  heights. 

It  was  indeed  a  perilous  moment.  Had  the  enemy 
followed  up  their  advantage,  and  seized  upon  the  heights, 
before  thus  occupied;  or  had  they  extended  themselves  across 
the  island,  from  the  place  where  they  had  effected  a  landing, 
the  result  might  have  been  most  disastrous  to  the  Americans. 
Fortunately,  they  contented  themselves  for  the  present  with 
sending  a  strong  detachment  down  the  road  along  the  East 
K'iuT,  leading  to  the  city,  while  the  main  body,  British  and 
Hessians,  rested  on  their  arms. 

In  the  mean  time,  Putnam,  on  receiving  Washington's 
express,  called  in  his  pickets  and  guards,  and  abandoned  the 
city  in  all  haste,  leaving  behind  him  a  large  quantity  of 
provisions  and  military  stores,  and  most  of  the  heavy  cannon. 
To  avoid  the  enemy  he  took  the  Bloomingdale  road,  though 
this  exposed  him  to  be  raked  by  the  enemy's  ships  anchored 
in  the  Hudson.  It  was  a  forced  march,  on  a  sultry  day, 
under  a  burning  sun  and  amid  clouds  of  dust.  His  army 
was  encumbered  with  women  and  children  and  all  kinds  of 
li;iir.ur:ige.  Many  were  overcome  by  fatigue  and  thirst,  some 
iH'rished  by  hastily  drinking  cold  water;  hut  Putnam  rode 
backward  and  forward,  hurrying  every  one  on. 

Colonel  Humphreys,  at  that  time  a  volunteer  in  his 
division,  writes:  "I  had  frequent  opportunities  that  day  of 
beholding  him,  for  the  purpose  of  issuing  orders  and 
encouraging  the  troops,  flying  on  his  horse  covered  with 
foam,  wherever  his  presence  was  most  necessary.  Without 
his  extraordinary  exertions,  the  guards  must  have  been 
inevitably  lost,  and  it  is  probable  the  entire  corps  would 
have  been  cut  in  pieces. 

"When  we  were  not  far  from  Bloomingdale,  an  aide-de- 
camp came  to  him  at  full  speed,  to  inform  him  that  a 
column  of  British  infantry  was  descending  upon,  our  right. 
Our  rear  was  soon  fired  upon,  and  the  colonel  of  our 
regiment,  whose  order  was  just  communicated  for  the  front 
to  file  off  to  the  left,  was  killed  upon  the  spot.  With  no 


152  LIFE   OF    \VAS1I1XGTOJS".  [CH.  XX1TI. 

other  loss  we  joined  the  army  after  dark  upon  the  heights 

of  Harlem."* 

Tradition  gives  a  circumstance  which  favored  Putnam  s 
retreat.  The  British  generals,  in  passing  by  Murray  Hill, 
the  country  residence  of  a  patriot  of  that  name  who  was  of 
the  Society  of  Friends,  made  a  halt  to  seek  some  refreshment. 
The  proprietor  of  the  house  was  absent;  but  his  wife  set  cake 
and  wine  before  them  in  abundance.  80  grateful  were  these 
refreshments  in  the  heat  of  the  day,  that  they  lingered  over 
their  wine,  quaffing  and  laughing,  and  bantering  their 
patriotic  hostess  about  the  ludicrous  panic  and  discomfiture 
of  her  countrymen.  In  the  moan  time,  before  they  were 
roused  from  their  regale,  Putnam  and  his  forces  had  nearly 
passed  by,  within  a  mile  of  them.  All  the  loss  sustained  by 
him  in  his  perilous  retreat,  was  fifteen  killed,  and  about 
three  hundred  taken  prisoners.  It  became,  adds  the  tradi- 
tion, a  common  saying  among  the  American  officers,  that 
Mrs.  Murray  saved  Putnam's  division  of  the  army,  f 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Fortified  Camp  at  King's  Bridge — American  and  British  Lines — The 
Morris  House — Alexander  Hamilton — The  Enemy  Advance — 
Successful  Skirmish — Death  of  Knowlton — Great  Fire  in  New 
York — -Reorganization  of  the  Army — Exchange  of  Prisoners — 
Daniel  Morgan  Regained — De  Lancey's  Tory  Brigade — Robert 
Rogers,  the  Partisan — His  Rangers — The  Roebuck,  Phoenix,  and 
Tartar  in  the  Hudson — Military  Movements  by  Land  and  Water — 
Letter  of  John  Jay. 

THE  fortified  camp,  where  the  main  body  of  the  army  was 
now  assembled,  was  upon  that  neck  of  land  several  miles 
long,  and  for  the  most  part  not  above  a  mile  wide,  which 
forms  the  upper  part  of  Manhattan  or  New  York  Island.  It 
forms  a  chain  of  rocky  heights,  and  is  separated  from  the 
mainland  by  Uarlcm  'River,  a  narrow  strait,  extending  from 
Hell  Gate  on  the  sound,  to  Spuyten  Duyvil,  a  creek  or  inlet 
of  the  Hudson.  Fort  Washington  occupied  the  crest  of  one 
of  the  rocky  heights  above  mentioned,  overlooking  the 
Hudson,  and  about  two  miles  north  of  it  was  King's  Bridge, 

*  IVahoily,  Life  of  Putnam.  Sparks1  Am.  Biog.,  vii.,  180, 
t  rUachOr's  Military  Journal,  p.  70. 


ITT"!  I  THE    ENEMY   ADVANCE.  153 

crossing  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek,  and  forming  at  that  time 
the  only  p;iss  from  Manhattan  Island  to  the  mainland. 

About  a  mile  and  a  half  south  of  the  fort,  a  double  row  of 
lines  extended  across  the  neck  from  Harlem  River  to  the 
Hudson.  They  faced  south  toward  New  York,  were  about 
a  (jiiurter  of  a  mile  apart,  and  were  defended  by  batteries. 

There  were  strong  advanced  posts,  about  two  miles  south 
of  the  outer  line;  one  on  the  left  of  Harlem,  commanded  by 
(irueral  Spencer,  the  other  on  the  right,  at  what  was  called 
M <  ilowans  Pass,  commanded  by  General  Putnam.  About 
a  mile  and  a  half  beyond  these  posts  the  British  lines 
extended  across  the  island  from  Horcn's  Hook  to  the  Hudson, 
being  a  continuous  encampment,  two  miles  in  length,  with 
both  flanks  covered  by  shipping.  An  open  plain  intervened 
between  the  hostile  camps. 

Washington  had  established  his  head-quarters  about  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  within  the  inner  line;  at  a  country-seat, 
the  owners  of  which  were  absent.  It  belonged  in  fact  to 
Colonel  Roger  Morris,  his  early  companion  in  arms  in 
Brad  dock's  campaign,  and  his  successful  competitor  for  the 
hand  of  Miss  Mary  Philipse.  Morris  had  remained  in 
America,  enjoying  the  wealth  he  had  acquired  by  his 
marriage;  but  had  adhered  to  the  royal  party,  and  was  a 
member  of  the  council  of  the  colony.  It  is  said  that  at  this 
time  he  was  residing  in  the  Highlands  at  Beverley,  the  seat 
of  his  brother-in-law,  Washington's  old  friend,  Beverley 
Robinson.* 

While  thus  posted,  Washington  was  incessantly  occupied 
in  fortifying  the  approaches  to  his  camp  by  redoubts,  abatis, 
ami  dee]>  intrcnchments.  "Here,"  said  he,  *'J  should  hope 
the  enemy,  in  case  of  attack,  would  meet  a  defeat,  if  the 
generality  of  our  troops  would  behave  with  tolerable  bravery; 
but  experience,  to  my  extreme  affliction,  has  convinced  me 
that  it  is  rather  to  be  wished  than  expected.  However,  I 
trust  there  are  many  who  will  act  like  men  worthy  of  the 
blessings  of  freedom.  The  late  disgraceful  scene  at  Kip's 
their  Bay  was  evidently  rankling  in  his  mind. 

In  the  course  of  his  rounds  of  inspection,  he  was  struck 
with  the  skill  and  science  displayed  in  the  construction  of 
some  of  the  works,  which  were  thrown  up  under  the  direc- 
tion of  a  youthful  captain  of  artillery.  It  proved  to  be  the 
same  young  officer,  Alexander  Hamilton,  whom  Greene  had 


*  The  portrait  of  Mies  Mary  Philip**  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the  possctwion  of  Fred- 
erick 1'hillii*.  Esquire,  at  the  Grange,  on  the  Highlands  opposite  West  Point. 


154  LlJ^   OF    WASHINGTON.  [oil.  XXHI. 

recommended  to  liis  notice.  After  some  conversation  with 
him,  Washington  invited  him  to  his  marquee,  and  thus 
commenced  that  intercourse  which  has  indissolubly  linked 
their  memories  together. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th,  word  was  brought  to  head- 
quarters that  the  enemy  were  advancing  in  three  large 
columns.  There  had  been  so  many  false  reports,  that  Reed, 
the  adjutant-general,  obtained  leave  to  sally  out  and  ascertain 
the  truth.  Washington  himself  soon  mounted  his  horse  and 
rode  toward  the  advanced  posts.  On  arriving  there  he 
heard  a  brisk  firing.  It  was  kept  up  for  a  time  with  great 
spirit.  There  was  evidently  a  sharp  conflict.  At  length 
Reed  came  galloping  back  Avith  information.  A  strong 
detachment  of  the  enemy  had  attacked  the  most  advanced 
post,  which  was  situated  on  a  hill  skirted  by  a  wood.  It  had 
been  bravely  defended  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Knowlton, 
Putnam's  favorite  officer,,  who  had  distinguished  himself  at 
Bunker's  Hill;  he  had  under  him  a  party  of  Connecticut 
rangers,  volunteers  from  different  regiments.  After  skir- 
mishing for  a  time,  the  party  had  been  overpowered  by 
numbers  and  driven  in,  and  the  outpost  was  taken  possession 
of  by  the  enemy.  Reed  supposed  the  latter  to  be  about  three 
hundred  strong,  but  they  were  much  stronger,  the  main 
part  having  been  concealed  behind  a  rising  ground  in  the 
wood.  They  were  composed  of  a  battalion  of  light  infantry, 
another  of  Royal  Highlanders,  and  three  companies  of 
Hessian  riflemen;  all  under  command  of  Ceneral  Leslie. 

Reed  urged  that  troops  should  be  sent  to  support  the 
brave  fellows  who  had  behaved  so  well.  While  he  was  talk- 
ing with  Washington,  "the  enemy,"  he  says,  "appeared  in 
open  view,  and  sounded  their  bugles  in  the  most  insulting 
manner,  as  usual  after  a  fox-chase.  I  never,"  adds  he,  "felt 
such  a  sensation  before;  it  seemed  to  crown  our  disgrace." 

Washington,  too,  was  stung  by  the  taunting  note  of 
derision;  it  recalled  the  easy  triumph  of  the  enemy  at  Kip's 
Bay.  Resolved  that  something  should  be  done  to  wipe  out 
that  disgrace.,  and  rouse  the  spirits  of  the  army,  he  ordered 
out  three  companies  from  Colonel  Weedon's  regiment  just 
arrived  from  Virginia,  and  sent  them  under  Major  Leitch, 
to  join  KnoAvlton's  rangers.  The  troops  thus  united  were  to 
get  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  while  a  feigned  attack  was 
made  upon  them  in  front. 

The  plan  was  partially  successful.  As  the  force  advanced 
to  make  the  false  attack,  the  enemy  ran  down  the  hill,  and 
took  what  they  considered  an  advantageous  position  behind 


1776.]  A   SUCCESSFUL  SKIRMISH.  155 

some  fences  and  bushes  which  skirtetl  it.  A  firing  com- 
menced between  them  and  the  advancing  party,  but  at  too 
great  distance  to  do  much  harm  on  either  side.  In  the 
mean  time,  Knowlton  and  Leitch,  ignorant  of  this  change  in 
the  enemy's  position,  having  made  a  circuit,  came  upon  them 
in  flank  instead  of  in  rear.  They  were  sharply  received.  A 
vivid  contest  took  place,  in  which  Connecticut  vied  with 
Virginia  in  bravery.  In  a  little  while  Major  Leitch  received 
three  bullets  in  his  side,  and  was  borne  off  the  field.  Shortly 
afterward,  a  wound  in  the  head  from  a  musket  ball  brought 
Knowlton  to  the  ground.  Colonel  Reed  placed  him  on  his 
horse,  and  conveyed  him  to  a  distant  redoubt.  The  men, 
undismayed  by  the  fall  of  their  leaders,  fought  with  unllineh- 
ing  resolution  under  the  command  of  their  captains.  The 
enemy  were  reinforced  by  a  battalion  of  Hessians  and  a 
company  of  chasseurs.  Washington  likewise  sent  reinforce- 
ments of  New  England  and  Maryland  troops.  The  action 
waxed  hotter  and  hotter;  the  enemy  were  driven  from  the 
wood  into  the  plain,  and  pushed  for  some  distance;  the 
Americans  were  pursuing  them  with  ardor,  when  Washing- 
ton, having  effected  the  object  of  this  casual  encounter,  and 
being  unwilling  to  risk  a  general  action,  ordered  a  retreat  to 
be  sounded. 

It  was  with  difficulty,  however,  his  men  could  be  called 
off,  so  excited  were  they  by  the  novelty  of  pursuing  an 
enemy.  They  retired  in  good  order;  and,  as  it  subsequently 
appeared,  in  good  season,  for  the  main  body  of  the  enemy 
were  advancing  at  a  rapid  rate,  and  might  have  effectually 
reversed  the  scene. 

Colonel  Knowltdn  did  not  long  survive  the  action. 
"When  gasping  in  the  agonies  of  death,"  says  Colonel  Jieed, 
''all  his  inquiry  was  whether  he  had  driven  in  the  enemy." 
lie  was  anxious  fpr  the  tarnished  honor  of  Connecticut.  He 
had  the  dying  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  his  men  had 
behaved  bravely,  and  driven  the  enemy  in  an  open  iield- 
li-lit.  So  closed  his  gallant  career. 

The  encounter  thus  detailed  was  a  small  affair  in  itself, 
but  important  in  its  effects.  It  was  the  first  gleam  of  success 
in  the  campaign,  and  revived  the  spirits  of  the  army. 
Washington  sought  to  turn  it  to  the  greatest  advantage.  In 
his  general  orders,  he  skillfully  distributed  praise  and  censure. 
The  troops  under  Leitch  were  thanked  for  being  the  first  to 
advance  upon  the  enemy;  and  the  New  England  troops  for 
gallantly  supporting  them,  and  their  conduct  was  honorably 
contrasted  with  that  of  the  recreant  troops  at  Kip's  Bay. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXIII. 


parole.  That  brave  officer  died  of  his  wounds  on  the  1st  of 
October,  soothed  in  his  last  moments  by  that  recompense  so 
dear  to  a  soldier's  heart,  the  encomium  of  a  beloved  corn- 
In  the  dead  of  the  night,  on  the  20th  September,  a  great 
light  was  beheld  by  the  picket  guards,  looming  up  from 
behind  the  hills  in  the  direction  of  the  city.  It  continued 
throughout  the  night,  and  was  at  times  so  strong  that  the 
heavens  in  that  direction  appeared  to  them,  they  said,  as  if 
in  flames.  At  daybreak  huge  columns  of  smoke  were  still 
rising.  It  was  evident  there  had  been  a  great  conflagration 
in  New  York. 

In  the  course  of  the  morning  Captain  Montresor,  aide-de- 
camp to  General  Howe,  came  out  with  a  flag,  bearing  a  letter 
to  Washington  on  the  subject  of  an  exchange  of  prisoners. 
According  to  Montresor's  account  a  great  part  of  the  city 
had  been  burned  down,  and  as  the  night  was  extremely  windy, 
the  whole  might  have  been  so,  but  for  the  exertions  of  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  British  army.  He  implied  it  to  be 
the  act  of  American  incendiaries,  several  of  whom,  he 
informed  Colonel  Reed,  had  been  caught  in  the  fact  and 
instantly  shot.  General  Howe,  in  his  private  correspondence, 
makes  the  same  assertion,  and  says  they  were  detected,  and 
killed  on  the  spot  by  the  enraged  troops  in  garrison. 

Enraged  troops,  with  weapons  in  their  hands,  are  not  apt, 
in  a  time  of  confusion  and  alarm,  to  be  correct  judges  of 
fact,  or  dispensers  of  justice.  The  act  was  always  disclaimed 
by  the  Americans,  and  it  is  certain  their  commanders  knew 
nothing  about  it.  We  have  shown  that  the  destruction  of 
the  city  was  at  one  time  discussed  in  a  council  of  war  as  a 
measure  of  policy,  but  never  adopted,  and  was  expressly 
forbidden  by  Congress. 

The  enemy  were  now  bringing  up  their  heavy  cannon, 
preparatory  to  an  attack  upon  the  American  camp  by  the 
troops  and  by  the  ships.  What  was  the  state  of  Washington's 
army?  The  terms  of  engagement  of  many  of  his  men  would 
soon  be  at  an  end,  most  of  them  would  terminate  with  the 
year,  nor  did  Congress  hold  out  offers  to  encourage  re- 
enlistments.  "We  are  now,  as  it  were,  upon  the  eve  of 
another  dissolution  of  the  army,"  writes  he,  "and  unless 
some  speedy  and  effectual  measures  are  adopted  by  Congress, 
our  cause  will  be  lost."  Under  these  gloomy  apprehensions, 


1776.]  I>E   LAM  KV'S  TORY   BRIGADE.  157 

he  borrowed,  as  he  said,  "a  few  moments  from  the  hours 
allotted  to  sleep,'*  and  on  the  night  of  the  24th  of  September, 
-penned  an  admirable  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress, 
.sitting  forth  the  total  inefficiency  of  the  existing  military 
system,  the  total  insubordination,  waste,  confusion,  and 
discontent  produced  by  it  among  the  men,  and  the  harassing 
cares  and  vexations  to  which  it  subjected  the  commanders. 
Nor  did  he  content  himself  with  complaining,  but,  in  his 
full,  clear,  and  sagacious  manner,  pointed  out  the  remedies. 
To  the  achievements  of  his  indefatigable  pen,  we  may  trace 
the  most  fortunate  turns  in  the  current  of  our  revolutionary 
:itT;iirs.  In  the  present  instance  his  representations,  illus- 
trated by  sad  experience,  produced  at  length  a  reorganization 
of  the  army,  and  the  establishment  of  it  on  a  permanent 
footing.  It  was  decreed  that  eighty-eight  battalions  should 
be  furnished  in  quotas,  by  the  different  States,  according  to 
their  abilities.  The  pay  of  the  officers  was  raised.  The 
troops  which  engaged  to  serve  throughout  the  war  were  to 
rm-ive  a  bounty  of  twenty  dollars  and  one  hundred  acres  of 
land,  besides  a  yearly  suit  of  clothes  while  in  service.  Those 
who  enlisted  for  but  three  years,  received  no  bounty  in  land. 
The  bounty  to  officers  was  on  a  higher  ratio.  The  States 
were  to  send  commissioners  to  the  army,  to  arrange  with  the 
Commander-in-chief  as  to  the  appointment  of  officers  in  their 
quotas;  but.  as  they  might  occasionally  be  slow  in  complying 
with  this  regulation,  AV  ashington  was  empowered  to  till  up 
;ill  vacancies. 

All  this  was  a  great  relief  to  his  mind.  He  was  gratified, 
also,  by  effecting,  after  a  long  correspondence  with  the 
British  commander,  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  in  which 
those  captured  in  Canada  were  included.  Among  those 
restored  to  the  service  were  Lord  Stirling  and  Captain  Daniel 
Morgan.  The  latter,  in  reward  of  his  good  conduct  in  the 
expedition  with  Arnold,  and  of  "his  intrepid  behavior  in  the 
ilt  upon  Quebec  where  the  brave  Montgomery  fell," 
w:i<  recommended  to  Congress  by  Washington  for  the 
command  of  a  rifle  regiment  about  to  be  raised.  We  shall 
see  how  eminently  he  proved  himself  worthy  of  thie  recom- 
mendation. 

About  this  time  information  was  received  that  the  enemy 
were  enlisting  great  numbers  of  the  loyalists  of  Long  Island, 
and  collecting  large  quantities  of  stock  for  their  support. 
Oliver  De  Lancey,  a  leading  loyalist  of  New  York,  member 
of  a  wealthy  family  of  honorable  Huguenot  descent,  was  a 
prime  agent  in  the  matter.  He  had  recently  been  appointed 


158  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON1.  [CH.  XXIII. 

brigadier-general  in  the  royal  service,  and  authorized  by 
General  Howe  to  raise  a  brigade  of  provincials:  and  was 
actually  at  Jamaica,  on  Long  Island,  offering  commissions 
of  captain,  lieutenant  and  ensign,  to  any  respectable  person 
who  should  raise  a  company  of  seventy  men;  the  latter  to 
receive  British  pay. 

A  descent  upon  Long  Island,  to  counteract  these  projects, 
was  concerted  by  General  George  Clinton  of  New  York  and 
General  Lincoln  of  Massachusetts,  but  men  and  water  craft 
were  wanting  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and  the  "tory  enlist- 
ments continued."  They  were  not  confined  to  Long  Island, 
but  prevailed  more  or  less  on  Shiten  Island,  in  the  Jerseys, 
up  the  Hudson  as  far  as  Dutchess  County,  and  in  Wcstchestcr 
County  more  especially.  Many  of  the  loyalists,  it  must  be 
acknowledged,  were  honorable  men,  conscientiously  engaged 
in  the  service  of  their  sovereign,  and  anxious  to  put  down 
what  they  sincerely  regarded  as  an  unjustifiable  rebellion; 
and  among  these  may  be  clearly  classed  the  De  Lanceys. 
There  were  others,  however,  of  a  different  stamp,  the  most 
notorious  of  whom,  at  this  juncture,  was  one  Robert  Rogers 
of  New  Hampshire.  He  had  been  a  worthy  comrade  of 
Putnam  and  Stark,  in  sonic  of  their  early  enterprises  during 
the  French  war,  and  had  made  himself  famous  as  major  of 
a  partisan  corps  called  Rogers'  Hangers.  Governor  Trum- 
bull  described  him  as  a  ''famous  scouter  and  wood-hunter, 
skilled  in  waylaying,  ambuscade,  and  sudden  attack."  His 
feats  of  arms  had  evidently  somewhat  of  the  Indian  character. 
He  had  since  been  Governor  of  Michilimackinac  (17(5(5), 
and  accused  of  a  plot  to  plunder  his  own  fort  and  join  the 
French.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  he  played  a 
skulking,  equivocal  part,  and  appeared  ready  to  join  cither 
party.  In  1775,  Washington  had  received  notice  that  he 
was  in  Canada,  in  the  service  of  Carleton,  and  had  been  as  a 
spy,  disguised  as  an  Indian,  through  the  American  camp 
at  St.  Johns. 

Recently,  on  learning  that  he  was  prowling  about  the 
country  under  suspicious  circumstances,  Washington  had 
caused  him  to  be  arrested.  On  examination,  he  declared 
that  he  was  on  his  way  to  offer  his  secret  services  to 
Congress.  He  was  accordingly  sent  on  to  that  body,  in 
custody  of  an  officer.  Congress  liberated  him  on  his  pledging 
himself  in  writing,  "on  the  honor  of  a  gentleman,"  not  to 
bear  arms  against  the  American  United  Colonies  in  any 
manner  whatever,  during  the  contest  with  Great  Britain. 

Scarcely  was  he  liberated  when  he  forfeited   his  parole, 


1770.]  OBSTRUCTIONS  OP  THE   HUDSON.  159 

offered  his  services  to  the  enemy,  received  a  colonel's  com- 
ini-sion,  and  was  now  actually  raising  a  tory  corps  to  be 
called  the  Queen's  Hangers.  All  such  as  should  bring 
recruits  to  his  standard  were  promised  commissions,  portions 
of  rebel  lands,  and  privileges  equal  to  any  of  his  majesty's 
troops. 

Of  all  Americans  of  note  enlisted  under  the  royal  standard, 
this  man  had  rendered  himself  the  most  odious.  He  was 
stigmatized  as  an  arrant  renegade,  a  perfect  Judas  Iscariot; 
:ui(l  his  daring,  adventurous  spirit  and  habits  of  Indian 
warfare  rendered  him  a  formidable  enemy. 

Nothing  perplexed  Washington  at  this  juncture  more  than 
tin-  conduct  of  the  enemy.  He  beheld  before  him  a  hostile 
army,  armed  and  equipped  at  all  points,  superior  in  numbers, 
thoroughly  disciplined,  Hushed  with  success,  and  abounding 
in  the  means  01  pushing  a  vigorous  campaign,  yet  suffering 
day  after  day  to.  elapse  unimproved.  What  could  be  the 
rea<on  of  this  supineness  on  the  part  of  Sir  William  Howe? 
Ho  must  know  the  depressed  and  disorganized  state  of  the 
American  camp;  the  absolute  chaos  that  reigned  there.  Did 
In-  meditate  an  irruption  into  the  Jerseys?  A  movement 
toward  Philadelphia?  Did  he  intend  to  detach  a  part  of 
his  forces  for  a  winter's  campaign  against  the  South? 

In  this  uncertainty,  Washington  wrote  to  General  Mercer, 
<>!'  the  flying  camp,  to  keep  a  vigilant  watch  from  the 
.Jersey  shore  on  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  by  sea  and 
land,  and  to  station  vedettes  on  the  Neversink  ifeights,  to 
give  immediate  intelligence  should  any  of  the  British  fleet 
put  to  sea.  At  the  same  time  he  himself  practiced  unceasing 
vigilance,  visiting  the  different  parts  of  his  camp  on  horse- 
bark.  Occasionally  he  crossed  over  to  Fort  Constitution,  on 
the  Jersey  shore,  of  which  General  Greene  had  charge,  and, 
accompanied  by  him,  extended  his  reconnoiterings  down  to 
Paulus  Hook,  to  observe  what  was  going  on  in  the  city  and 
among  the  enemy's  ships.  Greene  had  recently  been  pro- 
moted to  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  now  had  command 
of  all  the  troops  in  the  Jerseys.  He  had  liberty  to  shift  his 
quarters  to  Baskingridge  or  Bergen,  as  circumstances  might 
require;  but  was  enjoined  to  keep  up  a  communication  with 
the  main  army,  east  of  the  Hudson,  so  as  to  secure  a  retreat 
in  rase  of  necessity. 

The  security  of  the  Hudson  was  at  this  time  an  object  of 
great  solicitude  with  Congress,  and  much  reliance  was  placed 
on  Putnam's  obstructions  at  Fort  Washington.  Four  galleys, 
mounted  with  heavy  guns  and  swivels,  were  stationed  at  the 


160  LIFE   OP  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXItt 

chevaux-de-frise,  and  two  new  ships  were  at  hand,  which, 
filled  with  stones,  were  to  be  sunk  where  they  would  block 
up  the  channel.  A  sloop  was  also  at  anchor,  having  on 
board  a  machine,  invented  by  a  Mr.  Buslmell,  for  submarine 
explosion,  with  which  to  blow  up  the  men-of-war;  a  favorite 
scheme  with  General  Putnam.  The  obstructions  were  so 
commanded  by  batteries  on  each  shore^  that  it  was  thought 
no  hostile  ship  would  be  able  to  pass. 

On  the  9th  of  October,  however,  the  Roebuck  and  Phoenix, 
each  of  forty-four  guns,  and  the  Tartar,  of  twenty  guns,  which 
had  been  lying  for  some  time  opposite  Bloomingdale,  got  under 
way  with  their  three  tenders,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
and  came  standing  up  the  river  with  an  easy  southern  breeze. 
At  their  approach,  the  galleys  and  the  two  ships  intended  to 
be  sunk,  got  under  way  with  all  haste,  as  did  a  schooner 
laden  with  rum,  sugar,  and  other  supplies  for  the  American 
army,  and  the  sloop  with  Bushnell's  submarine  machine. 

The  lloebuck,  Phoenix  and  Tartar,  broke  through  the 
vaunted  barriers  as  through  a  cobweb.  Seven  batteries  kept 
up  a  constant  fire  upon  them,  yet  a  gentleman  was  observed 
walking  the  deck  of  the  second  ship  as  coolly  as  if  nothing 
were  the  matter.*  Washington,  indeed,  in  a  letter  to 
Schuyler,  says  "they  passed  without  any  kind  of  damage  or 
interruption;"  but  Lord  Howe  reports  to  the  admiralty  that 
they  suffered  much  in  their  masts  and  rigging,  and  that  a 
lieutenant,  two  midshipmen,  and  six  men  were  killed,  and 
eighteen  wounded. 

The  hostile  ships  kept  on  their  course,  the  American 
vessels  scudding  before  them.  Tha  schooner  was  overhauled 
and  captured;  a  well-aimed  shot  sent  the  sloop  and  Bushnell's 
submarine  engine  to  the  bottom  of  the  river.  The  two  new 
ships  would  have  taken  refuge  in  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek, 
but  fearing  there  might  not  be  water  enough,  they  kept  on 
and  drove  ashore  at  Philips'  Mills  at  Yonkcrs.  Two  of  the 
galleys  got  into  a  place  of  safety,  where  they  were  protected 
from  the  shore;  the  other  two  trusted  to  outsail  their  pur- 
suers. The  breeze  freshened,  and  the  frigates  gained  on 
them  fast;  at  11  o'clock  began  to  fire  on  them  with  their 
bow-chasers,  and  at  12  o'clock  overreached  them,  which 
caused  them  to  bear  in  shore;  at  half -past  one  the  galleys 
ran  aground  just  above  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  lay  exposed  to  a 
shower  of  grape-shot.  The  crews,  without  stopping  to  burn 
or  bilge  them,  swam  on  shore,  and  the  enemy  took  possession 

*  Col.  Ewing  to  the  Maryland  Comm.  of  Safety. 


1776.]  AGITATION  ALONG  TtiE  HUDSON".  101 

of  the  two  galleys,  which  were  likely  to  be  formidable 
means  of  annoyance  in  their  hands. 

One  express  after  another  brought  Washington  word  of 
these  occurrences.  First,  he  sent  off  a  party  of  rifle  and 
artillery  men,  with  two  twelve-pounders,  to  secure  the  new 
ships  which  had  run  aground  at  Youkers.  Next,  he  ordered 
Colonel  Sargent  to  march  up  along  the  eastern  shore  with 
five  hundred  infantry,  a  troop  of  light-horse,  and  a  detach- 
ment of  artillery,  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  enemy. 
Before  the  troops  arrived  at  Dobbs'  Ferry  the  ships'  boats 
hud  plundered  a  store  there,  and  set  it  on  fire. 

To  prevent,  if  possible,  the  men-of-war  already  up  the 
river  from  coining  down,  or  others  from  below  joining  them, 
Washington  gave  orders  to  complete  the  obstructions.  Two 
hulks  which  lay  in  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek  were  hastily 
ballasted  by  men  from  General  Heath's  division,  and  men 
were  sent  up  to  get  off  the  ships  which  had  run  aground  at 
Philips'  Mills,  that  they  might  be  brought  down  and  sunk 
immediately. 

It  is  difficult  to  give  an  idea  of  the  excitement  caused  by 
this  new  irruption  of  hostile  ships  into  the  waters  of  the 
Hudson,  or  of  the  various  conjectures  as  to  their  object. 
They  might  intend  merely  to  interrupt  navigation,  and 
prevent  supplies  from  coming  down  to  the  American  army. 
They  might  be  carrying  arms  and  ammunition  for  domestic 
enemies  skulking  about  the  river,  and  only  waiting  an 
opportunity  to  strike  a  blow.  They  might  have  troops 
concealed  on  board  with  intent  to  surprise  the  posts  in  the 
Highlands,  and  cut  off  the  intercourse  between  the  American 
armies.  To  such  a  degree  had  the  spirit  of  disaffection  been 
increased  in  the  counties  adjacent  to  the  river,  since  the 
descent  of  the  Rose  and  Pho?nix,  by  the  retreats  and  evacua- 
tion which  had  taken  place;  and  so  great  had  been  the  drain 
on  the  militia  of  those  counties  for  the  army  of  Washington, 
that,  in  case  of  insurrection,  those  who  remained  at  home 
and  were  well  affected,  would  be  outnumbered,  and  might 
easily  be  overpowered,  especially  with  the  aid  of  troops  landed 
from  ships. 

While  this  agitation  prevailed  below,  fugitive  river  crafts 
carried  the  news  up  to  the  Highlands  that  the  frigates  were 
already  before  Tarrytown  in  the  Tappan  Sea.  Word  was 
instantly  dispatched  to  Peter  R.  Livingston,  president  of  the 
Provincial  Congress,  and  startled  that  deliberative  body,  which 
was  then  seated  at  Fishkill  just  above  the  Highlands.  The 
committee  of  safety  wrote,  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  to 
G 


162  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  x 

Washington.  "Nothing,"  say  they,  "can  be  more  alarming 
than  the  present  situation  of  our  State.  We  are  daily  getting 
the  most  authentic  intelligence  of  bodies  of  men  enlisted  and 
armed  in  order  to  assist  the  enemy.  We  much  fear  that 
they,  co-operating  with  the  enemy,  may  seize  such  passes  as 
will  cut  off  the  communication  between  the  army  and  us, 
and  prevent  your  supplies.  *  *  We  beg  leave  to 

suggest  to  your  Excellency  the  propriety  of  sending  a  body 
of  men  to  the  Highlands  or  Peekskill,  to  secure  the  passes, 
prevent  insurrection,  and  overawe  the  disaffected." 

Washington  transmitted  the  letter  to  the  President  of 
Congress  on  the  12th.  "I  have  ordered  up,"  writes  be, 
"part  of  the  militia  from  Massachusetts,  under  General 
Lincoln,  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  consequences  which  they 
suggest  may  happen,  and  which  there  is  reason  to  believe 
the  conspirators  have  in  contemplation.  I  am  persuaded 
that  they  are  on  the  eve  of  breaking  out,  and  that  they  will 
leave  nothing  unessayed  that  will  distress  us,  and  favor  the 
designs  of  the  enemy,  as  soon  as  their  schemes  are  ripe  for 
it."  In  fact,  it  was  said  that  the  tories  were  arming  and 
collecting  in  the  Highlands  under  the  direction  of  disguised 
officers,  to  aid  the  conspiracies  formed  by  Governor  Tryon 
and  his  adherents. 

As  a  further  precaution,  an  express  was  sent  off  by 
Washington  to  Colonel  Tash,  who,  with  a  regiment  of  New 
Hampshire  militia,  was  on  his  way  from  Hartford  to  the 
camp,  ordering  him  to  repair  with  all  possible  dispatch  to 
Fishkill,  and  there  hold  himself  at  the  disposition  of  the 
committee  of  safety. 

James  Clinton,  also,  who  had  charge  of  the  posts  in  the 
Highlands,  was  put  on  the  alert.  That  trusty  officer  was 
now  a  brigadier-general,  having  been  promoted  by  Congress, 
on  the  8th  of  August.  He  was  charged  to  have  all  boats 
passing  up  and  down  the  river  rigidly  searched,  and  the 
passengers  examined.  Beside  the  usual  sentries,  a  barge, 
well  manned,  was  to  patrol  the  river  opposite  to  each  fort 
every  nigh  I.;  all  barges,  row-boats,  and  other  small  craft, 
between  the  forts  in  the  Highlands  and  the  army,  were  to 
be  secured  in  a  place  of  safety,  to  prevent  their  falling  into 
the  enemy's  baud  and  giving  intelligence.  Moreover,  a 
French  engineer  was  sent  up  to  aid  in  strengthening  and 
securing  the  passes.  The  commanding  officers  of  the  counties 
of  Litchfield  and  Fail-field  in  Connecticut,  had,  likewise, 
orders  to  hold  their  militia  in  readiness  to  render  assistance 
m  case  of  insurrections  in  the  State  of  New  York. 


1776.]  AGITATION  ALONG  THE   HUDSON.  1C3 

So  perilous  appeared  the  condition  of  affaire  to  residents 
up  the  river,  that  John  Jay,  a  member  of  the  New  York 
Convention,  and  one  of  the  secret  committee  for  the  defence 
of  the  Hudson,  applied  for  leave  of  absence,  that  he  might 
remove  his  aged  parents  to  a  place  of  safety.  A  letter  from 
him  to  Edward  llutledge,  of  the  Board  of  War,  contains  this 
remarkable  sentence:  "I  wish  our  army  well  stationed  in  the 
Highlands,  and  all  the  lower  country  desolated;  we  might 
t  hfii  bid  defiance  to  all  the  further  efforts  of  the  enemy  in 
that  quarter." 

Nor  was  this  a  random  or  despairing  wish.  It  shows  a 
brave  spirit  of  a  leading  civilian  of  the  day,  and  the  sacrifices 
that  true  patriots  were  disposed  to  make  in  the  cause  of 
independence. 

But  a  few  days  previously  he  had  held  the  following 
language  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  chairman  of  a  special 
committee:  "Had  I  been  vested  with  absolute  power  in  this 
State,  I  have  often  said,  and  still  think,  that  I  would  last 
spring  have  desolated  all  Lony  Island,  Platen  Island,  the 
city  and  county  of  New  York,  and  all  that  part  of  the  county 
of  Wtetchester  which  lies  below  the  mountains.  I  would 
then  have  stationed  the  main  body  of  the  army  in  the 
mountains  on  the  east,  and  eight  or  ten  thousand  men  in  the 
Highlands  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  I  would  have 
din-cted  the  river  at  Fort  Montgomery,  which  is  nearly  at 
tlie  southern  extremity  of  the  mountains,  to  be  so  shallowed  ;is 
to  afford  only  depth  sufficient  for  an  Albany  sloop,  and  all 
the  southern  passes  and  defiles  in  the  mountains  to  be 
strongly  fortified.  Nor  do  I  think  the  shallowing  of  the 
river  a  romantic  scheme.  Rocky  mountains  rise  immediately 
from  the  shores.  The  breadth  is  not  very  great,  though  the 
depth  is.  But  what  cannot  eight  or  ten  thousand  men,  well 
worked,  effect?  According  to  this  plan  of  defence  the  State 
would  be  absolutely  impregnable  against  all  the  world,  on 
the  seaside,  and  would  have  nothing  to  fear  except  from  the 
way  of  the  lake.  Should  the  enemy  gain  the  river,  even  be- 
low the  mountains,  1  think  I  foresee  that  a  retreat  would  be- 
come necessary,  and  I  can't  forbear  wishing  that  a  desire  of 
saving  a  few  acres  may  not  lead  us  into  difficulties."* 

Three  days  after  this  remarkable  letter  was  written,  the 
enemy's  ships  did  gain  the  river;  and  two  days  afterward, 
October  llth,  Ileed,  the  adjutant-general,  the  confidant  of 
Washington's  councils,  writes  to  his  wife  from  Harlem 

*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Sericc,  vol.  ii.,  931. 


Ig4  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.       x  [CH.  XXlV. 

Heights:  "My  most  sangdine  views  do  not  extend  further 
than  keeping  our  ground  here  till  this  campaign  closes.  If 
the  enemy  incline  to  press  us,  it  is  resolved  to  risk  an 
engagement,  if  we  cannot  fight  them  on  this  ground,  we 
can  on  none  in  America.  The  ships  are  the  only  circum- 
stances unfavorable  to  us  here." 

On  the  same  day  that  this  letter  was  written,  a  small 
vessel,  sloop-rigged,  with  a  topsail,  was  descried  from  Mount 
Washington,  coming  down  the  river  with  a  fresh  breeze.  It 
was  suspected  by  those  on  the  look-out  to  be  one  of  the 
British  tenders,  and  they  gave  it  a  shot  from  a  twelve- 
pounder.  Their  aim  was  unfortunately  too  true.  Three  of 
the  crew  were  killed  and  the  captain  wounded.  It  proved  to 
be  Washington's  yacht,  which  had  run  up  the  river  previously 
to  the  enemy's  ships,  and  was  now  on  its  return.* 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Lee  Expected  in  Camp — His  Letter  of  Advice  to  the  President  of  Con- 
gress— The  Enemy  at  Throg's  Neck — Washington's  Arrangements 
— Rides  to  Throg's  Neck — The  Enemy  Brought  to  a  Stand — Military 
Movements — Arrival  of  Lee — A  Command  Assigned  to  Him — Criti- 
cises the  Conduct  of  Congress  and  the  Army — Council  of  War — 
The  Army  to  Move  to  the  Mainland — Fort  Washington  to  be  kept 
up. 

"IF  General  Lee  should  be  in  Philadelphia,"  writes  John 
Jay  to  Rutledge,  "pray  hasten  his  departure — he  is  much 
wanted  at  New  York."  The  successes  of  Lee  at  the  South 
were  contrasted  by  many  with  the  defeat  on  Long  Island, 
and  evacuation  of  New  York,  and  tbey  began  to  consider 
him  the  main  hope  of  the  army.  Hazard,  the  postmaster, 
writing  from  Harlem  Heights  to  General  Gates  on  the  llth, 
laments  it  as  a  misfortune  that  Lee  should  have  been  to  the 
southward  for  several  months  past,  but  adds  cheeringly,  "he 
is  expected  here  to-day." 

Joseph  Trumbull,  the  commissary-general,  also  writes  to 
Gates  under  the  same  date:  "General  Lee  is  to  be  here  this 
evening.  He  left  Philadelphia  on  the  8th." 

Lee,  the  object  of  so   many  hopes,  was  actually  in  the 

*  Heath's  Memoirs. 


PART  OF    NEW  JERSEY   it 
'Troa>.  the  original  M ft  Map  by  R..  Krxk.in*  .FK-S.  \ 

used  in.  the  U.  SAnny  l773-80.nt*  ia.lheN.Y.H*l.Stc. Library) 


1776.]  LEE'S  LETTER  OF  ADVICE  TO   CONGRESS.  165 

Jerseys,  on  his  way  to  the  camp.  He  writes  from  Amboy  on 
the  12th,  to  the  President  of  Congress,  informing  him  that 
the  Hessians,  encamped  opposite  oil  Staten  Island,  had 
disappeared  on  the  preceding  night,  quitting  the  island 
entirely,  and  some  great  measure  was  believed  to  be  in 
agitation.  "I  am  confident,"  writes  he,  "they  will  not 
attack  General  Washington's  lines;  such  a  measure  is  too 
absurd  for  a  man  of  Mr.  Howe's  genius;  and  unless  they 
have  received  flattering  accounts  from  Burgoyne,  that  he 
will  be  able  to  effectuate  a  junction  (which  I  conceive  they 
have  not),  they  will  no  longer  remain  kicking  their  heels  at 
New  York.  They  will  put  the  place  in  a  respectable  state 
of  defence,  which,  with  their  command  of  the  waters,  may 
be  easily  done,  leave  four  or  five  thousand  men,  and  direct 
their  operations  to  a  more  decisive  object.  They  will 
infallibly  proceed  either  immediately  up  the  river  Delaware 
with  their  whole  troops,  or,  what  is  more  probable,  land 
somewhere  about  South  Amboy  or  Shrewsbury,  and  march 
straight  to  Trenton  or  Burlington.  On  the  supposition  that 
this  will  be  the  case,  what  are  we  to  do?  What  force  have 
we?  What  means  have  we  to  prevent  their  possessing  them- 
selves of  Philadelphia?  General  Washington's  army  cannot 
possibly  keep  pace  with  them.  The  length  of  his  route  is 
not  only  infinitely  greater,  but  his  obstructions  almost  insuper- 
able. In  short,  before  he  could  cross  Hudson  River,  tney 
might  be  lodged  and  strongly  fortified  on  both  banks  of  the 
Delaware.  *  *  *  For  Heaven's  sake,  arouse  yourselves! 
For  Heaven's  sake  let  ten  thousand  men  be  immediately 
assembled,  and  stationed  somewhere  about  Trenton.  In 
my  opinion,  your  whole  depends  upon  it.  I  set  out 
immediately  for  head-quarters,  where  I  shall  communicate 
my  apprehension  that  such  will  be  the  next  operation  of  the 
enemy,  and  urge  the  expediency  of  sparing  a  part  of  his 
army  (if  he  has  any  to  spare)  for  this  object."* 

On  the  very  morning  that  Lee  was  writing  this  letter  at 
Amboy,  Washington  received  intelligence  by  express  from 
General  Heath,  stationed  above  King's  Bridge,  that  the 
enemy  were  landing  with  artillery  on  Throg's  Neckf  in  the 
Sound,  about  nine  miles  from  the  camp.  Washington 
surmised  that  Howe  was  pursuing  his  original  plan  of  getting 
into  the  rear  of  the  American  army,  cutting  off  its  supplies, 
which  were  chiefly  derived  from  the  East,  and  interrupting 

*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  1.008. 

t  Properly  Throck'a  Neck,  from  Throckmorton,  the  name  of  the  original 
proprietor. 


IOC  LIFE   OP  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXIV. 

its  communication  with  the  main  country.  Officers  were 
ordered  to  their  alarm  posts  and  the  troops  to  be  ready, 
under  arms,  to  act  as  occasion  might  require.  Word,  at  the 
same  time,  was  sent  to  General  Heath  to  dispose  of  the 
troops  on  his  side  of  King's  Bridge,  and  of  two  militia 
regiments  posted  on  the  banks  of  Harlem  Kiver  opposite  the 
camp,  in  such  manner  as  he  should  think  necessary. 

Having  made  all  his  arrangements  as  promptly  as  possible, 
Washington  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  over  toward 
Throg's  Keck  to  reconnoiter. 

Throg's  Neck  is  a  peninsula  in  Westchester  County, 
stretching  upward  of  two  miles  into  the  Sound.  It  was 
separated  from  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  creek  and  a  marsh, 
and  was  surrounded  by  water  every  high  tide.  A  bridge 
across  a  creek  connecting  with  a  ruined  causeway  across  the 
marsh,  led  to  the  mainland,  and  the  upper  end  of  the  creek 
was  ford  able  at  low  water.  Early  in  the  morning,  eighty  or 
ninety  boats  full  of  men  had  stood  up  the  Sound  from 
Montrcsor's  Island,  and  Long  Island,  and  had  landed 
troops  to  the  number  of  four  thousand  on  Throg's  Point, 
the  extremity  of  the  neck.  Thence  their  advance  pushed 
forward  toward  the  causeway  and  bridge,  to  secure  that  pass 
to  the  mainland.  Genera'!  Heath  had  been  too  rapid  for 
them.  Colonel  Hand  and  his  Philadelphia  riflemen,  the 
same  who  had  checked  the  British  advance  on  Long  Island, 
had  taken  up  the  planks  of  the  bridge,  and  posted  themselves 
opposite  the  end  of  the  causeway,  whence  they  commenced 
tiring  with  their  rifles.  rl'hey  were  soon  reinforced  by 
Colonel  Prescott,  of  Bunker's  Hill  renown,  with  his  regiment, 
and  Lieutenant  Bryant  of  the  artillery,  with  a  three-pounder. 
Cheeked  at  this  pass,  the  .British  moved  toward  the  head  of 
the  creek;  here  they  found  the  Americans  in  possession  of 
the  ford,  where  they  were  reinforced  by  Colonel  Graham, 
of  the  N"cw  York  line,  with  his  regiment,  and  Lieutenant 
Jackson  of  the  artillery,  with  a  six-pounder.  These  skillful 
dispositions  of  his  Iroops  by  General  Heath  had  brought  the 
enemy  to  a  stand.  By  the  time  Washington  arrived  in  the 
vicinity,  the  British  had  encamped  on  the  neck;  the  rifle- 
men and  yagers  keeping  up  a.  scattering  fire  at  each  other 
across  the  marsh;  and  Captain  Bryant  now  and  then  saluting 
the  enemy  with  his  field-piece. 

Having  surveyed  the  ground,  Washington  ordered  works 
to  be  thrown  up  at  the  pusses  from  the  neck  to  the  main- 
land. The  British  also  threw  up  a  work  at  the  end  of  the 
causeway.  In  the  afternoon  nine  ships,  with  a  great  number 


1776.]  WASHIS  (ITUN'S  ARRANGEMENTS.  167 

of  schooners,  sloops,  and  flat-bottomed  boats  full,  of  men, 
passed  through  Hell  Gate,  toward  Throg's  Point;  and 
information  received  from  two  deserters,  gave  Washington 
reason  to  believe  that  the  greater  part  of  the  enemy's  forces 
were  gathering  in  that  quarter.  General  McDougall's 
brigade,  in  which  were  Colonel  fSmallwoodand.the  independ- 
ent companies,  was  sent  in  the  evening  to  strengthen 
Heath's  division  at  King's  Bridge,  and  to  throw  up  works 
opposite  the  ford  of  Harlem  River. 

Greene,  who  had  heard  of  the  landing  of  the  enemy  at 
Throg's  Neck,  wrote  over  to  Washington,  from  Fort  Consti- 
tution, informing  him  that  he  had  three  brigades  ready  to 
join  him  if  required.  "If  the  troops  are  wanted  over  your 
side/'  said  he,  "or  likely  to  be  so,  they  should  1x3  got  over  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  night,  as  the  shipping  may  move  up 
from  below,  and  impede,  if  not  totally  stop  the  troops  from 
passing.  The  tents  upon  Staten  Island,"  he  added,  "had 
all  been  struck,  as  far  as  could  be  ascertained."  It  was  plain 
the  whole  scene  of  action  was  changing. 

On  the  14rth,  General  Lee  arrived  in  camp,  where  he  was 
welcomed  as  the  harbinger  of  good  luck.  Washington  was 
aiist-nt,  visiting  the  posts  beyond  King's  Bridge,  and  the 
passes  leading  from  Throg's  Neck;  Lee  immediately  rode 
forth  to  join  him.  No  one  gave  him  a  sincerer  greeting 
than  the  Commander-in-chief;  who,  diffident  of  his  own 
military  knowledge,  had  a  high  opinion  of  that  of  Lee.  He 
immediately  gave  him  command  of  the  troops  above  King's 
Bridge,  now  the  greatest  part  of  the  army,  but  desired  that 
lie  would  not  exercise  it  for  a  day  or  two,  until  he  had  time 
to  acquaint  himself  with  the  localities  and  arrangements  of 
the  post;  Heath,  in  the  interim,  held  the  command. 

Lee  was  evidently  elevated  by  his  successes  at  the  South, 
and  disposed  to  criticise  d isparagj ngly  the  military  operations 
of  other  commanders.  In  a  letter,  written. on  the  day  of  his 
arrival  to  his  old  associate  in  arms,  General  Gates,  he 
condemns  the  position  of  the  army,  and  censures  Washington 
for  submitting  to  the  dictation  of  Congress,  whose  meddle- 
some instructions  had  produced  it.  "Inler  nos,"  writes  he, 
"the  Congress  seems  to  stumble  every  step.  I  do  not  mean 
one  or  two  of  the  cattle,  but  the  whole  stable.  I  have  been 
very  free  in  delivering  my  opinion  to  them.  In  rny  opinion 
General  Washington  is  much  to  blame  in  not  menacing  'em 
with  resignation,  unless  they  refrain  from  unhinging  the 
army  by  their  absurd  interference. 

"Keep  us  Ticonderoga;  much  depends  upon  it.     We  ought 


1(38  LIFE  OF  AVASHIKGTON.  [CH.  XXIV. 

to  have  an  army  in  the  Delaware.  I  have  roared  it  in  the 
ears  of  Congress,  but  careni  auribus.  Adieu,  my  dear 
friend;  if  we  do  meet  again— why,  we  shall  smile."5 

In  the  mean  time,  Congress,  on  the  llth  of  October, 
having  heard  of  the  ingress  of  the  Phoenix,  Roebuck  and 
Tartar,  passed  a  resolution  that  General  Washington  be 
desired,  if  it  be  practicable,  by  every  art,  and  at  whatever 
expense,  to  obstruct  effectually  the  navigation  of  the  North 
River  between  Fort  Washington  and  Mount  Constitution,  as 
well  to  prevent  the  regress  of  the  enemy's  vessels  lately  gone 
up  as  to  hinder  them  from  receiving  succors. 

Under  so  many  conflicting  circumstances,  Washington 
held  a  council  of  war  on  the  IGth,  at  Lee's  head -quarters,  at 
which  all  the  major-generals  were  present  excepting  Greene, 
and  all  the  brigadiers,  as  well  as  Colonel  Knox,  who  com- 
manded the  artillery.  Letters  from  the  Convention  and 
from  individual  members  of  it  were  read,  concerning  the 
turbulence  of  the  disaffected  in  the  upper  parts  of  the  State; 
intelligence  gained  from  deserters  was  likewise  stated,  show- 
ing the  intention  of  the  enemy  to  surround  the  camp.  The 
policy  was  then  discussed  of  remaining  in  their  present 
position  on  Manhattan  Island,  and  awaiting  there  the 
menaced  attack:  the  strength  of  the  position  was  urged;  its 
being  well  fortified,  and  extremely  difficult  of  access.  Lee, 
in  reply,  scoffed  at  the  idea  of  a  position  being  good  merely 
because  its  approaches  were  difficult.  How  could  they  think 
of  holding  a  position  where  the  enemy  were  so  strong  in 
front  and  rear;  where  ships  had  the  command  of  the  water 
on  each  side,  and  where  King's  Bridge  was  their  only  pass 
by  which  to  escape  from  being  wholly  inclosed?  Had  not 
their  recent  experience  on  Long  Island  and  at  New  York 
taught  them  the  danger  of  sue)'  positions?  "For  my  part," 
said  he,  "I  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  islands  to 
which  you  have  been  clinging  so  pertinaciously — I  would 
give  Mr.  Howe  a  fee-simple  of  them." 

"After  much  consideration  and  debate,"  says  the  record 
of  the  council,  "the  following  question  was  stated:  Whether 
(it  having  appeared  that  the  obstructions  in  the  North  River 
have  proved  insufficient,  and  that  the  enemy's  whole  force  is 
now  in  our  rear  on  Frog  Point)  it  is  now  deemed  possible, 
in  our  situation,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  cutting  off  the 
communication  with  the  country,  and  compelling  us  to  fight 

*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  1,038. 


1776.]  POPULARITY  OF   LEE.  169 

them  at  all  disadvantages  or  surrender  prisoners  at  dis- 
cretion?" 

All  agreed,  with  but  one  dissenting  voice,  that  it  was  not 
possible  to  prevent  the  communication  from  being  cut  off, 
and  that  one  of  the  consequences  mentioned  in  the  question 
must  follow. 

The  dissenting  voice  was  that  of  General  George  Clinton, 
a  brave  downright  man,  but  little  versed  in  the  science  of 
warfare.  He  could  not  comprehend  the  policy  of  abandoning 
so  strong  a  position;  they  were,  equal  in  number  to  the 
enemy,  and,  as  they  must  fight  them  somewhere,  could  do  it 
to  more  advantage  there  than  anywhere  else.  Clinton  felt 
as  a  guardian  of  the  Hudson  and  the  upper  country,  and 
wished  to  meet  the  enemy,  as  it  were,  at  the  very  threshold. 

As  the  resolve  of  Congress  seemed  imperative  with  regard 
to  Fort  Washington,  that  post,  i£  was  agreed,  should  be 
"retained  as  long  as  possible." 

A  strong  garrison  was  accordingly  placed  in  it,  composed 
chiefly  of  troops  from  Magaw's  and  Shoe's  Pennsylvania 
regiments,  the  latter  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lambert 
Cadwalader,  of  Philadelphia.  Shee  having  obtained  leave 
of  absence,  Colonel  Magaw  was  put  in  command  of  the  post, 
and  solemnly  charged  by  Washington  to  defend  it  to  the  last 
extremity.  The  name  of  the  opposite  post  on  the  Jersey 
shore,  where  Greene  was  stationed,  was  changed  from  Fort 
Constitution  to  Fort  Lee,  in  honor  of  the  General.  Lee,  in 
fact,  was  the  military  idol  of  the  day.  Even  the  family  of 
the  commander-in-chief  joined  in  paying  him  homage. 
Colonel  Tench  Tilghman,  Washington's  aide-de-camp,  in  a 
letter  to  a  friend,  writes:  "You  ask  if  General  Lee  is  in 
health,  and  our  people  bold.  I  answer  both  in  the  affirma- 
tive. His  appearance  among  us  has  contributed  not  a 
little  to  the  latter." 


170  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXV. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Army  Arrangements — 'Washington  at  White  Plains — The  Enemy  at 
Throw's  Point — Skirmish  of  Colonel  Glover— Attempt  to  Surprise 
Holers,  the  lien egade — Troopers  in  a  Uough  Country — Alarms  at 
White  Plains — Cannonading  of  Ships  at  Fort  Washington. — JMarch 
of  Lee— Fortified  Cam])  at  While  Plains — Heoonnoilering — The 
Affair  at  Chatterton  Hill — Relative  Situation  of  the  Armies — 
Change  of  Position — Contrast  of  the  Appearance  of  the  Troops — 
George  Clinton's  Idea  of  Strategy — Mo\ement  of  the  British  Army 
— Incendiaries  at  White  Plains. 

Puuviors  to  decamping  from  Manhattan  Island,  Washing- 
ton formed  four  divisions  of  the.  army,  which  were  respec- 
tively assigned  to  Generals  Lee,  Heath,  Sullivan  (recently 
obtained  in  exchange  for  General  Prescott).  and  Lincoln. 
Lee  was  stationed  on  Valentine's  II ill  on  the  mainland, 
immediately  opposite  King's  Bridge,  to  cover  the  transporta- 
tion across  it  of  the  military  stores  and  heavy  baggage. 
The  other  divisions  were  to  form  a  chain  of  fortified  posts, 
extending  about  thirteen  miles  along  a  ridge  of  hills  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Bronx,  from  Lee's  camp  up  to  the  village  of 
White  Plains. 

Washington's  head-quarters  continued  to  he  on  Harlem 
Heights  for  several  days,  during  which  time  he  was  contin- 
ually in  the  saddle,  riding  about  a  broken,  woody,  and  half 
wild  country,  forming  posts,  and  choosing  sites  for  breast- 
works and  redoubts.  By  his  skillful  disposition  of  the  army, 
it  was  protected  in  its  whole  length  by  the  Bronx,  a  narrow 
but  deep  stream,  fringed  with  trees,  which  ran  along  the 
foot  of  the  ridge.;  at  the  same  time  his  troops  faced  and 
outflanked  the  enemy,  and  covered  the  roads  along  which 
the  stores  and  baggage  had  to  be  transported.  On  the  21st, 
he  shifted  his  head -quarters  to  Valentino's  Hill,  and  on  the 
23d  to  White  Plains,  where  he  stationed  himself  in  a  fortified 
camp. 

AVhile  he  was  thus  incessantly  in  action.  General,  now  Sir 
William  Howe  (having  recently,  in  reward  for  his  services, 
been  made  a  knight  companion  of  the  Bath),  remained  for 
six  days  passive  in  his  camp  on  Throg's  Point,  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  supplies  and  reinforcements,  instead  of  pushing 
across  to  the  Hudson,  and  throwing  himself  between  Wash- 


1770.]  MOVEMENTS    OF  TIIK    ARMIES.  171 

ington's  army  and  the  upper  country.  His  inaction  lost 
him  a  golden  opportunity.  By  the  time  his  supplies  arrived, 
the  Americans  had  broken  up  the  causeway  leading  to  the 
mainland,  and  taken  positions  too  strong  to  be  easily  forced. 

Finding  himself  headed  in  this  direction,  Sir  William 
re-embarked  part  of  his  troops  in  flat  boats  on  the  18th, 
crossed  Eastchester  Bay,  and  landed  on  Pell's  Point,  at  the 
mouth  of  Uutchinson's  River.  Here  he  was  joined  in  a  few 
hours  by  the  main  body,  with  the  baggage  and  artillery,  and 
proceeded  through  the  manor  of  Pelham  toward  New 
Kochelle;  still  with  a  view  to  get  above  Washington's  army. 

In  their  march,  the  British  were  waylaid  and  harassed  by 
Colonel  Glover  of  Massachusetts,  with  his  own,  Reed's,  and 
Shcpard's  regiments  of  infantry.  Twice  the  British  advance 
guard  were  thrown  into  confusion  and  driven  back  with 
severe  loss,  by  a  sharp  fire  from  behind  stone  fences.  A 
third  time  they  advanced  in  solid  columns.  The  Americans 
gave  them  repeated  volleys,  and  then  retreated  with  the  loss 
of  eight  killed  and  thirteen  wounded,  among  whom  was 
Colonel  Shcpard.  Colonel  Glover,  and  the  officers  and 
soldiers  who  were  with  him  in  this  skirmish,  received  the 
public  thanks  of  Washington  for  their  merit  and  good 
behavior. 

On  the  21st,  General  Howe  was  encamped  about  two  miles 
north  of  New  Rochelle,  with  his  outposts  extending  to 
Mamaroneck  on  the  Sound.  At  the  latter  place  was  posted 
Colonel  Rogers,  the  renegade,  as  he  was  called,  with  tho 
Queen's  Rangers,  his  newly-raised  corps  of  loyalists. 

Hearing  of  this,  Lord  Stirling  resolved,  if  possible,  to  cut 
off  this  outpost  and  entrap  the  old  hunter.  Colonel  Haslet, 
of  his  brigade,  always  prompt  on  such  occasions,  undertook 
the  exploit  at  the  head  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  of  the 
Delaware  troops,  who  had  fought  so  bravely  on  Long  Island. 
With  these  he  crossed  the  line  of  the  British  march;  came 
undiscovered  upon  the  post;  drove  in  the  guard;  killed  a 
lieutenant  and  several  men,  and  brought  away  thirty-six 
prisoners,  with  a  pair  of  colors,  sixty  stands  of  arms,  and 
other  spoils.  He  missed  the  main  prize,  however.  Rogers 
skulked  off  in  the  dark  at  the  first  fire.  He  was  too  old  a 
partisan  to  be  easily  entrapped. 

For  this  exploit,  Colonel  Haslet  and  his  men  were  publicly 
thanked  by  Lord  Stirling,  on  parade. 

These,  and  other  spirited  and  successful  skirmishes,  while 
they  retarded  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  had  the  far  more 


172  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XXV. 

important  effect  of  exercising  and  animating  the  American 
troops,  and  accustoming  them  to  danger. 

While  in  this  neighborhood,  Howe  was  reinforced  by  a 
second  division  of  Hessians  under  General  Knyphausen,  and 
a  regiment  of  Waldeckers,  both  of  which  had  recently 
arrived  in  New  York.  He  was  joined,  also,  by  the  whole  of 
the  seventeenth  light- dragoons,  and  a  part  of  the  sixteenth, 
which  had  arrived  on  the  3d  instant  from  Ireland,  with 
Lieutenant-Colonel  (afterward  Earl)  Harcourt.  Some  of 
their  horses  had  been  brought  with  them  across  the  sea, 
others  had  been  procured  since  their  arrival. 

The  Americans  at  first  regarded  these  troopers  with  great 
dread.  Washington,  therefore,  took  pains  to  convince  them, 
that  in  a  rough,  broken  country,  like  the  present,  full  of 
stone  fences,  no  troops  were  so  inefficient  as  cavalry.  They 
could  be  waylaid  and  picked  off  by  sharp-shooters  from 
behind  walls  and  thickets,  while  they  could  not  leave  the 
road  to  pursue  their  covert  foe. 

Further  to  inspirit  them  against  this  new  enemy,  he 
proclaimed,  in  general  orders,  a  reward  of  one  hundred 
dollars  for  every  trooper  brought  in  with  his  horse  and 
accouterments,  and  so  on,  in  proportion  to  the  completeness 
of  the  capture. 

On  the  25th,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  intel- 
ligence was  brought  to  head-quarters  that  three  or  four 
detachments  of  the  enemy  were  on  the  march,  within  four 
miles  of  the  camp,  and  the  main  army  following  in  columns. 
The  drums  beat  to  arms;  the  men  were  ordered  to  their 
posts;  an  attack  was  expected.  The  day  passed  away,  how- 
ever, without  any  demonstration  of  the  enemy.  Howe 
detached  none  of  his  force  on  lateral  expeditions,  evidently 
meditating  a  general  engagement.  To  prepare  for  it, 
Washington  drew  all  his  troops  from  the  posts  along  the 
Bronx  into  the  fortified  camp  at  White  Plains.  Here  every- 
thing remained  quiet  but  expectant,  throughout  the  26th. 
In  the  morning  of  the  27th,  which  was  Sunday,  the  heavy 
booming  of  cannon  was  heard  from  a  distance,  seemingly  in 
the  direction  of  Fort  Washington.  Scouts  galloped  off  to 
gain  intelligence.  W^e  will  anticipate  their  report. 

Two  of  the  British  frigates,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  had  moved  up  the  Hudson,  and  come  to  anchor 
near  Bourdett's  Ferry,  below  the  Morris  House,  Washington's 
old  head-quarters,  apparently  with  the  intention  of  stopping 
the  ferry,  and  cutting  off  the  communication  between  Fort 
Lee  and  Fort  Washington.  At  the  same  time,  troops  made 


THOS.    PAINE 


MARSHALL 


1776.]  MARCH   OF   LEE.  173 

their  appearance  on  Harlem  Plains,  where  Lord  Percy  held 
command.  Colonel  Morgan  immediately  manned  the  lines 
with  troops  from  the  garrison  of  Fort  Washington.  The 
ships  opened  a  lire  to  enfilade  and  dislodge  them.  A  barhette 
battery  on  the  cliffs  of  the  Jersey  shore,  left  of  the  ferry,  fired 
down  upon  the  frigate,  but  with  little  effect.  Colonel  Magaw 

g)t  down  an  eighteen-pounder  to  the  lines  near  the  Morris 
ouse,  and  fired  fifty  or  sixty  rounds,  two  balls  at  a  time. 
Two  eighteen-pounders  were  likewise  brought  down  from 
Fort  Lee,  and  planted  opposite  the  ships.  By  the  fire  from 
both  shores  they  were  hulled  repeatedly. 

It  was  the  thundering  of  these  cannonades  which  had 
reached  Washington's  camp  at  White  Plains,  and  even 
startled  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson.  The  ships  soon 
hoisted  all  sail.  The  foremost  slipped  her  cable,  and 
appeared  to  be  in  the  greatest  confusion.  She  could  make 
no  way,  though  towed  by  two  boats.  The  other  ship,  seeing 
her  distress,  sent  two  barges  to  her  assistance,  and  by  the 
four  boats  she  was  dragged  out  of  reach  of  the  American  fire, 
her  pumps  going  all  the  time.  "Had  the  tide  been  flood 
one  half  hour  longer,"  writes  General  Greene,  "we  should 
have  sunk  her." 

At  the  time  that  the  fire  from  the  ships  began,  Lord  Percy 
brought  up  his  field-pieces  and  mortars,  and  made  an  attack 
upon  the  lines.  He  was  resolutely  answered  by  the  troops 
sent  down  from  Fort  Washington,  and  several  Hessians  were 
killed.  An  occasional  firing  was  kept  up  until  evening, 
when  the  ships  fell  down  the  river,  and  the  troops  which 
had  advanced  on  Harlem  Plains  drew  within  their  lines 
again. 

"We  take  this  day's  movement  to  be  only  a  feint,"  writes 
one  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Lee;  "at  any  rate,  it  is  little 
honorable  to  the  red  coats."  Its  chief  effect  was  to  startle 
the  distant  camp,  and  astound  a  quiet  country  with  the 
thundering  din  of  war. 

The  celebrated  Thomas  Paine,  author  of  "The  Rights  of 
Man,"  and  other  political  works,  was  a  spectator  of  the  affair 
from  the  rocky  summit  of  the  Palisades,  on  the  Jersey  shore. 

While  these  things  were  passing  at  Fort  Washington,  Lee 
had  struck  his  tents,  and  with  the  rear  division,  eight 
thousand  strong,  the  baggage  and  artillery,  and  a  train  of 
wagons  four  miles  long,  laden  with  stores  and  ammunition, 
was  lumbering  along  the  rough  country  roads  to  join  the 
main  army.  It  was  not  until  Monday  morning,  after  being 
on  the  road  all  night,  that  he  arrived  at  White  Plains, 


174  LIFE   OF   AVASHINGTON.  [en.  XXV. 

Washington's  camp  Avas  situated  on  high  ground,  facing 
the  east.  "The  right  wing  stretched  toward  the  south  along 
a  rocky  hill,  at  the  foot  of  which  the  Bronx,  making  an 
elbow,  protected  it  in  flank  and  rear.  The  left  wing  rested 
on  a  small,  deep  lake  among  the  hills.  The  camp  AVUS 
strongly  intrenched  in  front. 

About  a  quarter  of  a  mile  to  the  right  of  the  camp,  and 
separated  from  the  height  on  which  it  stood  by  the  Bronx 
and  a  marshy  interval,  was  a  corresponding  height  called 
Chattel-ton's^  Hill.  As  this  partly  commanded  the  right 
Hank,  and  as  the  intervening  bend  of  the  Bronx  AVUS  easily 
passable,  Washington  had  stationed  on  its  summit  a  militia 
regiment. 

The  Avholc  encampment  was  a  temporary  one,  to  be 
changed  as  soon  as  the  military  stores  collected  there  could 
be  removed:  and  now  that  General  Lee  Avas  arrived,  Wash- 
ington rode  ont  Avith  him,  and  other  general  officers  Avho 
Avere  oil:  duty,  to  reconnoiter  a  height  Avhich  appeared  more 
eligible.  When  arrived  at  it,  Lee  pointed  to  another  on  the 
north,  still  more  commanding. 

"Yonder,"  said  he,  "is  the  ground  AVC  ought  to  occupy." 
"Let  ns  go,  then,  and  view  it,"  replied  Washington.  They 
Avere  gently  riding  in  that  direction,  Avhen  a  trooper  came 
spurring  up  his  panting  horse.  "The  British  are  in  the 
camp,  sir!"  cried  he.  "Then,  gentlemen,"  said  Washing- 
ton, "AVC  have  other  business  to  attend  to  than  reconnoitcr- 
ing."  Putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he  set  off  for  the  camp  at 
full  gallop,  the  others  spurring  after  him. 

Arrived  at  head-quarters,  he  Avas  informed  by  Adjutant- 
General  Heed,  that  the  picket  guards  had  all  been  driA'en  in, 
and  the  enemy  Avere  advancing:  but  that  the  Avhole  American 
army  Avas  posted  in  order  of  battle.  "Gentlemen,"  said 
Washington,  turning  calmly  to  his  companions,  "yon  Avill 
return  to  your  respective  posts,  and  do  the  best  you  can." 

Apprehensive  that  the  enemy  might  attempt  to  get  posses- 
sion of  Chattel-ton's  Hill,  he  detached  Colonel  Haslet  Avith 
his  DelaAvare  regiment,  to  reinforce  the  militia  posted  there. 
To  these  he  soon  added  General  McDongall's  brigade, 
composed  of  Smallwood's  Marylanders,  Ritzema's  XCAV 
Yorkers,  and  two  other  regiments.  These  Avere  much 
reduced  by  sickness  and  absence.  General  McDougall  had 
command  of  the  whole  force  upon  the  hill,  Avhich  did  not 
exceed  1,600  men. 

These  dispositions  were  scarcely  made,  when  the  enemy 
appeared  glistening  on  the  high  grounds  beyond  the  village 


THE  ENEMY   AT  WHITE   PLAINS.  175 

of  White  Plains.  They  advanced  in  two  columns,  the  right 
commanded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  the  left  by  the  Hessian 
general,  l)e  Heister.  There  was  also  a  troop  of  horse;  so 
formidable  in  the  inexperienced  eyes  of  the  Americans.  "It 
was  a  brilliant  but  formidable  sight,"  writes  Heath  in  his 
memoirs.  "The  sun  shone  bright,  their  arms  glittered;  and 
perhaps  troops  never  were  shown  to  more  advantage." 

For  a  time  they  halted  in  a  wheat  field,  behind  a  rising 
ground,  and  the  general  officers  rode  up  in  the  center  to 
hold  a  consultation.  Washington  supposed  they  were  pre- 
paring to  attack  him  in  front,  and  such  indeed  was  their 
intention;  but  the  commanding  height  of  Chatterton's  Hill 
had  caught  Sir  William's  eye,  and  he  determined  first  to  get 
possession  of  it. 

Colonel  Uahl  was  accordingly  detached  with  a  brigade  of 
Hessians,  to  make  a  circuit  southwardly  round  a  piece  of 
wood,  cross  the  Bronx  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  below,  and 
ascend  the  south  side  of  the  hill;  while  General  Leslie,  with 
a  large  force,  British  and  Hessian,  should  advance  directly 
in  front,  throw  a  bridge  across  the  stream,  and  charge  up  the 
hill. 

A  furious  cannonade  was  now  opened  by  the  British  from 
fifteen  or  twenty  pieces  of  artillery,  placed  on  high  ground 
opposite  the  hill;  under  cover  of  which,  the  troops  of  General 
Leslie  hastened  to  construct  the  bridge.  In  so  doing,  they 
were  severely  galled  by  two  field-pieces,  planted  on  a  ledge  of 
nx-k  on  Chatterton's  Hill,  and  in  charge  of  Alexander 
Hamilton,  the  youthful  captain  of  artillery.  Smallwood's 
Maryland  battalion,  also,  kept  up  a  sharp  fire  of  small-arms. 

As  soon  as  the  bridge  was  finished,  the  British  and 
Hessians  under  Leslie  rushed  over  it,  formed,  and  charged 
up  the  hill  to  take  Hamilton's  two  field-pieces.  Three 
times  the  two  field-pieces  were  discharged,  plowing  the 
ascending  columns  from  hill-top  to  river,  while  Smallwood's 
"blue  and  buff"  Alarylanders  kept  up  their  volleys  of 
musketry. 

In  the  mean  time,  Rahl  and  his  Hessian  brigade  forded  the 
Bronx  lower  down,  pushed  up  the  south  side  of  the  hill,  and 
endeavored  to  turn  MeDougall's  right  flank.  The  militia 
gave  the  general  but  little  support.  They  had  been  dismayed 
at  the  opening  of  the  engagement  by  a  shot  from  a  British 
cannon,  which  wounded  one  of  them  in  the  thigh,  and 
nearly  put  the  whole  to  flighte  It  was  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  MeDougall  had  rallied  them,  and  posted  them 
behind  a  stone  wall.  Here  they  did  some  service,  until  a 


tfQ  LIFE  OP  WASHINGTON".  [OH.  xxv. 

troop  of  British  cavalry,  having  gained  the  crest  of  the  hill, 
came  on,  brandishing  their  sabers.  At  their  first  charge  the 
militia  gave  a  random,  scattering  fire,  then  broke,  and  fled 
in  complete  confusion. 

A  brave  stand  was  made  on  the  summit  of  the  hill  by 
Haslet,  Ritzema,  and  Smalhvood,  with  their  troops.  Twice 
they  repulsed  horse  and  foot,  British  and  Hessians,  until, 
cramped  for  room  and  greatly  outnumbered,  they  slowly  and 
sullenly  retreated  down  the  north  side  of  the  hill,  where 
there  was  a  bridge  across  the  Bronx.  Smalhvood  remained 
upon  the  ground  for  some  time  after  the  retreat  had  begun, 
and  received  two  flesh  wounds,  one  in  the  hip,  the  other 
through  the  arm.  At  the  bridge  over  the  Bronx,  the  retreat- 
ing troops  were  met  by  General  Putnam,  who  was  coming  to 
their  assistance  with  BealPs  brigade.  In  the  rear  of  this 
they  marched  back  into  the  camp. 

The  loss  on  both  sides,  in  this  short  but  severe  action,  was 
nearly  equal.  That  of  the  Americans  was  between  three 
and  four  hundred  men,  killed,  wounded,  and  taken  prisoners. 
At  first  it  was  thought  to  be  much  more,  many  of  the  militia 
and  a  few  of  the  regulars  being  counted  as  lost,  who  had 
scattered  themselves  among  the  hills,  but  afterward  returned 
to  head-quarters. 

The  British  army  now  rested  with  their  left  wing  on  the 
hill  they  had  just  taken,  and  which  they  were  busy  intrench- 
ing. They  were  extending  their  right  wing  to  the  left  of 
the  American  lines,  so  that  their  two  wings  and  center 
formed  nearly  a  semicircle.  It  was  evidently  their  design  to 
outflank  the  American  camp,  and  get  in  the  rear  of  it.  The 
day,  however,  being  far  advanced,  was  suffered  to  pass  with- 
out any  further  attack,  but  the  morrow  was  looked  forward 
to  for  a  deadly  conflict.  Washington  availed  himself  of  this 
interval  to  have  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  as  much  of  the 
stores  as  possible,  removed  from  the  camp.  "The  two 
armies,"  says  General  Heath  in  his  Memoirs,  "lay  looking  at 
each  other,  within  long  cannon  shot.  In  the  night  time  the 
British  lighted  up  a  vast  number  of  fires,  the  weather  grow- 
ing pretty  cold.  These  fires,  some  on  the  level  ground, 
some  at  the  foot  of  the  hills,  and  at  all  distances  to  their 
brows,  some  of  which  were  lofty,  seemed  to  the  eye  to  mix 
with  the  stars.  The  American  side  doubtless  exhibited  to 
them  a  similiar  appearance." 

During  this  anxious  night.  Washington  was  assiduously 
occupied  throwing  back  his  right  wing  to  stronger  ground; 
doubling  his  intrenchments  and  constructing  three  redoubts, 


1776.]  RELATIVE   SITUATION   OF  THE  ARMIES.  17? 

with  a  line  in  front,  on  the  summit  of  his  post.  These 
works  were  principally  intended  for  defence  against  small- 
arms,  and  were  thrown  up  with  a  rapidity  that  to  the  enemy 
must  have  savored  of  magic.  They  were,  in  fact,  made  of 
the  stalks  of  Indian  corn  or  maize  taken  from  a  neighboring 
corn-field,  and  pulled  up  with  the  earth  clinging  in  masses 
to  the  large  roots.  "The  roots  of  the  stalks,"  says  Heath, 
"and  earth  on  them  placed  in  the  face  of  the  works,  answered 
the  purpose  of  sods  and  fascines.  The  tops  being  placed 
in  ward,  as  the  loose  earth  was  thrown  upon  them,  became 
as  so  many  trees  to  the  work,  which  was  carried  up  with  a 
dispatch  scarcely  conceivable." 

In  the  morning  of  the  29th,  when  Howe  beheld  how  greatly 
Washington  had  improved  his  position  and  strengthened  it, 
by  what  appeared  to  be  solidly  constructed  works,  he  post- 
poned his  meditated  assault,  ordered  up  Lord  Percy  from 
Harlem  with  the  fourth  brigade  and  two  battalions  of  the 
sixth,  and  proceeded  to  throw  up  lines  and  redoubts  in  front 
of  the  American  camp,  as  if  preparing  to  cannonade  it.  As 
the  enemy  were  endeavoring  to  outflank  him,  especially 
on  his  right  wing,  Washington  apprehended  one  of  their 
objects  might  be  to  advance  a  part  of  their  force,  and  seize 
on  Pine's  Bridge  over  Croton  River,  which  would  cut  off 
his  communication  with  the  upper. country.  General  Beall, 
with  three  Maryland  regiments,  was  sent  off  with  all  expedi- 
tion to  secure  that  pass.  It  was  Washington's  idea  that, 
having  possession  of  Croton  River  and  the  passes  in  the 
Highlands,  his  army  would  be  safe  from  further  pursuit, 
and  have  time  to  repose  after  its  late  excessive  fatigue,  and 
would  be  fresh,  and  ready  to  harass  the  enemy  should  they 
think  fit  to  winter  up  the  country. 

At  present  nothing  could  exceed  the  war-worn  condition 
of  the  troops,  unseasoned  as  they  were  to  this  kind  of  service. 
A  scornful  letter,  written  at  this  time  by  a  British  officer,  to 
his  friend  in  London,  gives  a  picture  of  the  ragged  plight  to 
which  they  were  reduced,  in  this  rainy  and  inclement  season. 
"The  rebel  army  are  in  so  wretched  a  condition  as  to  cloth- 
ing and  accouterments,  that  I  believe  no  nation  ever  saw 
such  a  set  of  tatterdemalions.  There  are  few  coats  among 
them  but  what  are  out  at  elbows,  and  in  a  whole  regiment 
there  is  scarce  a  pair  of  breeches.  Judge,  then,  how  they 
must  be  pinched  by  a  winter's  campaign.  We,  who  are 
warmly  clothed  and  well  equipped,  already  feel  it  severely; 
for  it  is  even  now  much  colder  than  I  ever  felt  it  in  England." 

Alas  for  the  poor  half-naked,  weather-beaten  patriots,  who 


178  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXV. 

had  to  cope  with  these  well-fed,  well-clad,  well-appointed 
mercenaries!  A  letter  written  at  the  very  same  date  (October 
31),  by  General  George  Clinton,  shows  what,  in  their  forlorn 
plight,  they  had  to  grapple  with. 

"We  had  reason,"  writes  he,  "to  apprehend  an  attack  last 
night,  or  by  daylight  this  morning.  Our  lines  were  manned 
all  night  in  consequence;  and  a  most  horrid  night  it  was  to 
lay  in  cold  trenches.  Uncovered  as  we  are,  daily  on  fatigue, 
making  redoubts,  fleches,  abatis,  and  retreating  from  them 
and  the  little  temporary  huts  made  for  our  comfort  before 
they  are  well  finished,  I  fear  will  ultimately  destroy  our 
army  without  fighting."*  "However,"  adds  he,  honestly, 
"I  would  not  be  understood  to  condemn  measures.  They 
may  be  right  for  aught  I  know.  I  do  not  understand  much 
of  the  refined  art  of  war;  it  is  said  to  consist  in  stratagem 
and  deception."  In  a  previous  letter  to  the  same  friend,  in 
a  moment  of  hurry  and  alarm,  he  writes,  "Pray  let  Mrs. 
Clinton  know  that  I  am  well,  and  that  she  need  not  be 
uneasy  about  me.  It  would  be  too  much  honor  to  die  in  so 
good  a  cause." 

Clinton,  as  we  have  before  intimated,  was  an  honest  and 
ardent  patriot,  of  resolute  spirit,  and  plain,  direct  good 
sense;  but  an  inexperienced  soldier.  His  main  idea  of 
warfare  was  straightforward  fighting;  and  he  was  greatly 
perplexed  by  the  continual  strategy  which  Washington's 
situation  required.  One  of  the  aides-de-camp  of  the  latter 
had  a  truer  notion  on  the  subject.  "The  campaign  hither- 
to," said  he,  "has  been  a  fair  trial  of  generalship,  in  which 
I  flatter  myself  we  have  had  the  advantage.  If  we,  with 
our  motley  army,  can  keep  Mr.  Howe  and  his  grand 
appointment  at  bay,  I  think  we  shall  make  no  contemptible 
military  figure,  "f 

On  the  night  of  the  31st,  Washington  made  another  of 
those  moves  which  perplexed  the  worthy  Clinton.  In  the 
course  of  the  night  he  shifted  his  whole  position,  set  fire  to 
the  barns  and  out-houses  containing  forage  and  stores,  which 
there  was  no  time  to  remove,  and,  leaving  a  strong  rear- 
guard on  the  heights,  and  in  the  neighboring  woods,  retired 
with  his  main  army  a  distance  of  five  miles,  among  the  high, 
rocky  hills  about  Northcastle.  Here  he  immediately  set 
to  work  to  intrench  and  fortify  himself;  his  policy  at  this 

*  George  Clintoi,  to  John  McKesson,  Oct.  31.    Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  1, 
f  Tench.  Tilghman  to  William  Duer,  Oct.  31. 


177G.]  MOVEMEHT  OP  THE  BRITISH   ARMY.  179 

time  being,  as  he  used  to  say,  "to  fight  with  the  spade  and 
mattock. 

General  Howe  did  not  attempt  to  dislodge  him  from  his 
fastness.  He  at  one  time  ordered  an  attack  on  the  rear- 
guard, but  a  violent  rain  prevented  it,  and  for  two  or  three 
days  he  remained  seemingly  inactive.  "All  matters  are  as 
quiet  as  if  the  enemy  were  one  hundred  miles  distant  from 
us,"  writes  one  of  Washington's  aides  on  the  2d  of  Novem- 
ber. During  the  night  of  the  4th,  this  quiet  was  interrupted. 
A  mysterious  sound  was  heard  in  the  direction  of  the  British 
camp;  like  the  rumbling  of  wagons  and  artillery.  At  day- 
break the  meaning  of  it  was  discovered.  The  enemy  were 
•  KM -imping.  Long  trains  were  observed,  defiling  across  the 
hilly  country,  along  the  roads  leading  to  Dobbs'  Ferry  on 
the  Hudson.  The  movement  continued  for  three  successive 
days,  until  their  whole  force,  British  and  Hessians,  dis- 
appeared from  White  Plains. 

The  night  after  their  departure  a  party  of  Americans, 
heated  with  liquor,  set  fire  to  the  court-house  and  other 
edifices  in  the  village,  as  if  they  had  belonged  to  the  enemy; 
an  outrage  which  called  forth  a  general  order  from  Washing- 
ton, expressive  of  his  indignation,  and  threatening  the 
perpetrators  with  signal  punishment  when  detected.  We 
notice  this  matter,  because  in  British  accounts,  the  burning 
of  those  buildings  had  been  charged  upon  Washington 
himself;  being,  no  doubt,  confounded  with  the  burning  of 
the  barns  and  out-houses  ordered  by  him  on  shifting  his 
encampment. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Conjectures  as  to  the  Intentions  of  the  Enemy — Consequent  Precautions 
— Correspondence  with  Greene  respecting  Fort  Washington — Dis- 
tribution of  the  Army — Lee  Left,  in  Command  at  Northcastle — In- 
structions to  Him — Washington  at  Peekskill—  Visits  to  the  Posts  in 
the  Highlands. 

VARIOUS  were  the  speculations  at  head-quarters  on  the 
sudden  movement  of  the  enemy.  Washington  writes  to 
(ieiKTal  William  Livingston  (now  governor  of  the  Jerseys): 
"They  have  gone  toward  the  North  River  and  King's  Bridge. 
Some  suppose  they  are  going  into  winter  quarters,  and  will 


180  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXVI. 

sit  down  in  New  York  without  doing  more  than  investing 
Fort  Washington.  I  cannot  subscribe  wholly  to  this  opinion 
myself.  That  they  will  invest  Fort  Washington,  is  a  matter 
of  which  there  can  be  no  doubt;  and  I  think  there  is  a 
strong  probability  that  General  Howe  will  detach  a  part  of 
his  force  to  make  an  incursion  into  the  Jerseys,  provided  he 
is  going  to  New  York.  He  must  attempt  something  on  ac- 
count of  his  reputation,  for  what  has  he  done  as  yet,  with 
his  great  army  ?" 

In  the  same  letter  he  expressed  his  determination,  as  soon 
as  it  should  appear  that  the  present  maneuver  was  a  real 
retreat,  and  not  a  feint,  to  throw  over  a  body  of  troops  into 
the  Jerseys  to  assist  in  checking  Howe's  progress.  He, 
moreover,  recommended  to  the  governor  to  have  the  militia 
of  that  State  put  on  the  best  possible  footing,  and  a  part  of 
them  held  in  readiness  to  take  the  place  of  the  State  levies, 
whose  term  of  service  would  soon  expire.  He  advised,  also, 
that  the  inhabitants  contiguous  to  the  water  should  be  pre- 
pared to  remove  their  stock,  grain,  effects,  and  carriages,  on 
the  earliest  notice. 

In  a  letter  of  the  same  date,  he  charged  General  Greene, 
should  Howe  invest  Fort  Washington  with  part  of  his  force, 
to  give  the  garrison  all  possible  assistance. 

On  the  following  day  (Nov.  8),  his  aide-de-camp,  Colonel 
Tilghman,  writes  to  General  Greene  from  head-quarters: 
"The  enemy  are  at  Dobbs'  Ferry  with  a  great  number  of 
boats,  ready  to  go  into  Jersey,  or  proceed  up  the  river." 

Greene  doubted  any  intention  of  the  enemy  to  cross  the 
river;  it  might  only  be  a  feint  to  mislead;  still,  as  a  precau- 
tion, he  had  ordered  troops  up  from  the  flying  camp,  and 
was  posting  them  opposite  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  at  other  passes 
where  a  landing  might  be  attempted;  the  whole  being  under 
the  command  of  General  Mercer. 

Affairs  at  Fort  Washington  soon  settled  the  question  of  the 
enemy's  intentions  with  regard  to  it.  Lord  Percy  took  his 
station  with  a  body  of  troops  before  the  lines  to  the  south. 
Knyphausen  advanced  on  the  north.  The  Americans  had 
previously  abandoned  Fort  Independence,  burned  its  bar- 
racks, and  removed  the  stores  and  cannon.  Crossing  King's 
Bridge,  Knyphausen  took  a  position  between  it  and  Fort 
Washington.  The  approach  to  the  fort,  on  this  side,  was 
exceedingly  steep  and  rocky;  as,  indeed,  were  all  its  ap- 
proaches excepting  that  on  the  south,  where  the  country  was 
more  open,  and  the  ascent  gradual.  The  fort  could  not  hold 
within  its  walls  above  one  thousand  men;  the  rest  of  the 


1776.1  FORT   WASHINGTON.  181 

troops  were  distributed  about  the  lines  and  outworks.  While 
the  fort  was  thus  menaced,  the  chevaux-de-frise  had  again 
proved  inefficient.  On  the  night  of  the  5th,  a  frigate  and 
two  transports,  bound  up  to  Dobb's  Ferry,  with  supplies  for 
Howe's  army,  had  broken  through;  though,  according  to 
Greene's  account,  not  without  being  considerably  shattered 
by  the  batteries. 

Informed  of  these  facts,  Washington  wrote  to  Greene  on 
the  8th:  "If  we  cannot  prevent  vessels  from  passing  up  the 
river,  and  the  enemy  are  possessed  of  all  the  surrounding 
country,  what  valuable  purpose  can  it  answer  to  hold  a  post 
from  which  the  expected  benefit  cannot  be  had?  I  am, 
therefore,  inclined  to  think,  that  it  will  not  be  prudent  to 
hazard  the  men  and  stores  at  Mount  Washington;  but,  as 
you  are  on  the  spot,  I  leave  it  to  you  to  give  such  orders  as 
to  evacuating  Mount  Washington  as  you  may  judge  best,  and 
so  far  revoking  the  orders  given  to  Colonel  Magaw,  to  defend 
it  to  the  last." 

Accounts  had  been  received  at  head-quarters  of  a  consid- 
erable movement  on  the  preceding  evening  (Nov.  7th), 
among  the  enemy's  boats  at  Dobbs'  Ferry,  with  the  inten- 
tion, it  was  said,  of  penetrating^the  Jerseys,  and  falling  down 
upon  Fort  Lee.  Washington,  therefore,  in  the  same  letter 
directed  Greene  to  have  all  the  stores  not  necessary  to  the 
defence  removed  immediately,  and  to  destroy  all  the  stock,  the 
hay  and  grain,  in  the  neighborhood,  which  the  owners  re- 
fused to  remove.  "Experience  has  shown,"  adds  he,  "that 
a  contrary  conduct  is  not  of  the  least  advantage  to  the  poor 
inhabitants,  from  whom  all  their  effects  of  every  kind  are 
taken  without  distinction  and  without  the  least  satisfaction." 

Greene,  in  reply  (Nov.  9th),  adhered  with  tenacity  to  the 
policy  of  maintaining  Fort  Washington.  "The  enemy," 
said  he,  "must  invest  it  with  double  the  number  of  men 
required  for  its  defence.  They  must  keep  troops  at  King's 
Bridge,  to  cut  off  all  communication  with  the  country,  and 
in  considerable  force,  for  fear  of  an  attack."  He  did  not 
consider  the  fort  in  immediate  danger.  Colonel  Magaw 
thought  it  would  take  the  enemy  until  the  end  of  December 
to  carry  it.  In  the  mean  time,  the  garrison  could  at  any  time 
be  brought  off,  and  even  the  stores  removed,  should  matters 
grow  desperate.  If  the  enemy  should  not  find  it  an  object 
of  importance,  they  would  not  trouble  themselves  about  it; 
if  they  should,  it  would  be  a  proof  that  they  felt  an  injury 
from  its  being  maintained.  The  giving  it  up  would  open 


132  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  xxvi. 

for  them  a  free  communication  with  the  country  by  the  way 
of  King's  Bridge.* 

It  is"  doubtful  when  or  where  Washington  received  this 
letter,  as  he  left  the  camp  at  Northcastle  at  eleven  o'clock 
of  the  following  morning.  There  being  still  considerable 
uncertainty  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  enemy,  all  his  arrange- 
ments were  made  accordingly.  All  the  troops  belonging  to 
the  States  west  of  the  Hudson,  were  to  be  stationed  in  the 
Jerseys,  under  command  of  General  Putnam.  Lord  Stirling 
had  already  been  sent  forward  with  the  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia troops  to  Peckskill,  to  cross  the  river  at  King's  Ferry. 
Another  division  composed  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts 
troops,  under  General  Heath,  was  to  co-operate  with  the 
brigade  of  New  York  militia  under  General  George  Clinton, 
in  securing  the  Highland  posts  on  both  sides  of  the  river. 

The  troops  which  would  remain  at  Xorthcastle  after  the 
departure  of  Heath  and  his  division.,  were  to  be  commanded 
by  Lee.  Washington's  letter  of  instructions  to  that  general 
is  characterized  by  his  own  modesty,  and  his  deference  for 
Lee's  superior  military  experience.  He  suggests,  rather  than 
orders,  yet  his  letter  is  sufficiently  explicit.  "A  little  time 
now,"  writes  he,  "must  manifest  the  enemy's  designs,  and 
point  out  to  you  the  measures  proper  to  be  pursued  by  that 
part  of  the  army  under  your  command.  I  shall  give  no 
directions,  therefore,  on  this  head,  having  the  most  entire 
confidence  in  your  judgment  and  military  exertions.  One 
thing,  however,  1  will  suggest,  namely,  that  the  appearance 
of  embarking  troops  for  the  Jerseys  may  be  intended  as  a 
feint  to  weaken  us,  and  render  the  post  we  now  hold  more 
vulnerable,  or  the  enemy  may  find  that  troops  are  assembled 
with  more  expedition,  and  in  greater  numbers,  than  they 
expected,  on  the  Jersey  shore,  to  oppose  them;  and,  as  it  is 
possible,  from  one  or  other  of  these  motives,  that  they  may 
yet  pay  the  party  under  your  command  a  visit,  it  will  be 
unnecessary,  1  am  persuaded,  to  recommend  to  you  the  pro- 
priety of  putting  this  post,  if  you  stay  at  it,  into  a  proper 
posture  of  defence,  and  guarding  against  surprises.  But  I 
AVOU Id  recommend  it  to  your  consideration,  whether,  under 
the  suggestion  above,  your  retiring  to  Croton  Bridge,  and 
some  strong  post  still  more  easterly  (covering  the  passes 
through  the  Highlands),  may  not  be  more  advisable  than  to 
run  the  hazard  of  an  attack  with  unequal  numbers.  At  any 
rate,  I  think  all  your  baggage  and  stores,  except  such  as  are 

*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  618. 


1776.]  \\Ar-H  I  M.T.i.N     AT    1'KKKSKILL.  183 

mTe<sary  for  immediate  use,  ought  to  be  to  the  northward 
ut Croton  River.  *  *  *  *  You  will  consider  the  post 
at  Croton's  (or  Pine's)  Bridge  as  under  your  immediate  care. 
*  *  *  *  jf  tjle  euemy  should  remove  the  whole,  or  the 
greater  part  of  their  force  to  the  west  side  of  Hudson's 
Kiver,  I  have  no  doubt  of  your  following  with  all  possible 
dispatch,  leaving  the  militia  and  invalids  to  cover  the  fron- 
tiers of  Connecticut  in  case  of  need." 

We  have  been  minute  in  stating  these  matters,  from  their 
bearing  on  subsequent  operations. 

On  the  10th  of  November,  Washington  left  the  camp  at 
Northeastle,  at  11  o'clock,  and  arrived  at  Peekskill  at  sunset; 
whither  (Jeneral  Heath,  with  his  division,  had  preceded 
him  by  a  few  hours.  Lord  Stirling  was  there,  likewise, 
having  effected  the  transportation  of  the  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia troops  across  the  river,  and  landed  them  at  the  ferry 
south  of  Stony  Point;  though  a  better  landing  was  subse- 
quently found  north  of  the  point.  His  lordship  had  thrown 
out  a  scouting  party  in  the  advance,  and  a  hundred  men 
to  take  possession  of  a  gap  in  the  mountain,  through  which 
a  road  pJissed  toward  the  .Jerseys. 

Washington  was  now  at  the  entrance  of  the  Highlands, 
that  grand  defile  of  the  Hudson,  the  object  of  so  much  pre- 
caution and  solicitude.  On  the  following  morning,  accom- 
panied by  Generals  Heath,  Stirling,  James  and  George  Clin- 
ton, Mitllin,  and  others,  he  made  a  military  visit  in  boats  to 
tin-  Highland  posts.  Fort  Montgomery  was  in  a  considerable 
state  of  forwardness,  and  a  work  in  the  vicinity  was  pro- 
jected to  co-operate  with  it.  Fort  Constitution  commanded 
a  sudden  bend  of  the  river,  but  Lord  Stirling,  in  his  report 
of  inspection,  had  intimated  that  the  fort  itself  was  com- 
manded by  West  Point  opposite.  A  glance  of  the  eye,  with- 
out going  on  shore,  was  sufficient  to  convince  Washington  of 
the  fact.  A  fortress  subsequently  erected  on  that  point,  has 
been  considered  the  Key  of  the  Highlands. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  at  an  early  hour,  Washington 
rode  out  with  General  Heath  to  reconnoiter  the  east  side  of 
the  Hudson,  at  the  gorge  of  the  Highlands.  Henry  Wisner, 
in  a  report  to  the  New  York  Convention,  had  mentioned  a 
hill  to  the  north  of  Peekskill,  so  situated,  with  the  road 
winding  along  the  side  of  it,  that  ten  men  on  the  top,  by 
rolling  down  stones,  might  prevent  ten  thousand  from  pass- 
ing. "I  believe,"  said  he,  "nothing  more  need  be  done 
than  to  keep  great  quantities  of  stones  at  the  different  places 
where  the  troops  must  pass,  if  they  attempt  penetrating  the 


184  LI^E  or  WASHINGTON".  [CH.  xxvi. 

mountains."  Near  Robinson's  Bridge,  in  this  vicinity, 
about  two  miles  from  Peekskill,  Washington  chose  a  place 
where  troops  should  be  stationed  to  cover  the  south  entrance 
into  the  mountains;  and  here,  afterward,  was  established  an 
important  military  depot  called  Continental  Village. 

,0n  the  same  day  (12th),  he  wrote  to  General  Lee,  inclosing 
a  copy  of  resolutions  just  received  from  Congress,  respecting 
levies  for  the  new  army,  showing  the  importance  of  immedi- 
ately beginning  the  recruiting  service.  If  no  commissioners 
arrived  from  Rhode  Island,  he  was  to  appoint  the  officers 
recommended  to  that  State  by  General  Greene.  "I  cannot 
conclude,"  adds  he,  "without  reminding  you  of  the  military 
and  other  stores  about  your  encampment,  and  at  Northcastle, 
and  to  press  the  removal  of  them  above  Croton  Bridge,  or 
such  other  places  of  security  as  you  may  think  proper. 
General  Howe,  having  sent  no  part  of  his  force  to  Jersey  yet, 
makes  the  measure  more  necessary,  as  he  may  turn  his  views 
another  way,  and  attempt  their  destruction." 

It  was  evidently  Washington's  desire  that  Lee  should  post 
himself,  as  soon  as  possible,  beyond  the  Croton,  where  he 
would  be  safe  from  surprise,  and  at  hand  to  throw  his  troops 
promptly  across  the  Hudson,  should  the  Jerseys  be  invaded. 

Having  made  all  these  surveys  and  arrangements,  Wash- 
ington placed  Heath  in  the  general  command  of  the  High- 
lands, with  written  instructions  to  fortify  the  passes  with  all 
possible  dispatch,  and  directions  how  the  troops  were  to  be 
distributed  on  both  sides  of  the  river;  and  here  we  take  oc- 
casion to  give  some  personal  notice  of  this  trusty  officer. 

Heath  was  now  in  the  fortieth  year  of  his  age.  Like  many 
of  the  noted  officers  of  the  Revolution,  he  had  been  brought 
up  in  rural  life,  on  an  hereditary  farm  near  Boston;  yet,  ac- 
cording to  his  own  account,  though  passionately  fond  of 
agricultural  pursuits,  he  had  also,  almost  from  childhood,  a 
great  relish  for  military  affairs,  and  had  studied  every  treatise 
on  the  subject  in  the  English  language,  so  that  he  considered 
himself  "fully  acquainted  with  the  theory  of  war,  in  all  its 
branches  and  duties,  from  the  private  soldier  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief . ' ' 

He  describes  himself  to  be  of  a  middling  stature,  light 
complexion,  very  corpulent  and  bald-headed,  so  that  the 
French  officers  who  served  in  America  compared  him,  in 
person,  to  the  Marquis  of  Granby.* 

Such  was  the  officer  intrusted  with  the  command  of   the 

*  Heath's  Memoirs, 


1776.]  AFFAIRS  ON   LAKE   CHAMPLAIN.  185 

Highland  passes,  and  encamped  at  Peekskill,  their  portal. 
\\\-  shall  find  him  faithful  to  his  trust;  scrupulous  in  obey- 
ing the  letter  of  his  instructions;  but  sturdy  and  punctilious 
in  resisting  any  undue  assumption  of  authority. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Affairs  on  Lake  Champlain — Gates  at  Ticonderoga — Arnold's  Flotilla — 
Military  Preparations  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton  at  St.  Johns — Nautical 
Encounters — Gallant  Conduct  of  Arnold  and  Waterbury — Carleton 
in  Possession  of  Crown  Point — His  Return  to  Canada  and  Winter 
Quarters. 

DURING  his  brief  and  busy  sojourn  at  Peekskill,  "Washing- 
ton received  important  intelligence  from  the  Northern  army; 
especially  that  part  of  it  on  Lake  Champlain,  under  the 
command  of  General  Gates.  A  slight  retrospect  of  affairs  in 
that  quarter  is  proper,  before  we  proceed  to  narrate  the 
eventful  campaign  in  the  Jerseys. 

The  preparations  for  the  defence  of  Ticonderoga,  and  the 
nautical  service  on  the  lake,  had  met  with  difficulties  at 
every  step.  At  length,  by  the  middle  of  August,  a  small 
flotilla  was  completed,  composed  of  a  sloop  and  schooner 
cadi  of  twelve  guns  (six  and  four  pounders),  two  schooners 
mounting  eight  guns  each,  and  five  gondolas,  each  of  three 
guns.  The  flotilla  was  subsequently  augmented,  and  the 
command  given  by  Gates  to  Arnold,  in  compliance  with  the 
advice  of  Washington;  who  had  a  high  opinion  of  that 
officer's  energy,  intrepidity,  and  fertility  in  expedients. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton,  in  the  mean  time,  was  straining  every 
nerve  for  the  approaching  conflict.  The  successes  of  the 
British  forces  on  the  seaboard  had  excited  the  zealous 
rivalry  of  the  forces  in  Canada.  The  commanders,  newly  arriv- 
ed, were  fearful  the  war  might  be  brought  to  a  close  before  they 
could  have  an  opportunity  to  share  in  the  glory.  Hence  the 
ardor  with  which  they  encountered  and  vanquished  obstacles 
which  might  otherwise  have  appeared  insuperable.  Vessels 
were  brought  from  England  in  pieces  and  put  together  at 
St.  Johns,  boats  of  various  kinds  and  sizes  were  transported 
over  land,  or  dragged  np  the  rapids  of  the  Sorel.  The 
soldiers  shared  with  the  seamen  in  the  toil.  The  Canadian 
farmers,  also,  were  taken  from  their  agricultural  pursuits, 


186  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [cil.  XXVII. 

and  compelled  to  aid  in  these,  to  them,  unprofitable  labors. 
Sir  Guy  WHS  full  of  hope  and  ardor.  Should  he  get  the 
command  of  Lakes  Champlain  and  George,  the  northern 
part  of  New  York  would  he  at  his  mercy;  before  winter  set 
in  he  might  gain  possession  of  Albany,  lie  would  then  be 
able  to  co-operate  with  General  Howe  in  severing  and  sub- 
duing the  northern  and  southern  provinces,  and  bringing 
the  war  to  a  speedy  and  triumphant  close. 

In  despite  of  every  exertion,  three  months  elapsed  before 
his  armament  was  completed.  Winter  was  fast  approaching. 
Before  it  arrived,  the  success  of  his  brilliant  plan  required 
that  he  should  tight  his  way  across  Lake  Champlain;  carry 
the  strong  posts  of  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga;  traverse 
Lake  George,  and  pursue  a  long  and  dangerous  march 
through  a  wild  and  rugged  country,  beset  with  forests  and 
morasses,  to  Albany.  That  was  the  first  post  to  the  south- 
ward where  he  expected  to  find  rest  and  winter  quarters  for 
his  troops.* 

By  the  month  of  October,  between  twenty  and  thirty  sail 
were  afloat,  and  ready  for  action.  The  flag-ship  (the 
I-nflexiWc)  mounted  eighteen  twelve-pounders;  the  rest  were 
gunboats,  a  gondola  and  a  flat-bottomed  vessel  called  a 
radeau,  and  named  the  TJiunderer;  carrying  a  battery  of  six 
twenty-four  and  twelve  six -pounders,  besides  howitzers. 
The  gunboats  mounted  brass  field-pieces  and  howitzers. 
Seven  hundred  seamen  navigated  the  fleet;  two  hundred  of 
them  were  volunteers  from  the  transports.  The  guns  were 
worked  by  detachments  from  the  corps  of  artillery.  In  a 
Avord,  according  to  British  accounts,  "no  equipment  of  the 
kind  was  ever  better  appointed  or  more  amply  furnished 
with  every  kind  of  provision  necessary  for  the  intended 
service."! 

Captain  Pringle  conducted  the  armament,  but  Sir  Guy 
Oarleton  was  too  full  of  zeal,  and  too  anxious  for  the  event, 
not  to  head  the  enterprise;  he  accordingly  took  his  station 
on  the  deck  of  the  flag-ship.  They  made  sail  early  in 
October,  in  quest  of  the  American  squadron,  which  was  said 
to  be  abroad  upon  the  lake.  Arnold,  however,  being  igno- 
rant of  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  and  unwilling  to 
encounter  a  superior  force  in  the  open  lake,  had  taken  his 
post  under  cover  of  Valcour  Island,  in  the  upper  part  of  a 
deep  channel,  or  strait  between  that  island  and  the  mainland. 


*  Civil  War  in  America,  vol.  i.,  p.  213. 
f  Civil  War  in  America,  i.,  211. 


1776.J  ARNOLD   ON   LAKE   CHAMPLAIN.  18? 

His  force  consisted  of  three  schooners,  two  sloops,  three 
galleys  and  eight  gondolas;  carrying  in  all  seventy  guns, 
many  of  them  eighteen-pounders. 

The  British  ships,  sweeping  past  Cumberland  Head  with 
a  fair  wind  and  flowing  sail  on  the  morning  of  the  llth,  had 
left  the  southern  end  of  Valcour  Island  astern,  when  they 
discovered  Arnold's  flotilla  anchored  behind  it,  in  a  line 
extending  across  the  strait  so  as  not  to  be  outflanked.  They 
immediately  hauled  close  to  the  wind,  and  tried  to  beat  up 
into  the  channel.  The  wind,  however,  did  not  permit  the 
largest  of  them  to  enter.  Arnold  took  advantage  of  the 
circumstance.  He  was  on  board  of  the  galley  Congress,  and, 
leaving  the  line,  advanced  with  two  other  galleys  and  the 
schooner  Royal  Savage,  to  attack  the  smaller  vessels  as  they 
entered  before  the  large  ones  could  come  up.  About  twelve 
o'clock  the  enemy's  schooner  Carleton  opened  a  brisk  fire 
upon  the  Royal  Savage  and  the  galleys.  It  was  as  briskly 
returned.  Seeing  the  enemy's  gunboats  approaching,  the 
Americans  endeavored  to  return  to  the  line.  In  so  doing, 
the  Royal  Savage  ran  aground.  Her  crew  set  her  on  fire 
and  abandoned  her.  In  about  an  hour  the  British  brought 
all  their  gunboats  in  a  range  across  the  lower  part  of  the 
channel,  within  musket  shot  of  the  Americans,  the  schooner 
Carleton  in  the  advance.  They  landed,  also,  a  large  number 
of  Indians  on  the  island,  to  keep  up  a  galling  fire  from  the 
shore  upon  the  Americans  with  their  rifles.  The  action  now 
became  general,  and-was  severe  and  sanguinary.  The  Amer- 
icans, finding  themselves  thus  hemmed  in  by  a  superior 
force,  fought  with  desperation.  Arnold  pressed  with  his 
galley  into  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  The  Congress  was 
hulled  several  times,  received  seven  shots  between  wind  and 
water,  was  shattered  in  mast  and  rigging,  and  many  of  the 
crew  were  killed  or  wounded.  The  ardor  of  Arnold  increased 
with  his  danger.  He  cheered  on  his  men  by  voice  and 
example,  often  pointing  the  guns  with  his  own  hands.  He 
was  ably  seconded  by  Brigadier-General  Waterbury,  in  the 
Washington  galley,  which,  like  his  own  vessel,  was  terribly 
cut  up.  The  contest  lasted  throughout  the  day.  Carried 
on  as  it  was  within  a  narrow  compass,  and  on  a  tranquil  lake, 
almost  every  shot  took  effect.  The  fire  of  the  Indians  from 
the  shore  was  less  deadly  than  had  been  expected;  but  their 
whoops  and  yells,  mingling  with  the  rattling  of  the 
musketry,  and  the  thundering  of  the  cannon,  increased  the 
horrors  of  the  scene.  Volumes  of  smoke  rose  above  the 
woody  shores,  which  echoed  with  the  unusual  din  of  war, 


188  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXVH. 

and  for  a  time  this  lovely  recess  of  a  beautiful  and  peaceful 
lake  was  rendered  a  perfect  pandemonium. 

The  evening  drew  nigh,  yet  the  contest  was  undecided. 

Captain  Pringle,  after  a  consultation  with  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton,  called  off  the  smaller  vessels  which  had  been  engaged, 
and  anchored  his  whole  squadron  in  a  line  as  near  as  possible 
to  the  Americans,  so  as  to  prevent  their  escape;  trusting  to 
capture  the  whole  of  them  when  the  wind  should  prove 
favorable,  so  that  he  could  bring  his  large  vessels  into  action. 

Arnold,  however,  sensible  that  with  his  inferior  and 
crippled  force  all  resistance  would  be  unavailing,  took  advan- 
tage of  a  dark  cloudy  night,  and  a  strong  north  wind;  his 
vessels  slipped  silently  through  the  enemy's  line  without 
being  discovered,  one  following  a  light  on  the  stern  of  the 
other;  and  by  daylight  they  were  out  of  sight.  They  had  to 
anchor,  however,  at  Schuyler's  Island,  about  ten  miles  up 
the  lake,  to  stop  leaks  and  make  repairs.  Two  of  the 
gondolas  were  here  sunk,  being  past  remedy.  About  noon 
the  retreat  was  resumed,  but  the  wind  had  become  adverse; 
and  they  made  little  progress  Arnold's  galley,  the  Con- 
gress, the  Washington  galley  and  four  gondolas,  all  which 
had  suffered  severely  in  the  late  fight,  fell  astern  of  the  rest 
of  the  squadron  in  the  course  of  the  night.  In  the  morning, 
when  the  sun  lifted  a  fog  which  had  covered  the  lake,  they 
beheld  the  enemy  within  a  few  miles  of  them  in  full  chase, 
while  their  own  comrades  were  nearly  out  of  sight,  making 
the  best  of  their  way  for  Crown  Point. 

It  was  now  an  anxious  trial  of  speed  and  seamanship. 
Arnold,  with  the  crippled  relics  of  his  squadron,  managed  by 
noon  to  get  within  a  few  leagues  of  Crown  Point,  when  they 
were  overtaken  by  the  Inflexible, the  Carleton,and  the  schooner 
Maria  of  14  guns.  As  soon  as  they  came  up,  they  poured  in 
a  tremendous  fire.  The  .Washington  galley,  already  shatter- 
ed, and  having  lost  most  of  her  officers,  was  compelled  to 
strike,  and  General  AVaterbury  and  the  crew  were  taken  pris- 
oners. Arnold  had  now  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  action. 
For  a  long  time  he  was  engaged  within  musket  shot  with  the 
Inflexible,  and  the  two  schooners,  until  his  galley  was  re- 
duced to  a  wreck  and  one  third  of  the  crew  were  killed.  Tho 
gondolas  were  nearly  in  the  same  desperate  condition;  yet  tho 
men  stood  stoutly  to  their  guns.  Seeing  resistance  vain, 
Arnold  determined  that  neither  vessels  nor  crew  should  tan 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  He  ordered  the  gondolas  tc 
run  on  shore,  in  a  small  creek  in  the  neighborhood,  the  men 
to  set  fire  to  them  as  soon  as  t.hev  grounded,  to  wade  on  shore 


1776.]  BRAVE   RESISTANCE  OF  ARNOLD.  189 

witli  their  muskets,  aiid  keep  off  the  enemy  until  they  were 
consumed.  He  did  the  same  with  his  own  galley;  remaining 
on  board  of  her  until  she  was  in  flames,  lest  the  enemy  should 
get  possession  and  strike  his  flag,  which  was  kept  flying  to 
the  last. 

He  now  set  off  with  his  gallant  crew,  many  of  whom  were 
wounded,  by  a  road  through  the  woods  to  Crown  Point,  where 
he  arrived  at  night,  narrowly  escaping  an  Indian  ambush. 
Two  schooners,  two  galleys,  one  sloop  and  one  gondola,  the 
remnant  which  had  escaped  of  this  squadron,  were  at  anchor 
at  the  Point,  and  General  Waterbury  and  most  of  his  men 
arrived  there  the  next  day  on  parole.  Seeing  that  the  place 
must  soon  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  they  set  fire  to 
the  house,  destroyed  everything  they  could  not  carry  away, 
and  embarking  in  the  vessels  made  sail  for  Ticonderoga. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  these  two  actions  is  said  to 
have  been  between  eighty  and  ninety  men;  that  of  the  British 
about  forty.  It  is  worthy  of  mention,  that  among  the  young 
officers  in  Sir  Guy  Carleton's  squadron,  was  Edward  Pellew, 
who  afterward  rose  to  renown  as  Admiral  Viscount  Exmouth; 
celebrated,  among  other  things,  for  his  victory  at  Algiers. 

The  conduct  of  Arnold  in  these  naval  affairs  gained  him 
new  laurels.  He  was  extolled  for  the  judgment  with  which 
he  chose  his  position,  and  brought  his  vessels  into  action;  for 
his  masterly  retreat,  and  for  the  self-sacrificing  devotion  with 
which  he  exposed  himself  to  the  overwhelming  force  of  the 
enemy  in  covering  the  retreat  of  part  of  his  flotilla. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton  took  possession  of  the  ruined  works  at 
Crown  Point,  where  he  was  soon  joined  by  the  army.  He 
made  several  movements  by  land  and  water,  as  if  meditating 
an  attack  upon  Ticonderoga;  pushing  strong  detachments 
on  both  sides  of  the  lake,  which  approached  within  a  small 
distance  of  the  fort,  while  one  vessel  appeared  within  cannon 
shot  of  a  lower  battery,  sounding  the  depth  of  the  channel, 
until  a  few  shot  obliged  her  to  retire.  General  Gates,  in  the 
mean  time,  strengthened  his  works  with  incessant  assiduity, 
and  made  every  preparation  for  an  obstinate  defence.  A 
strong  easterly  wind  prevented  the  enemy's  ships  from  ad- 
vancing to  attack  the  lines,  and  gave  time  for  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  of  militia  to  the  garrison.  It  also  afforded 
time  for  Sir  Guy  Carleton  to  cool  in  ardor,  and  calculate  the 
chances  and  the  value  of  success.  The  post,  from  its 
strength,  and  the  apparent  number  and  resolution  of  the 
garrison,  could  not  be  taken  without  great  loss  of  life.  If 
taken,  the  season  was  now  too  far  advanced  to  think  of  pass- 


190  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XXVIH. 

ing  Lake  George,  and  exposing  the  army  to  the  perils  of  a 
winter  campaign  in  the  inhospitable  and  impracticable  wilds 
to  the  southward.  Ticonderoga,  too,  could  not  be  kept  dur- 
ing the  winter,  so  that  the  only  result  of  the  capture  would 
be&the  reduction  of  the  works  and  the  taking  of  some  can- 
non; all  which  damage  the  Americans  could  remedy  before 
the  opening  of  the  summer  campaign.  If,  however,  the 
defence  should  be  obstinate,  the  British  army,  even  if  suc- 
cessful, might  sustain  a  loss  sufficient  to  cripple  its  operations 
in  the  coming  year.* 

These,  and  other  prudential  reasons,  induced  Carleton  to 
give  up  all  attempt  upon  the  fortress  at  present;  wherefore, 
re-embarking  his  troops,  he  returned  to  St.  Johns,  and  can- 
toned them  in  Canada  for  the  winter.  It  was  not  until  about 
the  1st  of  November,  that  a  reconnoitering  party,  sent  out 
from  Ticonderoga  by  General  Gates,  brought  him  back 
intelligence  that  (Jrown  Point  was  abandoned  by  the  enemy, 
and  not  a  hostile  sail  in  sight.  All  apprehensions  of  an 
attack  upon  Ticonderoga  during  the  present  year  were  at  an 
end,  and  many  of  the  troops  stationed  there  were  already  on 
their  march  toward  Albany. 

Such  was  the  purport  of  the  news  from  the  north,  received 
by  Washington  at  Peekskill.  It  relieved  him  for  the  present 
from  all  anxiety  respecting  affairs  on  Lake  Champlain,  and 
gave  him  the  prospect  of  reinforcements  from  that  quarter. 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

Washington  Crosses  the  Hudson — Arrives  at  Fort  Lee — Affairs  at  Fort 
Washington — Question  about  its  Abandonment— Movements  of 
Howe — The  Fort  Summoned  to  Surrender — Refusal  of  Colonel 
Magaw— The  Fort  Attaeked — Capture  of  the  Foit  and  Garrison — 
Comments  of  Washington  on  the  State  of  Affairs. 

ON  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  November,  Washington 
crossed  the  Hudson,  to  the  ferry  below  Stony  Point,  with 
the  residue  of  the  troops  destined  for  the  Jerseys.  Far 
below  were  to  be  descried  the  Phoenix,  the  Roebuck,  and  the 
Tartar,  at  anchor  in  the  broad  waters  of  Haverstraw  Bay  and 

*  Civil  War  in  America,  vol.  1.,  p.  214. 


1776.]  AFFAIRS  AT  FORT  WASHINGTON".  791 

the  Tappan  Sea,  guarding  the  lower  ferries.  The  army, 
thus  shut  out  from  the  nearer  passes,  was  slowly  winding  its 
way  by  a  circuitous  route  through  the  gap  in  the  mountains, 
which  Lord  Stirling  had  secured.  Leaving  the  troops  which 
had  just  landed,  to  pursue  the  same  route  to  the  HacKensack, 
Washington,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Reed,  struck  a  direct 
course  for  Fort  Lee,  being  anxious  about  affairs  at  Fort 
Washington.  He  arrived  there  on  the  following  day,  and 
found,  to  his  disappointment,  that  General  Greene  had 
taken  no  measures  for  the  evacuation  of  that  fortress;  but 
on  the  contrary,  had  reinforced  it  with  a  part  of  Colonel 
Durkee's  regiment,  and  the  regiment  of  Colonel  Rawlings, 
so  that  its  garrison  now  numbered  upward  of  two  thousand 
men;  a  great  part,  however,  were  militia.  Washington's 
orders  for  its  evacuation  had,  in  fact,  been  discretionary, 
leaving  the  execution  of  them  to  Greene's  judgment,  "as 
being  on  the  spot."  The  latter  had  differed  in  opinion  as  to 
the  policy  of  such  a  measure;  and  Colonel  Magaw,  who  had 
charge  of  the  fortress,  was  likewise  confident  it  might  be 
maintained. 

Colonel  Reed  was  of  opposite  counsels;  but  then  he  was 
personally  interested  in  the  safety  of  the  garrison.  It  was 
composed  almost  entirely  of  Pennsylvania  troops  under 
Magaw  and  Lambert  Cadwalader;  excepting  a  small  detach- 
ment of  Maryland  riflemen  commanded  by  Otho  H. 
Williams.  They  were  his  friends  and  neighbors,  the  remnant 
of  the  brave  men  who  had  suffered  so  severely  under  Atlee 
and  Smallwood.*  The  fort  was  now  invested  on  all  sides  but 
one;  and  the  troops  under  Howe  which  had  been  encamped 
at  Dobbs'  Ferry,  were  said  to  be  moving  down  toward  it. 
Reed's  solicitude  was  not  shared  by  the  garrison  itself. 
Colonel  Magaw,  its  brave  commander,  still  thought  it  was  in 
no  immediate  danger. 

Washington  was  much  perplexed.  The  main  object  of 
Howe  was  still  a  matter  of  doubt  with  him.  He  could  not 
think  that  Sir  William  was  moving  his  whole  force  upon 
that  fortress,  to  invest  which,  a  part  would  be  sufficient. 
He  suspected  an  ulterior  object,  probably  a  Southern  expedi- 
tion, as  he  was  told  a  large  number  of  ships  were  taking  in 
wood  and  water  at  New  York.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to 
continue  a  few  days  in  this  neighborhood,  during  which  he 
trusted  the  designs  of  the  enemy  would  be  more  apparent;  in 
the  mean  time  he  would  distribute  troops  at  Brunswick, 

*  W.  B.  Reed's  Life  of  Reed,  i.,  252. 


19$  LIFE  OF  AVASlilNGTCCtf.  [en.  XXVlIi. 

Amboy,  Elizabethtown  and  Fort  Lee,  so  as  to  be  ready  at 
these  various  points,  to  check  any  incursions  into  the  Jerseys. 

In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  he  urged  for  an 
increase  of  ordnance  and  field-artillery.  The  rough,  hilly 
country  east  of  the  Hudson,  and  the  strongholds  and  fast- 
nesses of  which  the  Americans  had  possessed  themselves,  had 
prevented  the  enemy  from  profiting  by  the  superiority  of 
their  artillery;  but  this  would  not  be  the  case,  should  the 
scene  of  action  change  to  an  open  champaign  country,  like 
the  Jerseys. 

Washington  was  mistaken  in  his  conjecture  as  to  Sir 
William  Howe's  design.  The  capture  of  Fort  Washington 
was,  at  present,  his  main  object;  and  he  was  encamped  on 
Fordham  Heights,  not  far  from  King's  Bridge,  until  pre- 
liminary steps  should  be  taken.  In  the  night  of  the  14th, 
thirty  flat-bottomed  boats  stole  quietly  up  the  Hudson,  passed 
the  "American  forts  undiscovered,  and  made  their  way 
through  Spuyten  Duvvil  Creek  into  Harlem  River.  The 
means  were  thus  provided  for  crossing  that  river  and  laud- 
ing before  unprotected  parts  of  the  American  works. 

On  the  15th,  General  Howe  sent  in  a  summons  to  sur- 
render, with  a  threat  of  extremities  should  he  havs  to  carry 
the  place  by  assault.  Magaw,  in  his  reply,  intimated  a 
doubt  that  General  Howe  would  execute  a  threat  "so 
unworthy  of  himself  and  the  British  nation;  but  give  me 
leave,"  added  he,  "to  assure  his  Excellency,  that,  actuated 
by  the  most  glorious  cause  that  mankind  ever  fought  in,  I 
am  determined  to  defend  this  post  to  the  very  last  extremity." 

Apprised  by  the  Colonel  of  his  peril,  General  Greene  sent 
over  reinforcements,  with  an  exhortation  to  him  to  persist  in 
his  defence;  and  dispatched  an  express  to  Washington,  who 
was  at  Hackensack,  where  the  troops  which  had  crossed  from 
Peekskill  were  encamped.  It  was  nightfall  when  Washing- 
ton arrived  at  Fort  Lee.  Greene  and  Putnam  were  over  at 
the  besieged  fortress.  lie  threw  himself  into  a  boat,  and 
had  partly  crossed  the  river,  when  he  met  those  generals 
returning.  They  informed  him  of  the  garrison's  having 
been  reinforced,  and  assured  him  that  it  was  in  high  spirits, 
and  capable  of  making  a  good  defence.  It  was  with  diffi- 
culty, however,  they  could  prevail  on  him  to  return  with 
them  to  the  Jersey  shore,  for  he  was  excessively  excited. 

Early  the  next  morning  (IGth),  Magaw  made  his  disposition 
for  the  expected  attack.  His  forces,  with  the  recent  addition 
amounted  to  nearly  three  thousand  men.  As  the  fort  could 


177(i.|  AWACK  OP   FOUT 

not  contain  above  a  third  of  that  number,  most  of  them 
were  stationed  about  the  outworks. 

Colonel  Lambert  Cadwalader,  with  eight  hundred  Pennsyl- 
vanians,  was  posted  in  the  outer  lines,  about  two  miles  and  a 
half  south  of  the  fort,  the  side  menaced  by  Lord  Percy  with 
sixteen  hundred  men.  Colonel  Rawlings,  of  Maryland, 
with  a  body  of  troops,  many  of  them  riflemen,  was  stationed 
by  a  three  gun-battery,  on  a  rocky,  precipitous  hill,  north  of 
the  fort,  and  between  it  and  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek. 
Colonel  Baxter,  of  Bucks  County,  Pennsylvania,  with  his 
regiment  of  militia,  was  posted  east  of  the  fort,  on  rough, 
woody  heights,  bordering  the  Harlem  River,  to  watch  the 
motions  of  the  enemy,  who  had  thrown  up  redoubts  on  high 
and  commanding  ground,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
apparently  to  cover  the  crossing  and  landing  of  troops. 

Sir  William  Howe  had  planned  four  simultaneous  attacks; 
one  on  the  north  by  Knyphausen,  who  was  encamped  on  the 
York  side  of  King's  Bridge,  within  cannon  shot  of  Fort 
Washington,  but  separated  from  it  by  high  and  rough  hills, 
covered  with  almost  impenetrable  woods.  He  was  to  advance 
in  two  columns,  formed  by  detachments  made  from  the 
Hessians  of  his  corps,  the  brigade  of  llahl,  and  the  regiment 
of  \Valdeckers.  The  second  attack  was  to  be  by  two  battal- 
ions of  light  infantry,  and  two  battalions  of  guards,  under 
Brigadier-General  Mathew,  who  was  to  cross  Harlem  River 
in  flat-boats,  under  cover  of  the  redoubts  above  mentioned, 
and  to  land  on  the  right  of  the  fort.  This  attack  was  to  be 
supported  by  the  first  and  second  grenadiers,  and  a  regiment 
of  light  infantry  under  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis.  The 
third  attack,  intended  as  a  feint  to  distract  the  attention  of 
the  Americans,  was  to  be  by  Colonel  Sterling,  with  the  forty- 
second  regiment,  who  was  to  drop  down  the  Harlem  River  in 
bateaux,  to  the  left  of  the  American  lines,  facing  New  York. 
The  fourth  attack  was  to  be  on  the  south,  by  Lord  Percy, 
with  the  English  and  Hessian  troops  under  his  command,  on 
the  right  flank  of  the  American  intrenchments.* 

About  noon,  a  heavy  cannonade  thundering  along  the 
rocky  hills,  and  sharp  volleys  of  musketry,  proclaimed  that 
the  action  was  commenced.  Knyphausen's  division  was 
pushing  on  from  the  north  in  two  columns,  as  had  been 
arranged.  The  right  was  led  by  Colonel  Rahl,  the  left  by 
himself.  Rahl  essayed  to  mount  a  steep,  broken  height 
called  Cock  Hill,  which  rises  from  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek, 

*  Sir  William  Howe  to  Lord  George  Germaine. 


194  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON1.  [cir.  XXVUI. 

and  was  covered  with  woods.  Knyphausen  undertook  a  hill 
rising  from  the  King's  Bridge  road,  but  soon  found  himself 
entangled  in  a  woody  defile,  difficult  to  penetrate,  and  where 
his  Hessians  were  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  three-gun  battery, 
and  Kawliugs'  riflemen. 

While  this  was  going  on  at  the  north  of  the  fort,  General 
Mathevv,  with  his  light  infantry  and  guards,  crossed  the 
Harlem  River  in  the  flat-boats,  under  cover  of  a  heavy  fire 
from  the  redoubts. 

He  made  good  his  landing,  after  being  severely  handled  by 
Baxter  and  his  men,  from  behind  rocks  and  trees,  and  the 
breastworks  thrown  up  on  the  steep  river  bank.  A  short 
contest  ensued.  Baxter,  while  bravely  encouraging  his  men, 
was  killed  by  a  British  officer.  His  troops,  overpowered 
by  numbers,  retreated  to  the  fort.  General  Mathew  now 
pushed  on  Avith  his  guards  and  light  infantry  to  cut  off 
Cadwalader.  That  officer  had  gallantly  defended  the  lines 
against  the  attack  of  Lord  Percy,  until  informed  that 
Colonel  Sterling  was  droping  down  Harlem  River  in 
bateaux  to  flank  the  lines,  and  take  him  in  the  rear.  He 
sent  off  a  detachment  to  oppose  his  landing.  They  did  it 
manfully.  About  ninety  of  Sterling's  men  were  killed  or 
wounded  in  their  boats,  but  he  persevered,  lauded,  and 
forced  his  way  up  a  steep  height,  which  was  well  defended, 
gained  the  summit,  forced  a  redoubt,  and  took  nearly  two 
hundred  prisoners.  Thus  doubly  assailed,  Cadwalader  was 
obliged  to  retreat  to  the  fort.  He  was  closely  pursued  by 
Percy  with  his  English  troops  and  Hessians,  but  turned 
repeatedly  on  his  pursuers.  Thus  he  fought  his  way  to  the 
fort,  with  the  loss  of  several  killed  and  more  taken  prisoners; 
but  marking  his  track  by  the  number  of  Hessians  slain. 

The  defence  on  the  north  side  of  the  fort  was  equally 
obstinate  and  unsuccessful.  Rawlings,  with  his  Maryland 
riflemen  and  the  aid  of  the  three-gun  battery,  had  for  some 
time  kept  the  left  column  of  Hessians  and  Waldeckers  under 
Knyphausen  at  bay.  At  length  Colonel  Rahl,  with  the 
right  column  of  the  division,  having  forced  his  way  directly 
up  the  north  side  of  the  steep  hill  at  Spuyten  Puyvil  Creek, 
came  upon  Rawlings'  men,  whose  rifles  from  frequent  dis- 
charges, had  become  foul  and  almost  useless,  drove  them 
from  their  strong  post,  and  followed  them  until  within  a 
hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  where  he  was  joined  by  Knyp- 
hausen, who  had  slowly  made  his  way  through  dense  forest 
and  over  felled  trees.  Here  they  took  post  behind  a  large 


1776.]  THE  SURRENDER.  195 

stone  house,  and  sent  in  a  flag,  with  a  second  summons  to 
surrender. 

Washington,  surrounded  by  several  of  his  officers,  had 
been  an  anxious  spectator  of  the  battle  from  the  opposite 
side  of  the  Hudson.  Much  of  it  was  hidden  from  him  by 
intervening  hills  and  forest;  but  the  roar  of  cannonry  from 
the  valley  of  Harlem  River,  the  sharp  and  incessant  reports 
of  rifles,  and  the  smoke  rising  above  the  tree  tops,  told 
him  of  the  spirit  with  which  the  assault  was  received  at 
various  points,  and  gave  him  for  a  time  a  hope  that  the 
defence  might  be  successful.  The  action  about  the  lines  to 
the  south  lay  open  to  him,  and  could  be  distinctly  seen 
through  a  telescope;  and  nothing  encouraged  him  more  than 
the  gallant  style  in  which  Cadwalader  with  an  inferior  force 
maintained  his  position.  When  he  saw  him,  however, 
assailed  in  flank,  the  line  broken,  and  his  troops,  overpowered 
by  numbers,  retreating  to  the  fort,  he  gave  up  the  game  as 
lost.  The  worst  sight  of  all,  was  to  behold  his  men  cut 
down  and  bayoneted  by  the  Hessians  while  begging  quarter. 
It  is  said  so  completely  to  have  overcome  him,  that  he  wept 
"with  the  tenderness  of  a  child." 

Seeing  the  flag  go  into  the  fort  from  Knyphausen's 
division,  and  surmising  it  to  be  a  summons  to  surrender,  he 
wrote  a  note  to  Magaw,  telling  him  that  if  he  could  hold  out 
until  evening,  arid  the  place  could  not  be  maintained,  he 
would  endeavor  to  bring  off  the  garrison  in  the  night. 
Ouptaid  Gooch,  of  Boston,  a  brave  and  daring  man;  offered 
to  be  the  bearer  of  the  note.  "He  ran  down  to  the  river, 
jumped  into  a  small  boat,  pushed  over  the  river,  landed 
under  the  bank,  ran  up  to  the  fort  and  delivered  the  message: 
— came  out,  ran  and  jumped,  over  the  broken  ground,  dodging 
the  Hessians,  some  of  whom  struck  at  him  with  their  pieces 
and  others  attempted  to  thrust  him  with  their  bayonets; 
escaping  through  them,  he  got  to  his  boat  and  returned  to 
Fort  Lee."* 

\Vushington's  message  arrived  too  late.  "The  fort  was  so 
crowded  by  the  garrison,  and  the  troops  which  had  retreated 
into  it,  that  it  was  difficult  to  move  about.  The  enemy,  too, 
were  in  possession  of  the  little  redoubts  around,  and  could 
have  poured  in  showers  of  shells  and  ricochet  balls  that 
would  have  made  dreadful  slaughter."  It  was  no  longer 
possible  for  Magaw  to  get  his  troops  to  man  the  lines;  he 
was  compelled,  therefore,  to  yield  himself  and  his  garrison 

*  Heath's  Memoirs,  p.  86. 


196  LIFE  OF   WASHiXGTOtf.  [CH.  Xxtllt. 

prisoners  of  war.  The  only  terms  granted  them  were,  that 
the  men  should  retain  their  baggage  and  the  officers  their 
swords. 

The  sight  of  the  American  flag  hauled  clown,  and  the 
British  flag  waving  in  its  place,  told  Washington  of  the 
surrender.  His  instant  care  was  for  the  safety  of  the  upper 
country,  now  that  the  lower  defences  of  the  Hudson  were  at 
an  end.  Before  he  knew  anything  about  the  terms  of 
capitulation,  he  wrote  to  General  Lee,  informing  him  of  the 
surrender,  and  calling  his  attention  to  the  passes  of  the 
Highlands  and  those  which  lay  east  of  the  river;  begging 
him  to  have  such  measures  adopted  for  their  defence  as  his 
judgment  should  suggest  to  be  necessary.  "I  do  not  mean," 
added  he,  "to  advise  abandoning  your  present  post,  contrary 
to  your  own  opinion;  but  only  to  mention  my  own  ideas 
of  the  importance  of  those  passes,  and  that  you  cannot  give 
too  much  attention  to  their  security,  by  having  works  erected 
on  the  most  advantageous  places  for  that  purpose." 

Lee,  in  reply,  objected  to  removing  from  his  actual 
encampment  at  Northcastle.  "It  would  give  us,"  said  he, 
"the  air  of  being  frightened;  it  would  expose  a  fine,  fertile 
country  to  their  ravages;  and  I  must  add,  that  we  are  as 
secure  as  we  could  be  in  any  position  whatever."  After 
stating  that  he  should  deposit  his  stores,  &c.,  in  a  place 
fully  as  safe,  and  more  central  than  Peekskill,  he  adds:  "As 
to  ourselves,  light  as  we  are,  several  retreats  present  them- 
selves. In  short,  if  we  keep  a  good  look-out,  we  are  in  no 
danger;  but  I  must  entreat  your  Excellency  to  enjoin  the 
officers  posted  at  Fort  Lee,  to  give  us  the  quickest  intel- 
ligence, if  they  observe  any  embarkation  on  the  North  River." 
As  to  the  affair  of  Fort  Washington,  all  that  Lee  observed 
on  the  subject  was:  "Oh,  general,  why  would  you  be  over- 
persuaded  by  men  of  inferior  judgment  to  your  own?  It 
was  a  cursed  affair." 

Lee's  allusion  to  men  of  inferior  judgment  was  principally 
aimed  at  Greene,  whose  influence  with  the  cornmander-in- 
chief  seems  to  have  excited  the  jealousy  of  other  officers  of 
rank.  So  Colonel  Tilghman,  Washington's  aide-de-camp, 
writes  on  the  17th,  to  Robert  R.  Livingston  of  New  York, 
"We  were  in  a  fair  way  of  finishing  the  campaign  with  credit 
to  ourselves,  and,  I  think,  to  the  disgrace  of  Mr.  Howe; 
and  had  the  general  followed  his  own  opinion,  the  garrison 
would  have  been  withdrawn  immediately  upon  the  enemy's 
falling  down  from  Dobbs'  Ferry.  But  General  Greene  was 
positive  that  our  forces  might  at  any  time  be  drawn  oif  under 


1776.]  WASHINGTON'S  PERPLEXITIES.  197 

the  guns  of  Lort  Lee.  Fatal  experience  has  evjnced  the 
contrary."* 

Washington's  own  comments  on  the  reduction  of  the  fort, 
made  in  a  letter  to  his  brother  Augustine,  are  worthy  of 
special  note.  "This  is  a  most  unfortunate  affair,  and  has 
given  me  great  mortification;  as  we  have  lost,  not  only  two 
thousand  men,f  that  were  there, but  a  good  deal  of  artillery, 
and  some  of  the  best  arms  we  had.  And  what  adds  to  my  mor- 
tifiration  is,  that  this  post,  after  the  last  ships  were  past  it, 
uas  held  contrary  to  my  wishes  and  opinion,  as  I  conceived 
it  to  be  a  hazardous  one:  but  it  having  been  determined  on 
by  a  full  council  of  general  officers,  and  a  resolution  of 
Congress  having  been  received,  strongly  expressive  of  their 
desire  that  the  channel  of  the  river  which  we  had  been 
laboring  to  stop  for  a  long  time  at  that  place,  might  be 
obstructed,  if  possible;  and  knowing  that  this  could  not  be 
done,  unless  there  were  batteries  to  protect  the  obstructions 
I  did  not  care  to  give  an  absolute  order  for  withdrawing  the 
garrison,  till  I  could  get  round  and  see  the  situation 
of  things;  and  then  it  became  too  late,  as  the  place  was 
invested.  Upon  the  passing  of  the  last  ships,  I  had  given  it 
as  my  opinion  to  General  Greene,  under  whose  care  it  was,* 
that  it  would  be  best  to  evacuate  the  place;  but,  as  the  order 
was  discretionary,  and  his  opinion  differed  from  mine,  it  was 
unhappily  delayed  too  long;  to  my  great  grief." 

The  correspondence  of  Washington  with  his  brother  is 
full  of  gloomy  anticipations.  "In  ten  days  from  this  date, 
there  will  not  be  above  two  thousand  men,  if  that  number, 
of  the  fixed  established  regiments  on  this  side  of  Hudson 
River,  to  oppose  Howe's  whole  army,  and  very  little  more 
on  the  other,  to  secure  the  eastern  colonies,  and  the  impor- 
tant passes  leading  through  the  Highlands  to  Albany,  and 
the  country  about  the  lakes.  In  short  it  is  impossible  for 
me,  in  the  compass  of  a  letter,  to  give  you  any  idea  of  our 
situation,  of  my  difficulties,  and  of  the  constant  perplexities 
I  meet  with,  derived  from  the  unhappy  policy  of  snort  enlist- 
ments, and  delaying  them  too  long.  Last  fall,  or  winter, 
before  the  army,  which  was  then  to  be  raised,  was  set  about, 
I  represented  in  clear  and  explicit  terms  the  evils  which 
would  arise  from  short  enlistments,  the  expense  which  must 
attend  the  raising  an  army  every  year,  and  the  futility  of 
such  an  army  when  raised;  and  if  I  had  spoken  with  a 

•Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  780. 

t  The  number  of  prisoners,  as  returned  by  Sir  William  Howe,  was  2,818,  of  whom 
2,607  were  privates.    Thej  were  marched  off  to  New  York  at  midnight. 


198  ME   OF   WASHIXGTOK.  [CH.  XXIX. 

prophetic  spirit,  I  could  not  have  foretold  the  evils  with 
more  accuracy  than  I  did.  All  the  year  since,  I  have  been 
pressing  Congress  to  delay  no  time  in  engaging  men  upon 
such  terms  as  would  insure  success,  telling  them  that  the 
longer  it  was  delayed,  the  more  difficult  it  would  prove. 
But  the  measure  was  not  commenced  until  it  was  too  late  to 
be  effected.  *  *  *  I  am  wearied  almost  to  death  with  the 
retrogade  motion  of  things;  and  I  solemnly  protest,  that  a 
pecuniary  reward  of  twenty  thousand  pounds  a  year  would 
not  induce  me  to  undergo  what  I  do,  and,  after  all,  perhaps 
to  lose  my  character;  as  it  is  impossible,  under  such  a  variety 
of  distressing  circumstances,  to  conduct  matters  agreeably  to 
public  expectation." 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

The  Enemy  Cross  the  Hudson — Retreat  of  the  Garrison  from  Fort  Lee 
— The  Crossing  of  the  Hackensack — Lee  Ordered  to  Move  to  the 
West  Side  of  the  River — Reed's  Letter  to  Him— Second  Move  of  the 
Army  Beyond  the  Passaic — Assistance  Sought  from  Various  Quar- 
ters— Correspondence  and  Schemes  of  Lee— Heath  Stanch  to  his  In- 
structions—Anxiety of  George  Clinton  for  the  Safety  of  the  Hud- 
son— Critical  Situation  of  the  Army — Disparaging  Correspondence 
between  Lee  and  Reed — Washington  Retreats  Across  the  Raritan — 
Arrives  at  Trenton — Removes  his  Baggage  Across  the  Delaware — 
Dismay  and  Despondency  of  the  Country — Proclamation  of  Lord 
Howe — Exultation  of  the  Enemy — Washington's  Resolve  in  Case  of 
Extremity. 

WITH  the  capture  of  Fort  Washington,  the  project  of 
obstructing  the  navigation  of  the  Hudson,  at  that  point, 
was  at  an  end.  Fort  Lee,  consequently,  became  useless,  and 
Washington  ordered  all  the  ammunition  and  stores  to  be 
removed,  preparatory  to  its  abandonment.  This  was  effected 
with  the  whole  of  the  ammunition,  and  a  part  of  the  stores, 
and  every  exertion  was  making  to  hurry  off  the  remainder, 
when,  early  in  the  morning  of  the  20th,  intelligence  was 
brought  that  the  enemy,  with  two  hundred  boats,  had  crossed 
the  river  and  landed  a  few  miles  above.  General  Greene 
immediately  ordered  the  garrison  under  arms,  sent  out  troops 
to  hold  the  enemy  in  check,  and  sent  off  an  express  to  Wash- 
ington at  Hackensack. 

The  enemy  had  crossed  the  Hudson,  on  a  very  rainy  night, 


1776.]  CROSSING   OF  THE  HACKENSACK.  199 

in  two  divisions,  one  diagonally  upward  from  King's  Bridge, 
landing  on  the  west  side,  about  eight  o'clock;  the  other 
marched  up  the  east  bank,  three  or  four  miles,  and  then 
crossed  to  the  opposite  shore.  The  Avhole  corps,  six  thousand 
strong,  and  under  the  command  of  Lord  Oornwallis,  were 
landed,  with  their  cannon,  by  ten  o'clock,  at  a  place  called 
(Jloster  Dock,  five  or  six  miles  above  Fort  Lee,  and  under 
that  line  of  lofty  and  perpendicular  cliffs  known  as  the 
Palisades.  "The  seamen,"  says  Sir  William  Howe,  "distin- 
guished themselves  remarkably  on  this  occasion,  by  their 
readiness  to  drag  the  cannon  up  a  very  narrow  road,  for 
nearly  half  a  mile  to  the  top  of  a  precipice,  which  bounds 
the  shore  for  some  miles  on  the  west  side.  * 

Washington  arrived  at  the  fort  in  three-quarters  of  an 
hour.  Being  told  that  the  enemy  were  extending  themselves 
across  the  country,  he  at  once  saw  that  they  intended  to 
form  a  line  from  the  Hudson  to  the  Hackensack,  and  hem 
the  whole  garrison  in  between  the  two  rivers.  Nothing 
would  save  it  but  a  prompt  retreat  to  secure  the  bridge  over 
the  Ilackensack.  No  time  was  to  be  lost.  The  troops  sent 
out  to  check  the  enemy  were  recalled.  The  retreat  com- 
menced in  all  haste.  There  was  a  want  of  horses  and 
wagons;  a  great  quantity  of  baggage,  stores  and  provisions, 
therefore,  was  abandoned.  So  was  all  the  artillery  excepting 
two  twelve-pounders.  Even  the  tents  were  left  standing, 
and  camp-kettles  on  the  tire.  With  all  their  speed  they  did 
not  reach  the  Ilackensack  River  before  the  vanguard  of  the 
enemy  was  close  upon  them.  Expecting  a  brush,  the  greater 
part  hurried  over  the  bridge,  others  crossed  at  the  ferry,  and 
some  higher  up.  The  enemy,  however,  did  not  dispute  the 
passage  of  the  river;  but  Cornwallis  stated  in  his  dispatches, 
that,  had  not  the  Americans  been  apprised  of  his  approach, 
he  would  have  surrounded  them  at  the  fort.  Some  of  his 
troops  that  night  occupied  the  tents  they  had  abandoned. 

-From  Hackensack,  Colonel  Grayson,  one  of  Washington's 
aides-de-camp,  wrote  instantly,  by  his  orders,  to  General 
Lee;  informing  him  that  the  enemy  had  crossed  into  the 
Jerseys,  and,  as  was  reported,  in  great  numbers.  "His 
Excellency,"  adds  Grayson,  "thinks  it  would  be  advisable  in 
you  to  remove  the  troops  under  your  command  on  this  side 
of  the  North  River,  and  there  wait  for  further  commands." 

*  Some  writers  have  stated  that  Cornwallis  crossed  on  the  18th.  They  have  been 
misled  by  a  letter  of  S!r  William  Howe,  which  gives  that  date.  Lord  Howe,  in  a 
letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty,  gives  the  date  we  have  stated  (the  20th), 
which  is  the  true  one. 


200  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXIX. 

Washington  himself  wrote  to  Lee  on  the  following  day 
(Nov.  21st).  "I  am  of  opinion,"  said  he,  "and  the  gentle- 
men about  me  concur  in  it,  that  the  public  interest  requires 
your  coming  over  to  this  side  of  the  Hudson  with  the 
Continental  troops.  *  *  *  *  The  enemy  is  evidently 
changing  the  seat  of  war  to  this  side  of  the  North  River, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  will  expect  the  Con- 
tinental army  to  give  them  what  support  they  can;  and 
failing  in  that,  they  will  cease  to  depend  upon,  or  support  a 
force  from  which  no  protection  is  to  be  derived.  It  is, 
therefore,  of  the  utmost  importance,  that  at  least  an 
appearance  of  force  should  be  made,  to  keep  this  province 
in  connection  with  the  others." 

In  this  moment  of  hurry  and  agitation,  Colonel  Reed, 
also,  Washington's  fidus  Achates,  wrote  to  Lee,  but  in  a 
tone  and  spirit  that  may  surprise  the  reader,  knowing  the 
devotion  he  had  hitherto  manifested  for  the  comniander-in- 
chief.  After  expressing  the  common  wish  that  Lee  should 
be  at  the  principal  scene  of  action,  he  adds:  "I  do  not  moan 
to  flatter  or  praise  you,  at  the  expense  of  any  other;  but  I  do 
think  it  is  entirely  owing  to  you,  that  this  army,  and  the 
liberties  of  America,  so  far  as  they  are  dependent  on  it.  are 
not  entirely  cut  oft'.  You  have  decision,  a  quality  often 
wanting  in  minds  otherwise  valuable,  and  I  ascribe  to  this 
our  escape  from  York  Island,  King's  Bridge,  and  the  Plains; 
and  I  have  no  doubt,,  had  you  been  here,  the  garrison  of 
Mount  Washington  would  now  have  composed  a  part  of  this 
army;  and  from  all  these  circumstances,  I  confess,  I  do 
ardently  wish  to  sec  you  removed  from  a  place  where  there 
will  be  so  little  call  for  your  judgment  and  experience,  to 
the  place  where  they  are  likely  to  be  so  necessary.  Nor  am  I 
singular  in  my  opinion;  every  gentleman  of  the  family,  the 
officers  and  soldiers  generally,  have  a  confidence  in  you. 
The  enemy  constantly  inquire  where  you  are,  and  seem  to  be 
less  confident  when  you  are  present." 

Then  alluding  to  the  late  affair  at  Fort  Washington,  ho 
continues:  "General  Washington's  own  judgment,  seconded 
by  representations  from  us,  would,  I  believe,  have  saved  the 
men,  and  their  arms;  but,  unluckily,  General  Greene's 
judgment  was  contrary.  This  kept  the  general's  mind  in  a 
state  of  suspense,  till  the  stroke  was  struck.  Oh,  general! 
An  indecisive  mind  is  one  of  the  greatest  misfortunes  that 
can  befall  any  army;  how  often  have  I  lamented  it  this 
campaign.  All  circumstances  considered,  we  arc  Li  ii  very 
awful  and  alarming  situation;  one  that  requires  the  utmost 


177C..]  A   SECOND   MOVE   OF  THE  ARMY.  201 

wisdom,  and  firmness  of  mind.  As  soon  as  the  season  will 
admit,  I  think  yourself  and  some  others  should  go  to 
Congress,  and  form  the  plan  of  the  new  army.  *  *  *  * 
I  must  conclude,  with  my  clear  and  explicit  opinion,  that 
your  presence  is  of  the  last  importance."* 

Well  might  Washington  apprehend  that  his  character  and 
conduct,. in  the  perplexities  in  which  he  was  placed,  would 
be  liable  to  be  misunderstood  by  the  public,  when  the  friend 
of  his  bosom  could  so  misjudge  him. 

l.Vod  had  evidently  been  dazzled  by  the  daring  spirit  and 
unscrupulous  policy  of  Lee,  who,  in  carrying  out  his  measures, 
heeded  but  little  the  counsels  of  others,  or  even  the  orders  of 
government;  Washington's  respect  for  both,  and  the  caution 
with  which  he  hesitated  in  adopting  measures  in  opposition 
to  them,  was  stamped  by  the  bold  soldier  and  his  admirers 
;is  indecision. 

At  Hackeusack  the  army  did  not  exceed  three  thousand 
men,  and  they  were  dispirited  by  ill  success,  and  the  loss  of 
tents  and  baggage.  They  were  without  intrenching  tools, 
in  a  flat  country,  where  there  were  no  natural  fastnesses. 
\\-hington  resolved,  therefore,  to  avoid  any  attack  from 
the  enemy,  though,  by  so  doing,  he  must  leave  a  fine  and 
fertile  region  open  to  their  ravages;  or  a  plentiful  storehouse, 
fi"iu  which  they  would  draw  voluntary  supplies.  A  second 
move  was  necessary,  again  to  avoid  the  danger  of  being 
inclosed  between  two  rivers.  Leaving  three  regiments, 
therefore,  to  guard  the  passes  of  the  Hackensack,  and  serve 
as  covering  parties,  he  again  decamped,  and  threw  himself 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Passaic,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Newark. 

His  army,  small  as  it  was,  would  soon  be  less.  The  term 
of  enlistment  of  those  under  General  Mercer,  from  the 
living-camp,  was  nearly  expired;  and  it  was  not  probable 
that,  disheartened  as  they  were  by  defeats  and  losses,  exposed 
to  inclement  weather,  and  unaccustomed  to  military  hard- 
ships, they  would  longer  forego  the  comforts  of  their  homes, 
to  drag  out  the  residue  of  a  ruinous  campaign. 

In  addition,  too,  to  the  superiority  of  the  force  that  was 
following  him,  the  rivers  gave  the  enemy  facilities,  by  means 
of  their  shipping,  to  throw  troops  in  his  rear.  In  this 
extremity  he  cast  about  in  every  direction  for  assistance. 
Colonel  Reed,  on  whom  he  relied  as  on  a  second  self,  was 
dispatched  to  Burlington,  with  a  letter  to  Governor  William 

*  Memoir*  of  Reed,  i.,  255, 


202  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXIX. 

Livingston,  describing  his  hazardous  situation,  and  entreat- 
ing him  to  call  out  a  portion  of  the  New  Jersey  militia;  and 
General  Mifflin  was  sent  to  Philadelphia  to  implore  immediate 
aid  from  Congress,  and  the  local  authorities. 

His  main  reliance  for  prompt  assistance,  however,  was 
upon  Lee.  On  the  24th  came  a  letter  from  that  general, 
addressed  to  Colonel  Reed.  Washington  opened  it,  as  he 
was  accustomed  to  do,  in  the  absence  of  that  officer,  with 
letters  addressed  to  him  on  the  business  of  the  army.  Lee 
was  at  his  old  encampment  at  Northcastle.  He  had  no 
means,  he  said,  of  crossing  at  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  the  round 
by  King's  Ferry  would  be  so  great,  that  he  could  not  get 
there  in  time  to  answer  any  purpose.  "I  Iwe  therefore," 
added  he,  "ordered  General  Heath,  who  is  close  to  the  only 
ferry  which  can  be  passed,  to  detach  two  thousand  men  to 
apprise  his  Excellency,  and  await  his  further  orders;  a  mode 
which  I  flatter  myself  will  answer  better  what  I  conceive  to 
be  the  spirit  of  the  orders,  than  should  I  move  the  corps 
from  hence.  Withdrawing  our  troops  from  hence  would  be 
attended  with  some  very  serious  consequences,  which  at 
present  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate;  as  to  myself,"  adds 
he,  "I  hope  to  set  out  to-morrow." 

A  letter  of  the  same  date  (Nov.  23d),  from  Lee  to  James 
Bowdoin,  president  of  the  Massachusetts  council,  may  throw 
some  light  on  his  motives  for  delaying  to  obey  the  orders  of 
the  commander-in-chief.  "Before  the  unfortunate  affair  of 
Fort  Washington,"  writes  he,  "it  was  my  opinion  that  the 
two  armies — that  on  the  east,  and  that  on  the  west  side  of 
the  North  River — must  rest  each  on  its  own  bottom;  that  the 
idea  of  detaching  and  reinforcing  from  one  side  to  the  other, 
on  every  motion  of  the  enemy,  was  chimerical;  but  to  harbor 
such  a  thought  in  our  present  circumstances  is  absolute  in- 
sanity. In  this  invasion,  should  the  enemy  alter  the  present 
direction  of  their  operations,  and  attempt  to  open  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Highlands,  or  enter  New  England,  I  should 
never  entertain  the  thought  of  being  succored  by  the 
western  army.  I  know  it  is  impossible.  We  must,  therefore, 
depend  upon  ourselves.  To  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts 
I  shall  look  for  assistance.  *  *  *  *  I  hope  the 

cursed  job  of  Fort  Washington  will  occasion  no  dejection:  the 
place  itself  was  of  no  value.  For  my  own  part,  I  am 
persuaded  that  if  we  only  act  with  common  sense,  spirit, 
and  decision,  the  day  must  be  our  own." 

In^ another  letter  to  Bowdoin,  dated  on  the  following  day, 
and  inclosing  an  extract  from.  Washington's  letter  of  Nov. 


1776.]  PLANS  OF   LEE.  203 

21st,  he  writes:  "Indecision  bids  fair  for  tumbling  down  the 
goodly  fabric  of  American  freedom,  and,  with  it,  the  rights 
of  mankind.  'Twas  indecision  of  Congress  prevented  our 
having  a  noble  army,  and  on  an  excellent  footing.  'Twas 
indecision  in  our  military  councils  which  cost  us  the  garrison 
of  Fort  Washington,  the  consequence  of  which  must  be 
fatal,  unless  remedied  in  time  by  a  contrary  spirit.  Inclosed 
I  send  you  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  the  general,  on  which 
you  will  make  your  comments;  and  I  have  no  doubt  you  will 
concur  with  me  in  the  necessity  of  raising  immediately  an 
army  to  save  us  from  perdition.  Affairs  appear  in  so  impor- 
tant a  crisis,  that  I  think  the  resolves  of  the  Congress  must 
no  longer  too  nicely  weigh  with  us.  We  must  save  the 
community,  in  spite  of  the  ordinances  of  the  legislature. 
There  are  times  when  we  must  commit  treason  against  the 
la\v.s  of  the  State,  for  the  salvation  of  the  State.  The 
present  crisis  demands  this  brave,  virtuous  kind  of  treason." 
He  urges  President  Bowdoin,  therefore,  to  waive  all  formal- 
it  ios,  and  not  only  complete  the  regiments  prescribed  to  the 
province,  but  to  add  four  companies  to  each  regiment. 
"We  must  not  only  have  a  force  sufficient  to  cover  your 
province,  and  all  these  fertile  districts,  from  the  insults  and 
irruptions  of  the  tyrant's  troops,  but  sufficient  to  drive  'em 
out  of  all  their  quarters  in  the  Jerseys,  or  all  is  lost.  *  *  * 
In  the  mean  time,  send  up  a  formidable  body  of  militia,  to 
supply  the  place  of  the  Continental  troops,  which  I  am 
ordered  to  convey  over  the  river.  Let  your  people  be  well 
supplied-  with  blankets,  and  warm  clothes,  as  I  am  deter- 
mined, by  the  help  of  God,  to  unnest  'em,  even  in  the  dead 
of  winter."* 

It  is  evident  Lee  considered  Washington's  star  to  be  on  the 
decline,  and  his  own  in  the  ascendant.  The  "affair  of  Fort 
Washington,"  and  the  "indecision  of  the  commander-in- 
chief,"  were  apparently  his  watchwords. 

On  the  following  day  (24th),  he  writes  to  Washington  from 
Northcastle,  on  the  subject  of  removing  troops  across  the 
Hudson.  "I  have  received  your  orders,  and  shall  endeavor 
to  put  them  in  execution,  but  question  whether  I  shall  be 
able  to  carry  with  me  any  considerable  number;  not  so 
much  from  a  want  of  zeal  in  the  men,  as  from  their  wretched 
condition  with  respect  to  shoes,  stockings,  and  blankets, 
which  the  present  bad  weather  renders  more  intolerable.  I 
sent  Heath  orders  to  transport  two  thousand  men  across  the 

*  Am,  Archives,  5th  Scries,  iii.,  811. 


204  LIFE   OF  WASIIIXQTOJf.  [en.  XXIX. 

river,  apprise  the  general,  and  wait  for  further  orders;  but 
that  great  man  (as  I  might  have  expected)  intrenched  himself 
within  the  letter  of  his  instructions,  arid  refused  to  part 
with  a  single  file,  though  I  undertook  to  replace  them  with 
a  part  of  my  own."  He  concludes  by  showing  that,  so  far 
from  hurrying  to  the  support  of  his  commander-in-chief,  he 
was  meditating  a  side  blow  of  his  own  devising.  "I  should 
march  this  day  with  Glover's  brigade;  but  have  just  received 
intelligence  that  Rogers'  corps,  a  part  of  the  light-horse, 
and  another  brigade  lie  in  so  exposed  a  situation,  as  to 
present  us  the  fairest  opportunity  of  carrying  them  off.  If 
\ve  succeed,  it  will  have  a  great  effect,  and  amply  compensate 
for  two  days'  delay." 

Scarce  had  Lee  sent  this  letter,  when  he  received  one  from 
Washington,  informing  him  that  he  had  mistaken  his  views 
in  regard  to  the  troops  required  to  cross  the  Hudson;  it  was 
his  (Lee's)  division  that  he  wanted  to  have  over.  The  force 
under  Heath  must  remain  to  guard  the  posts  and  passes 
through  the  Highlands,  the  importance  of  which  was  so 
infinitely  great,  that  there  should  not  be  the  least  possible 
risk  of  losing  them.  In  the  same  letter  Washington,  who 
presumed  Lee  was  by  this  time  at  Peekskill,  advised  him  to 
take  every  precaution  to  come  by  a  safe  route,  and  by  all 
means  to  keep  between  the  enemy  and  the  mountains,  as  he 
understood  they  were  taking  measures  to  intercept  his  march. 

Lee's  reply  was  still  from  Xorthcastle.  He  explained  that 
his  idea  of  detaching  troops  from  Heath's  division  was 
merely  for  expedition's  sake,  intending  to  replace  them  from 
his  own.  The  want  of  carriages  and  other  causes  had 
delayed  him.  From  the  force  of  the  enemy  remaining  in 
Westchester  County,  he  did  not  conceive  the  number  of 
them  in  the  Jerseys  to  be  near  so  great  as  \Yashington  was 
taught  to  believe.  He  had  been  making  a  sweep  of  the 
country  to  clear  it  of  the  torics.  Part  of  his  army  had  now 
moved  en,  and  he  would  set  out  on  the  following  day.  He 
concluded  with  the  assurance,  "I  shall  take  care  to  obey 
your  Excellency's  orders,  in  regard  to  my  march,  as  exactly 
as  possible." 

On  the  same  day,  he  vents  his  spleen  in  a  tart  letter  to 
Heath.  "I  perceive,"  writes  he,  "that  you  have  formed  an 
idea,  that  should  General  Washington  remove  to  the  Straits 
of  Magellan,  the  instructions  he  loft  with  you,  upon  a  partic- 
ular occasion,  have,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  in  vested  you 
with  a  command  separate  from,  and  independent  of  any 
other  superiors,  *  *  *  *  That  General  Heath  is  by  no 


1776.]  PERPLEXITY    OF  GEORGE   CLINTON.  205 

means  to  consider  himself  obliged  to  obey  the  second  in 
command."  He  concluded  by  informing  him  that,  as  the 
comnmmler-in-chief  was  now  separated  from  them,  he  (Lee) 
commanded,  of  course,  on  this  side  of  the  water,  and  for  the 
future  would,  and  must  be  obeyed. 

Before  receiving  this  letter,  Heath,  doubtful  whether 
Washington  might  not  be  pressed,  and  desirous  of  having 
his  troops  across  the  Hudson,  had  sent  off  an  express  to  him 
for  explicit  instructions  on  that  point,  and,  in  the  mean 
time,  had  kept  them  ready  for  a  move. 

General  George  Clinton,  who  was  with  him,  and  had  the 
safety  of  the  Hudson  at  heart,  was  in  an  agony  of  solicitude. 
"We  have  been  under  marching  orders  these  three  days  past," 
writes  he,  "and  only  wait  the  directions  of  General  Wash- 
ington. Should  they  be  to  move,  all's  over  with  the  river 
this  season,  and,  I  fear,  forever.  General  Lee,  four  or  five 
days  ago,  had  orders  to  move  with  his  division  across  the 
river.  Instead  of  so  doing,  he  ordered  General  Heath  to 
march  his  men  through,  and  he  would  replace  them  with  so 
many  of  his.  General  Heath  could  not  do  this  consistent 
with  his  instructions,  but  put  his  men  under  marching  orders 
to  wait  his  Excellency's  orders."  Honest  George  Clinton 
was  still  perplexed  and  annoyed  by  these  marchings  and 
countcrmarchings;  and  especially  with  these  incessant 
retreats.  "A  strange  way  of  cooking  business!"  writes  he. 
"We  have  no  particular  accounts  yet  from  head -quarters,  but 
I  <ini  a  /if  to  believe  retreating  is  yet  fashionable," 

The  return  of  the  express  sent  to  Washington  relieved 
Clinton's  anxiety  about  the  Highlands;  reiterating  the 
original  order,  that  the  division  under  Heath  should  remain 
for  the  protection  ot  the  passes. 

Washington  was  still  at  Newark  when,  on  the  27th,  he 
received  Lee's  letter  of  the  24th,  speaking  of  his  scheme  of 
capturing  Rogers  the  partisan.  Under  other  circumstances 
it  might  have  been  a  sufficient  excuse  for  his  delay,  but 
higher  interests  were  at  stake;  he  immediately  wrote  to  Lee 
as  follows:  "My  former  letters  were  so  full  and  explicit,  as 
to  the  necessity  of  your  marching  as  early  as  possible,  that  it 
is  unnecessary  to  add  more  on  that  head.  I  confess  I 
expected  you  would  have  been  sooner  in  motion.  The  force 
here,  when  joined  by  yours,  will  not  be  adequate  to  any 
great  opposition;  at  present  it  is  weak,  and  it  has  been  more 
owing  to  the  badness  of  the  weather  that  the  enemy's 
progress  has  been  checked,  than  any  resistance  we  could 
make.  They  are  now  pushing  this  way — part  of  'em  have 


206  LIFE   OF    WASHIXGTOy.  [CH.  XXIX. 

passed  the  Passaic.  Their  plan  is  not  entirely  unfolded,  but 
I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  Philadelphia  should  turn  out  the 
object  of  their  movement." 

The  situation  of  the  little  army  was  daily  becoming  more 
perilous.  In  a  council  of  war,  several  of  the  members  urged 
a  move  to  Morristown,  to  form  a  junction  with  the  troops 
expected  from  the  Northern  army.  Washington,  however, 
still  cherished  the  idea  of  making  a  stand  at  Brunswick  on 
the  Raritan,  or,  at  all  events,  of  disputing  the  passage  of 
the  Delaware;  and  in  this  intrepid  resolution  he  was  warmly 
seconded  by  Greene. 

Breaking  up  his  camp  once  more,  therefore,  he  continued 
his  retreat  toward  New  Brunswick;  but  so  close  was  Corn- 
wallis  upon  him,  that  his  advance  entered  one  end  of 
Newark,  just  as  the  American  rear-guard  had  left  the  other. 

From  'Brunswick,  Washington  wrote  on  the  29th  to 
William  Livingston,  governor  of  the  Jerseys,  requesting  him 
to  have  all  boats  and  river  craft,  for  seventy  miles  along 
the  Delaware,  removed  to  the  western  bank  out  of  the  reach 
of  the  enemy,  and  put  under  guard.  He  was  disappointed 
in  his  hope  of  making  a  stand  on  the  banks  of  the  Raritan. 
All  the  force  he  could  muster  at  Brunswick,  including  the 
New  Jersey  militia,  did  not  exceed  four  thousand  men. 
Colonel  Reed  had  failed  in  procuring  aid  from  the  New 
Jersey  legislature.  That  body,  shifting  from  place  to  place, 
was  on  the  eve  of  dissolution.  The  term  of  the  Maryland 
and  New  Jersey  troops  in  the  flying  camp  had  expired. 
General  Mercer  endeavored  to  detain  them,  representing  the 
disgrace  of  turning  their  backs  upon  the  cause  when  the 
enemy  was  at  hand:  his  remonstrances  were  fruitless.  As  to 
the  Pennsylvania  levies,  they  deserted  in  such  numbers  that 
guards  were  stationed  on  the  roads  and  ferries  to  intercept 
them. 

At  this  moment  of  care  and  perplexity,  a  letter,  forwarded 
by  express,  arrived  at  head-quarters.  It  was  from  General 
Lee,  dated  from  his  camp  at  Northcastle,  to  Colonel  Reed, 
and  was  in  reply  to  the  letter  written  by  that  officer  from 
Hackensack  on  the  21st,  which  we  have  already  laid  before 
the  reader.  Supposing  that  it  related  to  official  business, 
Washington  opened  it,  and  read  as  follows: 

"MY  DEAR  REED: — I  received  your  most  obliging,  flattering 
letter;  lament  with  you  that  fatal  indecision  of  mind,  which 
in  war  is  a  much  greater  disqualification  than  stupidity,  or 
even  want  of  personal  courage.  Accident  may  put  a  decisive 
blunderer  in  the  right;  but  eternal  defeat  and  miscarriage 


OPERATIONS 

on  the 

DELAWARE 


1777. 


1776.  J  WASHINGTON11  AT  BRUNSWICK.  267 

must  attend  the  man  of  the  best  parts,  if  cursed  with 
indecision.  The  General  recommends  in  so  pressing  a 
manner  as  almost  to  amount  to  an  order,  to  bring  over  the 
continental  troops  under  my  command,  which  recommenda- 
tion, or  order,  throws  me  into  the  greatest  dilemma  from 
several  considerations."  After  stating  these  considerations, 
he  adds:  "My  reason  for  not  having  marched  already  is,  that 
we  have  just  received  intelligence  that  Rogers'  corps,  the 
light-horse,  part  of  the  Highlanders,  and  another  brigade, 
lie  in  so  exposed  a  situation  as  to  give  the  fairest  opportunity 
of  being  carried.  I  should  have  attempted  it  last  night,  but 
the  rain  was  too  violent,  and  when  our  pieces  are  wet,  you 
know  our  troops  are  hors  du  combat.  This  night  I  hope  will 
be  better.  ******  j  oniv  waft  myself  for  this 
business  of  Rogers  and  company  being  over.  I  shall  then  fly 
to  you;  for,  to  confess  a  truth,  I  really  think  our  chief  will 
do  better  with  me  than  without  me." 

A  glance  over  this  letter  sufficed  to  show  Washington  that, 
at  this  dark  moment,  when  he  most  needed  support  and 
sympathy,  his  character  and  military  conduct  were  the 
subject  of  disparaging  comments,  between  the  friend  in 
whom  he  had  so  implicitly  confided,  and  a  sarcastic  and 
apparently  self-constituted  rival.  Whatever  may  have  been 
his  feelings  of  wounded  pride  and  outraged  friendship,  he 
restrained  them,  and  inclosed  the  letter  to  Reed,  with  the 
following  chilling  note: 

"DEAR  SIR: — The  inclosed  was  put  into  my  hands  by  an 
express  from  White  Plains.  Having  no  idea  of  its  being  a 
private  letter,  much  less  suspecting  the  tendency  of  the 
correspondence,  I  opened  it;  as  I  have  done  all  other  letters 
to  you  from  the  same  place,  and  Peekskill,  upon  the 
business  of  your  office,  as  I  conceived,  and  found  them  to  be. 
This,  as  it  is  the  truth,  must  be  my  excuse  for ,  seeing  the 
contents  of  a  letter,  which  neither  inclination  nor  intention 
would  have  prompted  me  to,"&c. 

The  very  calmness  and  coldness  of  this  note  must  have 
had  a  greater  effect  upon  Reed,  than  could  have  been 
produced  by  the  most  vehement  reproaches.  In  subsequent 
communications,  he  endeavored  to  explain  away  the  offensive 
•paragraphs  in  Lee's  letter,  declaring  there  was  nothing  in 
his  own  inconsistent  with  the  respect  and  affection  he  had 
ever  borne  for  Washington's  person  and  character. 

Fortunately  for  Reed,  Washington  never  saw  that  letter. 
There  were  passages  in  it  beyond  the  reach  of  softening 
explanation.  As  it  was,  the  purport  of  it,  as  reflected  in 


208  LIFE   OP   WASHINGTON.  [cil.  XXIX. 

Lee's  reply,  had  given  him  a  sufficient  shock.  His  magnan- 
imous nature,  however,  was  incapable  of  harboring  long 
resentments;  especially  in  matters  relating  solely  to  himself. 
His  personal  respect  for  Colonel  Eeed  continued;  he  invari- 
ably manifested  a  high  sense  of  his  merits,  and  consulted 
him,  as  before,  on  military  affairs;  but  his  hitherto  affection- 
ate confidence  in  him,  as  a  sympathizing  friend,  had  received 
an  incurable  wound.  His  letters,  before  so  frequent,  and 
such  perfect  outpourings  of  heart  and  mind,  became  few 
and  far  between,  and  confined  to  matters  of  business. 

It  must  have  been  consoling  to  Washington  at  this 
moment  of  bitterness,  to  receive  the  following  letter  (dated 
Nov.  27th)  from  William  Livingston,  the  intelligent  and 
patriotic  governor  of  New  Jersey.  It  showed  that  while 
many  misjudged  him,  and  friends  seemed  falling  from  his 
side,  other  appreciated  him  truly,  and  the  ordeal  he  was 
undergoing. 

"I  can  easily  form  some  idea  of  the  difficulties  under 
which  you  labor,"  writes  Livingston,  "particularly  of  one 
for  which  the  public  can  make  no  allowance,  because  your 
prudence,  and  fidelity  to  the  cause,  will  not  suffer  you  to 
reveal  it  to  the  public;  an  instance  of  magnanimity,  superior, 
perhaps,  to  any  that  can  be  shown  in  battle.  But  depend 
upon  it,  my  dear  sir,  the  impartial  world  Avill  do  you  ample 
justice  before  long.  May  God  support  you  under  the  fatigue, 
both  of  body  and  mind,  to  which  you  must  be  constantly 
exposed."* 

Washington  lingered  at  Brunswick  until  the  1st  of 
December,  in  the  vain  hope  of  being  reinforced.  The  enemy, 
in  the  mean  time,  advanced  through  the  country,  impressing 
wagons  and  horses,  and  collecting  cattle  and  sheep,  as  if  for 
a  distant  march.  At  length  their  vanguard  appeared  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Raritan.  Washington  immediately 
broke  down  the  end  of  the  bridge  next  the  village,  and  after 
nightfall  resumed  his  retreat.  In  the  mean  time,  as  the 
river  was  fordable,  Captain  Alexander  Hamilton  planted  his 
field-pieces  on  high,  commanding  ground,  and  opened  a 
spirited  fire  to  check  any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  cross. 

*  We  cannot  dismiss  this  painful  incident  in  Washington's  life,  without  a  pros- 
pective note  on  the  subject.  Reed  was  really  of  too  generous  and  intelligent  a 
nature  not  to  be  aware  of  the  immense  value  of  the  friendship  he  had  put  at  hazard. 
He  grieved  over  liis  mistake,  especially  as  after  events  showed  more  and  more  the 
majestic  greatness  of  Washington's  character.  A  letter  in  the  following  year,  in 
which  he  sought  to  convince  Washington  of  his  sincere  and  devoted  attachment,  is 
really  touching  in  its  appeals.  We  are  happy  to  add,  that  it  appears  to  have  been 
successful,  and  to  have  restored,  in  a  great  measure,  their  relations  of  friendly  con- 
fidence. 


1776.J  DESPONDENCY  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  209 

At  Princeton,  Washington  left  twelve  hundred  men  in 
two  brigades,  under  Lord  Stirling  and  General  Adam 
Stephen,  to  cover  the  country,  and  watch  the  motions  of  the 
enemy.  Stephen  was  the  same  officer  that  had  served  as  a 
colonel  under  Washington  in  the  French  war,  as  second  in 
command  of  the  Virginia  troops,  and  had  charge  of  Fort 
Cumberland.  In  consideration  of  his  courage  and  military 
capacity,  he  had,  in  1704,  been  intrusted  with  the  protection 
of  the  frontier.  He  had  recently  brought  a  detachment  of 
Virginia  troops  to  the  army,  and  received  from  Congress, 
in  September,  the  commission  of  brigadier-general. 

The  harassed  army  reached  Trenton  on  the  2d  of  Decem- 
ber. Washington  immediately  proceeded  to  remove  his 
baggage  and  stores  across  the  Delaware.  In  his  letters  from 
this  place  to  the  President  of  Congress,  he  gives  his  reasons 
for  his  continued  retreat.  "Nothing  but  necessity  obliged  me 
to  retire  before  the  enemy,  and  leave  so  much  of  the  Jerseys 
unprotected.  Sorry  am  I  to  observe  that  the  frequent  calls 
upon  the  militia  of  this  State,  the  want  of  exertion  in  the 
principal  gentlemen  of  the  country,  and  a  fatal  supineness 
and  insensibilty  of  danger,  till  it  is  too  late  to  prevent  an 
evil  that  was  not  only  foreseen,  but  foretold,  have  been  the 
causes  of  our  late  disgraces. 

"If  the  militia  of  this  State  had  stepped  forth  in  season 
(and  timely  notice  they  had),  we  might  have  prevented  the 
enemy's  crossing  the  llackensack.  We  might,  with  equal 
possibility  of  success,  have  made  a  stand  at  Brunswick  on 
the  Raritan.  But  as  both  these  rivers  were  fordable  in  a 
variety  of  places,  being  knee  deep  only,  it  required  many 
men  to  guard  the  passes,  and  these  we  had  not." 

In  excuse  for  the  people  of  New  Jersey,  it  may  be 
observed,  that  they  inhabited  an  open,  agricultural  country, 
where  the  sound  of  war  had  never  been  heard.  Many  of 
them  looked  upon  the  Revolution  as  rebellion;  others 
thought  it  a  ruined  enterprise;  the  armies  engaged  in  it  had 
been  defeated  and  broken  up.  They  beheld  the  commander- 
in-chief  retreating  through  their  country  with  a  handful  of 
men,  weary,  wayworn,  dispirited;  without  tents,  without 
clothing,  many  of  them  barefooted,  exposed  to  wintry 
weather,  and  driven  from  post  to  post,  by  a  well-clad,  well- 
fed,  triumphant  force,  tricked  out  in  all  the  glittering 
bravery  of  war.  Could  it  be  wondered  at,  that  peaceful 
husbandmen,  seeing  their  quiet  fields  thus  suddenly  overrun 
by  adverse  hosts,  and  their  very  hearthstones  threatened  with 
outrage,  should,  instead  of  flying  to  arms,  seek  for  the  safety 


210  LIF£   OF  WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XXIX 

of  their  wives  and  little  ones,  and  the  protection  of  theii 
humble  means,  from  the  desolation  which  too  often  marks 
the  course  even  of  friendly  armies? 

Lord  Howe  and  his  brother  sought  to  profit  by  this 
dismay  and  despondency.  A  proclamation,  dated  30th  of 
November,  commanded  all  persons  in  arms  against  his 
majesty's  government,  to  disband  and  return  home,  and 
all  Congresses  to  desist  from  treasonable  acts:  offering  a  free 
pardon  to  all  who  should  comply  within  fifty  days. 

Many  who  had  been  prominent  in  the  cause  hastened  to 
take  advantage  of  this  proclamation.  Those  who  had  most 
property  to  lose  were  the  first  to  submit.  The  middle  ranks 
remained  generally  steadfast  in  this  time  of  trial.* 

The  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  a  field-officer  in  New 
York,  dated  Dec.  2d,  to  his  friend  in  London,  gives  the 
British  view  of  affairs.  ''The  rebels  continue  flying  before 
our  army.  Lord  Cornwallis  took  the  fort  opposite  Bruns- 
wick, plunged  into  Raritan  River,  and  seized  the  town.  Mr. 
Washington  had  orders  from  the  Congress  to  rally  and  de- 
fend that  post,  but  he  sent  them  word  he  could  not.  He  was 
seen  retreating  with  two  brigades  to  Trenton,  where  they 
talk  of  resisting;  but  such  a  panic  has  seized  the  rebels, 
that  no  part  of  the  Jerseys  will  hold  them,  and  I  doubt 
whether  Philadelphia  itself  will  stop  their  career.  The 
Congress  have  lost  their  authority.  *  *  *  *  They  are 
in  such  consternation  that  they  know  not  what  to  do.  The 
two  Adamses  are  in  New  England;  Franklin  gone  to  France; 
Lynch  has  lost  his  senses;  Rutledge  has  gone  home  disgusted; 
Dana  is  persecuting  at  Albany,  and  Jay's  in  the  country 
playing  as  bad  a  part ;  so  that_the  fools  have  lost  the  assistance 
of  the  knaves.  However,  should  they  embrace  the  inclosed 
proclamation,  they  may  yet  escape  the  halter.  *  *  * 
Honest  David  Mathew,  the  mayor,  has  made  his  escape  from 
them,  and  arrived  here  this  day."} 

In  this  dark  day  of  peril  to  the  cause,  and  to  himself, 
Washington  remained  firm  and  undaunted.  In  casting 
about  for  some  stronghold  where  he  might  make  a  desperate 
stand  for  the  liberties  of  his  country,  his  thoughts  reverted 
to  the  mountain  regions  of  his  early  campaigns.  General 
Mercer  was  at  hand,  who  had  shared  his  perils  among  these 
mountains,  and  his  presence  may  have  contributed  to  bring 
them  to  his  mind.  "What  think  you,"  said  Washington; 

*  Gordon's  Hist.  Am.  War,  ii.,  p.  129. 
f  Ani.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  1,037. 


1776.]  AN  INDOMITABLE  SPIRIT.  211 

"if  we  should  retreat  to  the  back  parts  of  Pennsylvania, 
\vould  the  Pennsylvanians  support  us?" 

"If  the  lower  counties  give  up,  the  back  counties  will  do 
the  same,"  was  the  discouraging  reply. 

"We  must  then  retire  to  Augusta  County  in  Virginia," 
s;iid  Washington.  "Numbers  will  repair  to  us  for  safety, 
and  we  will  try  a  predatory  war.  If  overpowered,  we  must 
cross  the  Alleganies. " 

Such  was  the  indomitable  spirit,  rising  under  difficulties, 
and  buoyant  in  the  darkest  moment,  that  kept  our  tempest- 
tossed  cause  from  foundering. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

Lee  at  Peekskill — Stanch  Adherence  of  Heath  to  Orders — Lee  Crosses 
the  Hudson — Washington  at  Trenton — Lee  at  the  Heels  of  the 
Enemy — His  Speculations  on  Military  Greatness — Forced  March  of 
Cornwallis — Washington  Crosses  the  Delaware— Putnam  in  Com- 
mand at  Philadelphia — Baffling  Jitters  of  Lee — Hopes  t<>  Recon- 
quer the  Jerseys — Gates  on  the  March— Lee  Quartered  at  Basking- 
ridge — Surprised  and  Captured — Speculations  on  his  Conduct. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  repeated  and  pressing  orders  and 
entreaties  of  the  commander -in-chief,  Lee  did  not  reach 
Peekskill  until  the  3()th  of  November.  In  a  letter  of  that 
date  to  Washington,  who  had  complained  of  his  delay,  he 
simply  alleged  difficulties,  which  he  would  explain  when  both 
IKK!  leisure.  His  scheme  to  entrap  Rogers,  the  renegade, 
had  failed;  the  old  Indian  hunter  had  been  too  much  on  the 
alert;  he  boasted,  however,  to  have  rendered  more  service 
by  his  delay,  than  he  would  have  done  had  he  moved  sooner. 
Ilis  forces  were  thereby  augmented,  so  that  he  expected  to 
enter  the  Jerseys  with  four  thousand  firm  and  willing  men, 
who  would  make  a  very  important  diversion. 

"The  day  after  to-morrow,"  added  he,  "we  shall  pass  the 
river,  when  I  should  be  glad  to  receive  your  instructions; 
but  I  could  wish  you  would  bind  me  as  little  as  possible;  not 
from  any  opinion,  I  do  assure  you,  of  my  own  parts,  but 
from  a  persuasion  that  detached  generals  cannot  have  too 
great  latitude,  unless  they  are  very  incompetent  indeed." 

Lee  had  calculated  upon  meeting  no  further  difficulty  in 
obtaining  men  from  Heath.  Hy  rode  to  that  general's 


212  LIFE  OP  WASHIKGTOlSf.  [CH.  XXX. 

quarters  in  the  evening,  and  was  invited  by  him  to  alight 
and  take  tea.  On  entering  the  house,  Lee  took  Heath  aside, 
and  alluding  to  his  former  refusal  to  supply  troops  us  being 
inconsistent  with  the  orders  of  the  commander- in-chief,  "in 
point  of  law,"  said  he,  "you  are  right,  but  in  point  of  policy 
I  think  you  are  wrong.  I  am  going  into  the  Jerseys  for  the 
salvation  of  America;  I  wisli  to  take  with  me  a  larger  force 
than  I  now  have,  and  request  you  to  order  two  thousand  of 
your  men  to  march  with  me." 

Heath  answered  that  he  could  not  spare  that  number.  He 
was  then  asked  to  order  one  thousand;  to  which  he  replied, 
that  the  business  might  be  as  \vell  brought  to  a  point  at  once 
— that  not  a  single  man  should  march  from  the  post  by  his 
order.  "Then,"  exclaimed  Lee,  "1  will  order  them  myself." 
'•'That  makes  a  wide  difference,"  rejoined  Heath.  "You 
are  my  senior,  but  I  have  received  positive  written  instruc- 
tions from  him  who  is  superior  to  us  both,  and  I  will  not 
myself  break  those  orders. "  In  proof  of  his  words,  Heath 
produced  the  recent  letter  received  from  Washington, 
repeating  his  former  orders  that  no  troops  should  be 
removed  from  that  post.  Lee  glanced  over  the  letter. 
"The  commander-in-chief  is  now  at  a  distance,  and  does  not 
know  what  is  necessary  here  so  well  as  I  do."  He  asked  a 
sight  of  the  return  book  of  the  division.  It  was  brought  by 
Major  Himtington,  the  deputy  adjutant-general.  Lee  ran 
his  eye  over  it,  and  chose  two  regiments.  "You  will  order 
them  to  march  early  to-morrow  morning  to  join  me,"  said 
he  to  the  major.  Heath,  milling  with  the  pride  of  military 
law,  turned  to  the  major  with  an  air  of  authority.  "Issue 
such  orders  at  your  peril!"  exclaimed  he:  then  addressing 
Lee,  "Sir,"  said  he,  "if  you  come  to  this  post,  and  mean  to 
issue  orders  here  which  will  break  the  positive  ones  I  have 
received,  I  pray  you  do  it  completely  yourself,  and  through 
your  own  deputy  adjutant -general  who  is  present,  and  not 
draw  me  or  any  of  my  family  in  as  partners  in  the  guilt." 

"It  is  right,"  said  Lee;  "Colonel  Scammel,  do  you  issue 
the  order."  It  was  done  accordingly;  but  Heath's  punctil- 
ious scruples  were  not  yet  satisfied.  "I  have  one  more 
request  to  make,  sir,"  said  he  to  Lee,  "and  that  is,  that 
you  will  be  pleased  to  give  me  a  certificate  that  you  exercise 
command  at  this  post,  and  order  from  it  these  regiments." 

Lee  hesitated  to  comply,  but  George  Clinton,  who  was 
present,  told  him  he  could  not  refuse  a  request  so  reasonable. 
He  accordingly  wrote,  "For  the  satisfaction  of  General 
Heath,  and  at  his  request,  I  do  certify  that  I  am  commanding 


1776.]  I'EE  CROSSES  THE  HUDSON.  21 8 

officer,  at  this  present  writing,  in  this  post,  and  that  I 
have,  in  that  capacity,  ordered  Prescott'H  and  Wyllis's 
regiments  to  march." 

Heath's  military  punctilio  was  satisfied,  and  he  smoothed 
his  ruffled  plumes.  Early  the  next  morning  the  regiments 
moved  from  their  cantonments  ready  to  embark,  when  Lee 
again  rode  up  to  his  door.  "Upon  further  consideration," 
said  he,"  I  have  concluded  not  to  take  the  two  regiments 
with  me — you  may  order  them  to  return  to  their  former 
post." 

"This  conduct  of  General  Lee,"  adds  Heath  in  his 
memoirs,  "appeared  not  a  little  extraordinary,  and  one  is 
almost  at  a  loss  to  account  for  it.  He  had  been  a  soldier 
from  his  youth,  had  a  perfect  knowledge  of  service  in  all  its 
branches,  but  was  rather  obstinate  in  his  temper,  and  could 
scarcely  brook  being  crossed  in  any  thing -in  the  line  of  his 
profession."* 

It  was  not  until  the  4th  of  December,  that  Lee  crossed  the 
Hudson  and  began  a  laggard  march,  though  aware  of  the 
imminent  peril  of  Washington  and  his  army — how  different 
from  the  celerity  of  his  movements  in  his  expedition  to  the 
South! 

In  the  mean  time,  Washington,  who  was  at  Trenton,  had 
profited  by  a  delay  of  the  enemy  at  Brunswick,  and  removed 
most  of  the  stores  and  baggage  of  the  army  across  the 
Delaware;  and,  being  reinforced  by  fifteen  hundred  of  the 
Pennsylvania  militia,  procured  by  Mifflin,  prepared  to  face 
about,  and  march  back  to  Princeton  with  such  of  his  troops 
as  were  fit  for  service,  there  to  be  governed  by  circumstances, 
ami  the  movements  of  General  Lee.  Accordingly,  on  the 
5th  of  December  he  sent  about  twelve  hundred  men  in  the 
ailvan.T.  to  reinforce  Lord  Stirling,  and  the  next  day  set  off 
himself  with  the  residue. 

"The  general  has  gone  forward  to  Princeton,"  writes 
Ooloi.el  Reed,  "where  there  are  about  three  thousand  men, 
with  which,  I  fear,  he  will  not  be  able  to  make  any  stand."f 

While  on  the  march,  Washington  received  a  letter  from 
<iivcne,  who  was  at  Princeton,  informing  him  of  a  report 
that  Lee  was  "at  the  heels  of  the  enemy."  "I  should 
think,"  adds  Greene,  "he  had  better  keep  on  the  flanks 
than  the  rear,  unless  it  were  possible  to  concert  an  attack 
at  the  same  instant  of  time  in  front  and  rear.  *  *  *  I 


*  The  above  scene  is  given  almost  literally  from  General  Heath's  Memoirs, 
t  Reed  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


214  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  ,  [CH.  XXX. 

think  General  Lee  must  be  confined  within  the  lines  of  some 
general  plan,  or  else  his  operations  will  be  independent  of 
yours.  His  own  troops,  General  St.  Glair's,  and  the  militia, 
must  form  a  respectable  army." 

Lee  had  no  idea  of  conforming  to  a  general  plan;  he  had 
an  independent  plan  of  his  own,  and  was  at  that  moment  at 
Pompton,  indulging  speculations  on  military  greatness,  and 
the  lamentable  want  of  it  in  his  American  contemporaries. 
In  a  letter  from  that  place  to  Governor  Cooke  of  Ehode 
Island,  he  imparts  his  notions  on  the  subject.  "Theory 
joined  to  practice,  or  a  heaven-born  genius,  can  alone 
constitute  a  general.  As  to  the  latter,  God  Almighty 
indulges  the  modern  world  very  rarely  with  the  spectacle; 
and  I  do  not  know,  from  what  I  have  seen,  that  he  has  been 
more  profuse  of  this  ethereal  spirit  to  the  Americans  than 
to  other  nations." 

While  Lee  was  thus  loitering  and  speculating,  Cornwallis, 
knowing  how  far  he  was  in  the  rear,  and  how  weak  was  the 
situation  of  Washington's  army,  and  being  himself  strongly 
reinforced,  made  a  forced  march  from  Brunswick,  and  was 
within  two  miles  of  Princeton.  Stirling,  to  avoid  being 
surrounded,  immediately  set  out  with  two  brigades  for 
Trenton.  Washington,  too,  receiving  intelligence  by  express 
of  these  movements,  hastened  back  to  that  place,  and  caused 
boats  to  be.  collected  from  all  quarters,  and  the  stores  and 
troops  transported  across  the  Delaware.  He  himself  crossed 
with  the  rear-guard  on  Sunday  morning,  and  took  up  his 
quarters  about  a  mile  from  the  river;  causing  the  boats  to  be 
destroyed,  and  troops  to  be  posted  opposite  the  fords.  He 
was  conscious,  however,  as  he  said,  that  with  his  small  force 
he  could  make  no  great  opposition,  should  the  enemy  bring 
boats  with  them.  Fortunately  they  did  not  come  thus 
provided. 

The  rear-guard,  says  an  American  account,  had  barely 
crossed  the  river,  when  Lord  Cornwallis  "came  marching 
down  with  all  the  pomp  of  war,  in  great  expectation  of 
getting  boats,  and  immediately  pursuing."  Not  one  was 
to  be  had  there  or  elsewhere;  for  Washington  had  caused 
the  boats,  for  an  extent  of  seventy  miles  up  and  down  the 
river,  to  be  secured  on  the  right  bank.  His  lordship  was 
effectually  brought  to  a  stand.  He  made  some  moves  with 
two  columns,  as  if  he  would  cross  the  Delaware  above  and 
below,  either  to  push  on  to  Philadelphia,  or  to  entrap 
Washington  in  the  acute  angle  made  by  the  bend  of  the  river 
opposite  Bordentown.  An  able  disposition  of  American 


1776.]  PEBIL   OF   PHILADELPHIA.  215 

troops  along  the  upper  part  of  the  river,  and  of  a  number 
of  galleys  below,  discouraged  any  attempt  of  the  kind. 
Conwallis,  therefore,  gave  up  the  pursuit,  distributed  the 
German  troops  in  cantonments  along  the  left  bank  of  the 
river,  and  stationed  his  main  force  at  Brunswick,  trusting 
to  be  able  before  long  to  cross  the  Delaware  on  the  ice. 

On  the  8th,  Washington  wrote  to  the  President  of 
Congress:  "There  is  not  a  moment's  time  to  be  lost  in 
assembling  such  a  force  as  can  be  collected,  as  the  object  of 
the  enemy  cannot  now  be  doubted  in  the  smallest  degree. 
Indeed,  I  shall  be  out  in  my  conjecture,  for  it  is  only 
conjecture,  if  the  late  embarkation  at  Xew  York  is  not  for 
Delaware  River,  to  co-operate  with  the  army  under  General 
Howe,  who,  I  am  informed  from  good  authority,  is  with  the 
British  troops,  and  his  whole  force  upon  this  route.  I  have 
no  certain  intelligence  of  General  Lee,  although  I  have  sent 
expresses  to  him,  and  lately  a  Colonel  Humpton,  to  bring  me 
some  accurate  accounts  of  his  situation.  I  last  night  dis- 
patched another  gentleman  to  him  (Major  Hoops),  desiring 
lie  would  hasten  his  march  to  the  Delaware,  on  which  I 
would  provide  boats  near  a  place  called  Alexandria,  for  the 
transportation  of  his  troops.  I  cannot  account  for  the  slow- 
ness of  his  march." 

In  further  letters,  to  Lee,  Washington  urged  the  peril  of 
Philadelphia.  "Do  come  on,"  writes  he;  "your  arrival 
may  be  fortunate,  and,  if  it  can  be  effected  without  delay, 
it  may  be  the  means  of  preserving  a  city3  whose  loss  must 
prove  of  the  most  fatal  consequence  to  the  cause  of  America." 

Putnam  was  now  detached  to  take  command  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  put  it  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  general 
MitHin  to  have  charge  of  the  munitions  of  war  deposited 
there.  By  their  advice  Congress  hastily  adjourned  on  the 
12th  of  December,  to  meet  again  on  the  20th,  at  Baltimore. 

Washington's  whole  force  at  this  time  was  about  five 
thousand  five  hundred  men;  one  thousand  of  them  Jersey 
militia,  fifteen  hundred  militia  from  Philadelphia,  and  a  bat- 
talion of  five  hundred  of  the  German  yeomanry  of  Pennsylvania, 
Gates,  however,  he  was  informed,  was  coming  on  with  seven 
regiments  detached  by  Schuyler  from  the  Northern  depart- 
ment; reinforced  by  these,  and  the  troops  under  Lee,  he 
hoped  to  be  able  to  attempt  a  stroke  upon  the  enemy's  forces, 
which  lay  a  good  deal  scattered,  and  to  all  appearances,  in  a 
state  of  security.  "A  lucky  blow  in  this  quarter,"  writes 
he,  "would  be  fatal  to  them,  and  would  most  certainly  raise 


216  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXX. 

the  spirits  of  the  people,  which  are  quite  sunk  by  our  late 
misfortunes."' 

While  cheering  himself  with  these  hopes,  and  trusting  to 
speedy  aid  from  Lee,  that  wayward  commander,  though 
nearly  three  weeks  had  elapsed  since  he  had  received 
Washington's  orders  and  entreaties  to  join  him  with  all 
possible  dispatch,  was  no  farther  on  his  march  than  Morris- 
town,  in  the  Jerseys;  where,  with  militia  recruits,  his  force 
was  about  four  thousand  men.  In  a  letter  written  by  him 
on  the  8th  of  December  to  a  committee  of  Congress,  he 
says:  "If  I  was  not  taught  to  think  the  army  witli  General 
Washington  had  been  considerably  reinforced,  I  should 
immediately  join  him;  but  as  I  am  assured  he  is  very  strong, 
I  should  imagine  we  can  make  a  better  impression  by 
beating  up  and  harassing  their  detached  parties  in  their 
rear,  for  which  purpose,  a  good  post  at  Chatham  seems  the 
best  calculated.  It  is  a  happy  distance  from  Newark,  Eliza- 
bethtown,  Woodbridge  and  Boundbrook.  We  shall,  I 
expect,  annoy,  distract,  and  consequently  weaken  them  in  a 
desultory  war.''f 

On  the  same  day  he  writes  from  Chatham,  in  reply  to 
Washington's  letter  by  Major  Hoops,  just  received:  "I  am 
extremely  shocked  to  hear  that  your  force  is  so  inadequate  to 
the  necessity  of  your  situation,  as  I  had  been  taught  to  think 
you  had  been  considerably  reinforced.  Your  last  letters, 
proposing  a  plan  of  surprises  and  forced  marches,  convinced 
me  that  there  was  no  danger  of  your  being  obliged  to  pass 
the  Delaware;  in  consequence  of  which  proposals,  I  have  put 
myself  in  a  position  the  most  convenient  to  co-operate  with 
you  by  attacking  their  rear.  I  cannot  persuade  myself  that 
Philadelphia  is  their  object  at  present.  *  *  *  It  will  be 
difficult,  I  am  afraid,  to  join  you;  but  cannot  I  do  you  more 
service  by  attacking  their  rear?" 

This  letter,  sent  by  a  light-horseman,  received  an  instant 
reply  from  Washington.  "Philadelphia,  beyond  all  question, 
is  the  object  of  the  enemy's  movements,  and  nothing  less 
than  our  utmost  exertions  will  prevent  General  Howe  from 
possessing  it.  The  force  I  have  is  weak,  and  utterly  incom- 
petent to  that  end.  I  must,  therefore,  entreat  you  to  push 
on  with  every  possible  succor  you  can  bring.  "J 

On  the  9th,  Lee,  who  was  at  Chatham,  receives  informa- 
tion from  Heath,  that  three  of  the  regiments  detached  under 

*  Washhigton  to  Gov.  Triimhull,  14th  Dec. 
t  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  1,121. 
t  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series.,  ui.,  1,138, 


1770. J  JOURNEY   OF   WILKINSON.  217 

Gates  from  the  Northern  army,  had  arrived  from  Albany  at 
Peekskill.  lie  instantly  writes  to  him  to  forward  them, 
without  loss  of  time,  to  Morristown:  "I  am  in  hopes,"  adds 
he,  "to  reconquer  (if  I  may  so  express  myself)  the  Jerseys. 
It  was  really  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  before  my  arrival." 

On  the  llth,  Lee  writes  to  Washington  from  Morristown, 
where  he  says  his  troops  had  been  obliged  to  halt  two  days 
for  want  of  shoes.  Ile^now  talked  of  crossing  the  great 
Brunswick  post-road,  and,  by  a  forced  night's  march, 
making  his  way  to  the  ferry  above  Burlington,  where  boats 
should  be  sent  up  from  Philadelphia  to  receive  him. 

"I  am  much  surprised,"  writes  Washington  in  reply, 
"that  you  should  be  in  any  doubt  respecting  the  route  you 
should  take,  after  the  information  you  have  received  upon 
that  head.  A  large  number  of  boats  was  procured,  and  is 
still  retained  at  Tinicum,  under  a  strong  guard,  to  facilitate 
your  passage  across  the  Delaware.  I  have  so  frequently 
mentioned  our  situation,  and  the  necessity  of  your  aid,  that 
it  is  painful  for  me  to  add  a  word  on  the  subjectt  *  *  * 
Congress  have  directed  Philadelphia  to  be  defended  to  the 
last  extremity.  The  fatal  consequences  that  must  attend  its 
loss  are  but  too  obvious  to  every  one;  your  arrival  may  be 
the  means  of  saving  it." 

In  detailing  the  close  of  General  Lee's  march,  so  extraor- 
dinary for  its  tardiness,  we  shall  avail  ourselves  of  the 
memoir  already  cited  of  General  Wilkinson,  who  was  at  that 
time  a  brigade  major,  about  twenty-two  years  of  age,  and 
was  accompanying  General  Gates,  who  had  been  detached  by 
Schuyler  with  seven  regiments  to  reinforce  Washington. 
Three  of  these  regiments,  as  we  have  shown,  had  descended 
the  Hudson  to  Peekskill,  and  were  ordered  by  Lee  to  Morris- 
town.  Gates  had  embarked  with  the  remaining  four,  and 
landed  with  them  at  Esopus,  whence  he  took  a  back  route  by 
the  Delaware  and  the  Minisink. 

On  the  llth  of  December,  he  was  detained  by  a  heavy 
snow  storm,  in  a  sequestered  valley  near  the  Wallpeck  in 
New  Jersey.  Being  cut  off  from  all  information  respecting 
the  adverse  armies,  he  detached  Major  Wilkinson  to  seek 
Washington's  camp,  with  a  letter,  stating  the  force  under 
his  command,  and  inquiring  what  route  he  should  take. 
Wilkinson  crossed  the  hills  on  horseback  to  Sussex  court- 
house, took  a  guide,  and  proceeded  down  the  country. 
Washington,  he  soon  learned,  had  passed  the  Delaware 
several  days  before;  the  boats,  he  was  told,  had  been 
removed  from  the  ferries,  so  that  he  would  find  some  diffi- 


£18  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXX. 

culty  in  getting  over,  but  Major-General  Lee  was  at  Morris- 
town.  Finding  such  obstacles  in  his  way  to  the  commander- 
in-chief,  he  determined  to  seek  the  second  in  command,  and 
ask  orders  from  him  for  General  Gates.  Lee  had  decamped 
from  Morristown  on  the  12th  of  December,  but  had  marched 
no  further  than  Vealtown,  barely  eight  miles  distant.  There 
he  left  General  Sullivan  with  the  troops,  while  he  took  up 
his  quarters  three  miles  off,  at  a  tavern,  at  Baskingridge. 
As  there  was  not  a  British  cantonment  within  twenty  miles, 
he  took  but  a  small  guard  for  his  protection,  thinking 
himself  perfectly  secure. 

About  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Wilkinson  arrived  at 
his  quarters.  He  was  presented  to  the  general  as  he  lay  in 
bed,  and  delivered  into  his  hands  the  letter  of  General  Gates. 
Lee,  observing  it  was  addressed  to  Washington,  declined 
opening  it,  until  apprised  by  Wilkinson  of  its  contents,  and 
the  motives  of  his  visit.  He  then  broke  the  seal,  and  recom- 
mended Wilkinson  to  take  repose.  The  latter  lay  down  on 
his  blanket,  before  a  comfortable  fire,  among  the  officers  of 
his  suite;  "for  we  were  not  encumbered  in  those  days,"  says 
he,  "with  beds  or  baggage." 

Lee,  naturally  indolent,  lingered  in  bed  until  eight  o'clock. 
He  then  came  down  in  his  usual  slovenly  style,  half-dressed, 
in  slippers  and  blanket  coat,  his  collar  open,  and  his  linen 
apparently  of  some  days'  wear.  After  some  inquiries  about 
the  campaign  in  the  North,  he  gave  Wilkinson  a  brief 
account  of  the  operations  of  the  main  army,  which  he 
condemned  in  strong  terms,  and  in  his  usual  sarcastic  way. 
He  wasted  the  morning  in  altercation  with  some  of  the 
militia,  particularly  the  Connecticut  light-horse;  "several  of 
whom,"  says  Wilkinson,  "appeared  in  large,  full-buttoned 
perukes,  and  were  treated  very  irreverently.  One  wanted 
forage,  another  his  horse  shod,  another  his  pay,  a  fourth 
provisions,  &c, ;  to  which  the  general  replied,  'Your  wants 
are  numerous;  but  you  have  not  mentioned  the  last — you 
want  to  go  home,  and  shall  be  indulged;  for  d — you,  you  do 
no  good  here. '  : 

Colonel  Scammel,  the  adjutant-general,  called  from 
General  Sullivan  for  orders  concerning  the  morning's  march. 
After  musing  a  moment  or  two,  Lee  asked  him  if  he  had  a 
manuscript  map  of  the  country.  It  was  produced,  and 
spread  upon  a  table.  Wilkinson  observed  Lee  trace  with  his 
finger  the  route  from  Vealtown  to  Pluckamin,  thence  to 
Somerset  court-house,  and  on,  by  Bocky  Hill,  to  Princeton; 
he  then  returned  to  Pluckamin,  and  traced  the  route  in  the 


1776.]  CAPTURE   OF   LEE.  219 

same  manner  by  Boundbrook  to  Brunswick,  and  after  a  close 
inspection  carelessly  said  to  Scammel,  "Tell  General  Sullivan 
to  move  down  toward  Pluckamin;  that  I  will  soon  be 
with  him."  This,  observes  Wilkinson,  was  off  his  route  to 
Alexandria  on  the  Delaware,  where  he  had  been  ordered  to 
cross,  and  directly  on  that  toward  Brunswick  and  Princeton, 
lie  was  convinced,  therefore,  that  Lee  meditated  an  attack 
on  the  British  post  at  the  latter  place. 

From  these  various  delays  they  did  not  sit  down  to 
breakfast  before  ten  o'clock.  After  breakfast  Lee  sat  writing, 
a  reply  to  General  Gates,  in  which,  as  usual,  he  indulged  in 
sarcastic  comments  on  the  commander-in-chief.  "The 
ingenious  maneuver  of  Fort  Washington,"  writes  he,  "has 
completely  unhinged  the  goodly  fabric  we  had  been  building. 
There  never  was  so  d — d  a  stroke;  entre  nous,  a  certain 
great  man  is  most  damnably  deficient.  lie  has  thrown  me 
into  a  situation  where  I  have  my  choice  of  difficulties:  if  I 
stiiy  in  this  province  I  risk  myself  and  army;  and  if  I  do 
not  stay,  the  province  is  lost  forever.  *****  As 
to  what  relates  to  yourself,  if  you  think  you  can  be  in  time 
to  aid  the  general,  I  would  have  you  by  all  means  go;  you 
will  at  least  save  your  army,"&c.* 

While  Lee  was  writing,  Wilkinson  was  looking  out  of  a 
window  down  a  lane,  about  a  hundred  yards  in  length, 
leading  from  the  house  to  the  main  road.  Suddenly  a  party 
of  British  dragoons  turned  a  corner  of  the  avenue  at  a  full 
charge.  "Here,  sir,  are  the  British  cavalry!"  exclaimed 
Wilkinson.  "Where?"  replied  Lee,  who  had  just  signed 
his  letter.  "Around  the  house!" — for  they  had  opened  file 
and  surrounded  it.  "Where  is  the  guard?  d — the  guard, 
why  don't  they  fire?"  Then  after  a  momentary  pause — "Do, 
sir,  see  what  has  become  of  the  guard." 

The  guards,  alas,  unwary  as  their  general,  and  chilled  by 
the  air  of  a  frosty  morning,  had  stacked  their  arms,  and 
repaired  to  the  south  side  of  a  house  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  road  to  sun  themselves,  and  were  now  chased  by  the 
dragoons  in  different  directions.  In  fact,  a  tory,  who  had 
visited  the  general  the  evening  before,  to  complain  of  the 
loss  of  a  horse  taken  by  the  army,  having  found  where  Lee 
was  to  lodge  and  breakfast,  had  ridden  eighteen  miles  in  the 
night  to  Brunswick  and  given  the  information,  and  had 
piloted  back  Colonel  Harcourt  with  his  dragoons,  f 


*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  1.901. 

t  Jog.  Trumbull  to  Gov.  TrumbulL— Am.  Arc/lives,  5(h  Serifs,  ill.,  1,265  • 


220  ^IFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXX. 

The  women  of  the  house  would  fain  have  concealed  Lee 
in  a  bed,  but  he  rejected  the  proposition  with  disdain. 
Wilkinson,  according  to  his  own  account,  posted  himself  in 
a  place  where  only  one  person  could  approach  at  a  time,  and 
there  took  his  stand,  a  pistol  in  each  hand,  resolved  to  shoot 
the  first  and  second  assailant,  and  then  appeal  to  his  sword. 
While  in  this  "unpleasant  situation,"  as  he  terms  it,  he 
heard  a  voice  declare,  "If  the  general  does  not  surrender  in 
live  minutes,  I  will  set  lire  to  the  house!"  After  a  short 
pause  the  threat  was  repeated,  with  a  solemn  oath.  Within 
two  minutes  he  heard  it  proclaimed,  "Here  is  the  general, 
he  has  surrendered." 

There  was  a  shout  of  triumph,  but  a  great  hurry  to  make 
sure  of  the  prize  before  the  army  should  arrive  to  the  rescue. 
A  trumpet  sounded  the  recall  to  the  dragoons,  who  were 
chasing  the  scattered  guards.  The  general,  bareheaded,  and 
in  his  slippers  and  blanket  coat,  was  mounted  on  Wilkinson's 
horse,  which  stood  at  the  door,  and  the  troop  clattered  off 
with  their  prisoner  to  Brunswick.  In  three  hours  the 
booming  of  cannon  in  that  direction  told  the  exultation  of 
the  enemy.*  They  boasted  of  having  taken  the  American 
Palladium;  for  they  considered  Lee  the  most  scientific  and 
experienced  of  the  rebel  generals. 

On  the  departure  of  the  troops,  Wilkinson,  finding  the 
coast  clear,  ventured  from  his  stronghold,  repaired  to  the 
stable,  mounted  the  first  horse  he  could  find,  and  rode  full 
speed  in  quest  of  General  Sullivan,  whom  he  found  under 
march  toward  Pluckamin.  He  handed  him  the  letter  to 
Gates,  written  by  Lee  the  moment  before  his  capture,  and 
still  open.  Sullivan  having  read  it,  returned  it  to  Wilkin- 
son, and  advised  him  to  rejoin  General  Gates  without  delay: 
for  his  own  part,  being  now  in  command,  he  changed  his 
route,  and  pressed  forward  to  join  the  commander-in-chief. 

The  loss  of  Lee  was  a  severe  shock  to  the  Americans; 
many  of  whom,  as  we  have  shown,  looked  to  him  as  the  man 
who  was  to  rescue  them  from  their  critical,  and  well-nigh 
desperate  situation.  AVith  their  regrets,  however,  were 
mingled  painful  doubts,  caused  by  his  delay  in  obeying  the 
repeated  summons  of  his  commander-in-chief,  when  the 
latter  was  in  peril;  and  by  his  exposing  himself  so  unguard- 
edly in  the  very  neighborhood  of  the  enemy.  Some  at  first 
suspected  that  he  had  done  so  designedly,  and  with  collusion; 
but  this  was  soon  disproved  by  the  indignities  attending  his 


*  Idem. 


0 /C^ 


1776.]  SULLIVAN   IN   COMMAND.  221 

capture,  and  his  rigorous  treatment  subsequently  by  the 
British;  who  affected  to  consider  him  a  deserter,  from  his 
having  formerly  served  in  their  army. 

Wilkinson,  who  was  at  that  time  conversant  with  the  cabals 
of  the  camp,  and  apparently  in  the  confidence  of  some  of 
the  leaders,  points  out  what  lie  considers  the  true  secret  of 
Lee's  conduct.  His  military  reputation,  originally  very 
high,  had  been  enhanced  of  latet  by  its  being  generally 
known  that  he  had  been  opposed  to  the  occupation  of  Fort 
Washington;  while  the  fall  of  that  fortress  and  other  misfor- 
tunes of  the  campaign,  though  beyond  the  control  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  had  quickened  the  discontent  which, 
according  to  Wilkinson,  had  been  generated  against  him  at 
Cambridge,  and  raised  a  party  against  him  in  Congress. 
"It  was  confidently  asserted  at  the  time,"  adds  he,  "but  is 
not  worthy  of  credit,  that  a  motion  had  been  made  in  that 
body  tending  to  supersede  him  in  the  command  of  the  army. 
In  this  temper  of  the  times,  if  General  Lee  had  anticipated 
General  Washington  in  cutting  the  cordon  of  the  enemy 
between  New  York  and  the  Delaware,  the  commander-in- 
chief  would  probably  have  been  superseded.  In  this  case, 
Lee  would  have  succeeded  him." 

What  an  unfortunate  change  would  it  have  been  for  the 
country!  Lee  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  brilliant  talents, 
shrewd  sagacity,  and  much  knowledge  and  experience  in  the 
art  of  war;  but  he  was  willful  and  uncertain  in  his  temper, 
self-indulgent  in  his  habits,  and  an  egoist  in  warfare;  boldly 
dashing  for  a  soldier's  glory  rather  than  warily  acting  for  a 
country's  good.  He  wanted  those  great  moral  qualities 
which,  in  addition  to  military  capacity,  inspired  such 
universal  confidence  in  the  wisdom,  rectitude  und  patriotism 
of  Washington,  enabling  him  to  direct  and  control  legislative 
bodies  as  well  as  armies;  to  harmonize  the  jarring  passions 
and  jealousies  of  a  wide  and  imperfect  confederacy,  and  to 
cope  with  the  varied  exigencies  of  the  Revolution. 

The  very  retreat  which  Washington  had  just  effected 
through  the  Jerseys  bore  evidence  to  his  generalship. 
Thomas  Paine,  who  had  accompanied  the  army  "from  Fort 
Lee  to  the  edge  of  Pennsylvania,"  thus  speaks  in  one  of  his 
writings  published  at  the  time:  "With  a  handful  of  men  we 
sustained  an  orderly  retreat  for  near  a  hundred  miles, 
brought  off  our  ammunition,  all  our  field-pieces,  the  greatest 
part  of  our  stores,  and  had  four  rivers  to  pass.  None  can 
say  that  our  retreat  was  precipitate,  for  we  were  three  weeks 
in  performing  it,  that  the  country  might  have  time  to  come 


222  LIFE   OJF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXI 

in.  Twice  we  marched  back  to  meet  the  enemy,  and  remained 
out  until  dark.  The  sign  of  fear  was  not  seen  in  our  camp; 
and  had  not  some  of  the  cowardly  and  disaffected  inhabitants 
spread  false  alarms  through  the  country,  the  Jerseys  had 
never  been  ravaged." 

And  this  is  his  testimony  to  the  moral  qualities  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  as  evinced  in  this  time  of  perils  and 
hardships.  "Voltaire  has  remarked,  that  King  William 
never  appeared  to  full  advantage  but  in  difficulties  and  in 
action.  The  same  remark  may  be  made  of  General  Wash- 
ington, for  the  character  fits  him.  There  is  a  natural  firm- 
ness in  some  minds,  which  cannot  be  unlocked  by  trifles; 
but  which,  when  unlocked,  discovers  a  cabinet  of  fortitude, 
and  I  reckon  it  among  those  kinds  of  public  blessings  which 
we  do  not  immediately  see,  that  God  hath  blessed  him  with 
uninterrupted  health,  and  given  him  a  mind  that  can  even 
flourish  upon  care."* 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Washington  Clothed  with  Additional  Powers — Recruitment  of  the 
Army — Increased  Pay — Colonel  John  Cadwalader — Arrival  of 
Sullivan — Gates — Wilkinson — A  Coup  de  Main  Meditated — Posture 
of  Affairs  at  Trenton — Gates  Declines  to  Take  a  Part — His  Com- 
ments on  Washington's  Plans — Preparations  for  the  Coup  de  Main 
— Crossing  of  the  Delaware — Attack  on  the  Enemy's  Forces  at  Tren- 
ton— Death  of  Eahl — His  Character. 

"BEFOKE  you  receive  this  letter,"  writes  Washington  to 
his  brother  Augustine,  "you  will  undoubtedly  have  heard  of 
the  captivity  of  General  Lee.  This  is  an  additional  misfor- 
tune;" and  the  more  vexatious,  as  it  was  by  his  own  folly 
and  imprudence,  and  without  a  view  to  effect  any  good  that 
he  was  taken.  As  he  went  to  lodge  three  miles  out  of  his 
own  camp,  and  within  twenty  miles  of  the  enemy,  a  rascally 
tory  rode  in  the  night  to  give  notice  of  it  to  the  enemy,  who 
sent  a  party  of  Light-horse  that  seized  him,  and  carried  him 
off  with  every  mark  of  triumph  and  indignity." 

This  is  the  severest  comment  that  the  magnanimous  spirit 
of  Washington  permitted  him  to  make  on  the  conduct  and 

*  American  Crisis,  No.  1. 


1776.]  RECRUITMENT  OF  THE   ARMY.  223 

fortunes  of  the  man  who  would  have  supplanted  him;  and 
this  is  made  in  his  private  correspondence  with  his  brother. 
No  harsh  strictures  on  them  appear  in  his  official  letters  to 
Congress  or  the  Board  of  War;  nothing  but  regret  for  his 
capture,  as  a  loss  to  the  service. 

In  the  same  letter  he  speaks  of  the  critical  state  of  affairs: 
"If  every  nerve  is  not  strained  to  recruit  the  army  with  all 
possible  expedition,  I  think  the  game  is  pretty  nearly  up. 
*  *  *  *  YOU  can  form  no  idea  of  the  perplexity  of  my 
situation.  No  man  I  believe  ever  had  a  greater  choice  of 
evils  and  less  means  to  extricate  himself  from  them.  How- 
over,  under  a  full  persuasion  of  the  justice  of  our  cause,  I 
cannot  entertain  an  idea  that  it  will  finally  sink,  though 
it  nuiy  remain  for  some  time  under  a  cloud." 

Fortunately,  Congress,  prior  to  their  adjournment,  had 
resolved  that  "until  they  should  otherwise  order,  General 
Washington  should  be  possessed  of  all  power  to  order  and 
direct  all  things  relative  to  the  department  and  to  the 
operations  of  war."  Thus  empowered,  he  proceeded  imme- 
diately to  recruit  three  battalions  of  artillery.  To  those  whose 
terms  were  expiring,  he  promised  an  augmentation  of 
twenty-five  per  cent,  upon  their  pay,  and  a  bounty  of  ten 
dollars  to  the  men  for  six  weeks'  service.  "It  was  no  time," 
he  said,  "to  stand  upon  expense;  nor  in  matters  of  self- 
evident  exigency,  to  refer  to  Congress  at  the  distance  of  a 
hundred  and  thirty  or  forty  miles."  "If  any  good  officers 
will  offer  to  raise  men  upon  continental  pay  and  establish- 
ment in  this  quarter,  I  shall  encourage  them  to  do  so,  and 
regiment  them  when  they  have  done  it.  It  may  be  thought 
that  I  am  going  a  good  deal  out  of  the  line  of  my  duty,  to 
adopt  these  measures,  or  to  advise  thus  freely.  A  character 
to  lose,  an  estate  to  forfeit,  the  inestimable  blessings  of 
liberty  at  stake,  and  a  life  devoted,  must  be  my  excuse."* 

The  promise  of  increased  pay  and  bounties  had  kept 
together  for  a  time  the  dissolving  army.  The  local  militia 
began  to  turn  out  freely.  Colonel  John  Cadwalader,  a 
gentleman  of  gallant  spirit,  and  cultivated  mind  and 
manners,  brought  a  large  volunteer  detachment,  well 
equipped,  and  composed  principally  of  Philadelphia  troops. 
Washington,  who  held  Cadwalader  in  high  esteem,  assigned 
him  an  important  station  at  Bristol,  with  Colonel  Reed,  who 
was  his  intimate  friend,  as  an  associate.  They  had  it  in 
charge  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  Count  Donop's  Hessians, 

*  Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


224  LIFE   OF  WASSINGTOtf.  [cH.  XX38. 

who  were  cantoned  along  the  opposite  shore  from  Borden- 
town  to  the  Black  Horse. 

On  the  20th  of  December  arrived  General  Sullivan  in 
camp,  with  the  troops  recently  commanded  by  the  unlucky 
Lee.  They  were  in  a  miserable  plight;  destitute  of  almost 
everything;  many  of  them  fit  only  for  the  hospital,  and 
those  whose  terms  were  nearly  out,  thinking  of  nothing  but 
their  discharge.  About  four  hundred  of  them,  who  were 
Rhode  Islanders,  were  sent  down  under  Colonel  Hitchcock 
to  reinforce  Cadwalader;  who  was  now  styled  brigadier- 
general  by  courtesy,  lest  the  Continental  troops  might  object 
to  act  under  his  command. 

On  the  same  day  arrived  General  Gates,  with  the  remnants 
of  four  regiments  from  the  Northern  army.  With  him 
came  Wilkinson,  who  now  resumed  his  station  as  brigade- 
major  in  St.  Glair's  brigade,  to  which  he  belonged.  To  his 
Memoirs  AVC  are  indebted  for  notices  of  the  commander-in- 
chief.  "When  the  divisions  of  Sullivan  and  Gates  joined 
General  Washington,"  writes  Wilkinson,  "he  found  his 
numbers  increased,  yet  his  difficulties  were  not  sensibly 
diminished;  ten  days  would  disband  his  corps  and  leave  him 
1,400  men,  miserably  provided  in  all  things.  I  saw  him  in 
that  gloomy  period;  dined  with  him,  and  attentively  marked 
his  aspect;  always  grave  and  thoughtful,  he  appeared  at  that 
time  pensive  and  solemn  in  the  extreme." 

There  were  vivid  schemes  forming  under  that  solemn 
aspect.  The  time  seemed  now  propitious  for  the  coup  de 
main  which  Washington  had  of  late  been  meditating.  Every-. 
thing  showed  careless  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 
Howe  was  in  winter  quarters  at  New  York.  His  troops 
were  loosely  cantoned  about  the  Jerseys,  from  the  Delaware 
to  Brunswick,  so  that  they  could  not  readily  be  brought  to 
act  in  concert  on  a  sudden  alarm.  The  Hessians  were  in  the 
advance,  stationed  along  the  Delaware,  facing  the  American 
lines,  which  were  along  the  Avest  bank.  Cornwallis,  thinking 
his  work  accomplished,  had  obained  leave  of  absence,  and 
was  likewise  at  New  York,  preparing  to  embark  for  England. 
Washington  had  now  between  five  and  six  thousand  men  fit 
for  service;  with  these  he  meditated  to  cross  the  river  at 
night,  at  different  points,  and  make  simultaneous  attacks 
upon  the  Hessian  advance  posts. 

He  calculated  upon  the  eager  support  of  his  troops,  who 
were  burning  to  revenge  the  outrages  on  their  homes  and 
families,  committed  by  these  foreign  mercenaries.  They 
considered  the  Hessians  mere  hirelings;  slaves  to  a  petty 


Kiii  I  COLOKEL  RAHL.  J825 

despot,  fighting  for  sordid  pay,  and  actuatedjby  no  sentiment 
of  patriotism  or  'icnor.  1  hey  had  rendered  themselves  the 
horror  of  the  Jerseys,  by  rapine,  brutality,  and  heartlessness, 
At  first,  their  military  discipline  had  inspired  awe,  but  of 
late  they  had  become  careless  and  unguarded,  knowing  the 
broken  and  dispirited  state  of  the  Americans,  and  considering 
them  incapable  of  any  offensive  enterprise. 

A  brigade  of  three  Hessian  regiments,  those  of  Rahl,* 
Lossberg,  and  Knyphausen,  was  stationed  at  Trenton. 
Colonel  Rahl  had  the  command  of  the  post  at  his  own 
solicitation,  and  in  consequence  of  the  laurels  he  had  gained 
at  White  Plains  and  Fort  Washington.  We  have  before  us 
journals  of  two  Hessian  lieutenants  and  a  corporal,  which 
give  graphic  particulars  of  the  colonel  and  his  post. 
According  to  their  representations,  he,  with  all  his  bravery, 
was  little  fitted  for  such  an  important  command.  He  lacked 
the  necessary  vigilance  and  forecast. 

One  of  the  lieutenants  speaks  of  him  in  a  sarcastic  vein, 
and  evidently  with  some  degree  of  prejudice.  According 
to  his  account,  there  was  more  bustle  than  business  at  the 
post.  The  men  were  harassed  with  watches,  detachments, 
and  pickets,  without  purpose  and  without  end.  The  cannon 
must  be  drawn  forth  every  day  from  their  proper  places, 
and  paraded  about  the  town,  seemingly  only  to  make  a  stir 
and  uproar. 

The  lieutenant  was  especially  annoyed  by  the  Colonel's 
passion  for  music.  Whether  his  men  when  off  duty  were 
well  or  ill  clad,  whether  they  kept  their  muskets  clean  and 
bright,  and  their  ammunition  in  good  order,  was  of  little 
moment  to  the  colonel,  he  never  inquired  about  it; — but  the 
music!  that  was  the  thing!  the  hautboys — lie  never  could 
have  enough  of  them.  The  main  guard  was  at  no  great 
distance  from  his  quarters,  and  the  music  could  not  linger 
there  long  enough.  There  was  a  church  close  by,  surrounded 
by  palings;  the  officer  on  guard  must  march  round  and 
round  it,  with  his  men  and  musicians,  looking,  says  the 
lieutenant,  like  a  Catholic  procession,  wanting  only  the  cross 
and  the  banner,  and  chanting  choristers. 

According  to  the  same  authority,  Rahl  was  a  boon  com- 
panion; made  merry  until  a  late  hour  in  the  night,  and  then 
lay  in  bed  until  nine  o'cock  in  the  morning.  When  the 
officers  came  to  parade  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock,  and 

*  Seldom  has  a  name  of  so  few  letters  been  pj>elled  en  many  ways  as  that  of  this 
commander.  We  find  it  written  Kail  in  the  military  journal*  before  us;  yet  we 
adhere  to  the  one  hitherto  adopted  by  u.-,  apparently  on  good  authority. 

8 


226  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXL 

presented  themselves  at  head-quarters,  he  was  often  in  his 
bath,  and  the  guard  must  be  kept  waiting  half  an  hour 
longer.  On  parade,  too,  when  any  other  commander  would 
take  occasion  to  talk  Avitli  his  staff  officers  and  others  upon 
duty  about  the  concerns  of  the  garrison,  the  colonel  attended 
to  nothing  but  the  music — he  was  wrapped  up  in  it,  to  the 
great  disgust  of  the  testy  lieutenant. 

And  then,  according  to  the  latter,  he  took  no  precautions 
against  the  possibility  of  being  attacked.  A  veteran  officer, 
Major  Von  Dechow,  proposed  that  some  works  should  be 
thrown  up,  where  the  cannon  might  be  placed,  ready  against 
any  assault.  "Works! — pooh — pooh:" — the  colonel  made 
merry  with  the  very  idea — using  an  unseemly  jest,  which  we 
forbear  to  quote.  ""An  assault  by  the  rebels!  Let  them 
come!  We'll  at  them  with  the  bayonet." 

The  veteran  Dechow  gravely  persisted  in  his  counsel. 
"Herr  Colonel,"  said  he  respectfully,  "it  costs  almost 
nothing;  if  it  does  not  help,  it  does  not  harm."  The 
pragmatical  lieutenant,  too,  joined  in  the  advice,  and  offered 
to  undertake  the  work.  The  jovial  colonel  only  repeated  his 
joke,  went  away  laughing  at  them  both,  and  no  works  were 
thrown  up. 

The  lieutenant,  sorely  nettled,  observes  sneeringly:  "He 
believed  the  name  of  Rahl  more  fearful  and  redoubtable  than 
all  the  works  of  Yauban  and  Cohorn,  and  that  no  rebel 
would  dare  to  encounter  it.  A  fit  man  truly  to  command  a 
corps!  and  still  more  to  defend  a  place  lying  so  near  an 
enemy  having  a  hundred  times  his  advantages.  Everything 
with  him  was  done  heedlessly  and  Avithout  forecast."* 

Such  is  the  account  given  of  this  brave,  but  inconsiderate 
and  light-hearted  commander;  given,  however  by  an  officer 
not  of  his  regiment.  The  honest  corporal  already  men- 
tioned, who  was  one  of  Kahl's  own  men,  does  him  more 
justice.  According  to  his  journal,  rumors  that  the  Ameri- 
cans meditated  an  attack  had  aroused  the  vigilance  of  the 
colonel,  and  on  the  21st  of  December  he  had  reconnoitered 
the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  with  a  strong  detachment,  quite 
to  .Frankfort,  to  see  if  there  were  any  movements  of  the 
Americans  indicative  of  an  intention  to  cross  the  river.  He 
had  returned  without  seeing  any;  but  had  since  caused 
pickets  and  alarm  posts  to  be  stationed  every  night  outside 
the  town.f 


*  Tagebuch  eine?  Hescischen  officiers. — MS. 

t  Tagebuch  des  corporals  Johannes  Reuber. — MS. 


1776.]  GATES  DECLIHES  TO  CO-OPERATE. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  at  Trenton  at  the  time  the 
coup  de  main  was  meditated. 

Whatever  was  to  be  done,  however,  must  be  done  quickly, 
before  the  river  was  frozen.  An  intercepted  letter  had 
convinced  Washington  of  what  he  had  before  suspected,  that 
Howe  was  only  waiting  for  that  event  to  resume  active 
operations,  cross  the  river  on  the  ice,  and  push  on  triumph- 
antly to  Philadelphia. 

He  communicated  his  project  to  Gates,  and  wished  him  to 
go  to  Bristol,  take  command  there,  and  co-operate  from  that 
quarter.  Gates,  however,  pleaded  ill  health,  and  requested 
leave  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia. 

The  request  may  have  surprised  Washington,  considering 
the  spirited  enterprise  that  was  on  foot;  but  Gates,  as  has 
before  been  observed, had  a  disinclination  to  serve  imme- 
diately under  the  commander- in-chief;  like  Lee,  he  had  a 
disparaging  opinion  of  him,  or  rather  an  impatience  of  his 
supremacy.  He  had,  moreover,  an  ulterior  object  in  view. 
Having  been  disappointed  and  chagrined,  in  finding  himself 
subordinate  to  General  Schuyler  in  the  Northern  campaign, 
he  was  now  intent  on  making  interest  among  the  members 
of  Congress  for  an  independent  command.  Washington 
urged  that,  on  his  way  to  Philadelphia,  he  would  at  least 
stop  for  a  day  or  two  at  Bristol,  to  concert  a  plan  of  opera- 
tions with  Reed  and  Cadwalader,  and  adjust  any  little  ques- 
tions of  etiquette  and  command  that  might  arise  between 
the  continental  colonels  who  had  gone  thither  with  Lee's 
troops  and  the  volunteer  officers  stationed  there.* 

He  does  not  appear  to  have  complied  even  with  this 
request.  According  to  Wilkinson's  account,  he  took  quar- 
ters at  Newtown,  and  set  out  thence  for  Baltimore  on  the 
24th  of  December,  the  very  day  before  that  of  the  intended 
coup  de  main.  He  prevailed  on  Wilkinson  to  accompany 
him  as  far  as  Philadelphia.  On  the  road  he  appeared  to  be 
much  depressed  in  spirits;  but  he  relieved  himself,  like 
Lee,  by  criticising  the  plans  of  the  commander-in-chief. 
"He  frequently,"  writes  Wilkinson,  "expressed  the  opinion 
that,  while  Washington  was  watching  the  enemy  above 
Trenton,  they  would  construct  bateaux,  pass  the  Delaware 
in  his  rear,  and  take  possession  of  Philadelphia  before  he 
was  aware;  and  that,  instead  of  vainly  attempting  to  stop 
Sir  William  Howe  at  the  Delaware,  General  Washington 
ought  to  retire  to  the  south  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  there 

*  Washington  to  Gates?.    Oates's  papers. 


OF  WASSttfGfOtf.  [CH.  XXXI. 

form  an  army.     He  said  it  was  his  intention  to  propose  this 


of  eclipsing  the  commander-in-chief.  Evidently  the  two 
military  veterans  who  had  once  been  in  conclave  with  him  at 
Mount  Vernon  considered  the  truncheon  of  command  falling 
from  his  grasp. 

The  projected  attack  upon  the  Hessian  posts  was  to  be 
threefold. 

1st.  Washington  was  to  cross  the  Delaware  with  a  consid- 
erable force,,  at  McKonkey's  Ferry  (now  Talyorsville),  about 
nine  miles  above  Trenton,  and  march  down  upon  that  place, 
where  Rahl's  cantonment  comprised  a  brigade  of  fifteen 
hundred  Hessians,  a  troop  of  British  light-horse,  and  a 
number  of  chasseurs. 

2d.  General  Ewing,  with  a  body  of  Pennsylvania  militia, 
was  to  cross  at  a  ferry  about  a  mile  below  Trenton;  secure 
the  bridge  over  the  Assunpink  Creek,  a  stream  flowing  along 
the  south  side  of  the  town,  and  cut  off  any  retreat  of  the 
enemy  in  that  direction. 

3d.  General  Putnam,  with  the  troops  occupied  in  fortify- 
ing Philadelphia,  and  those  under  General  Cadwalader,  Avas 
to  cross  below  Burlington,  and  attack  the  lower  posts  under 
Count  Donop.  The  several  divisions  were  to  cross  the 
Delaware  at  night,  so  as  to  be  ready  for  simultaneous  action, 
by  five  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

Seldom  is  a  combined  plan  carried  into  full  operation. 
Symptoms  of  an  insurrection  in  Philadelphia  obliged 
Putnam  to  remain  with  some  force  in  that  city;  but  he 
detached  five  or  six  hundred  of  the  Pennsylvania  militia, 
under  Colonel  Griflin,  his  adjutant-general,  who  threw  him- 
self into  the  Jerseys,  to  be  at  hand  to  co-operate  with 
Cadwalader. 

A  letter  from  Washington  to  Colonel  Reed,  who  was 
stationed  with  Cadwalader,  shows  the  anxiety  of  his  mind, 
and  his  consciousnness  of  the  peril  of  the  enterprise. 

"Christmas  day  at  night,  one  hour  before  day,  is  the  time 
fixed  upon  for  our  attempt  upon  Trenton.  For  Heaven's 
sake  keep  this  to  yourself,  as  the  discovery  of  it  may  prove 
fatal  to  us;  our  numbers,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  being  less  than 
I  had  any  conception  of;  yet  nothing  biit  necessity,  dire 
necessity,  will,  nay  must,  justify  an  attack.  Prepare,  and 
in  concert  with  Griffin,  attack  as  many  of  their  posts  as  you 
possibly  can,  with  a  prospect  of  success;  the  more  we  Ciin 


1776.]  M*AN  OF  OPERATIONS. 

attack  at  the  same  instant,  the  more  confusion  we  shall 
spread,  and  the  greater  good  will  result  from  it.  *  *  I 
have  ordered  our  men  to  be  provided  with  three  days'  provis- 
ion ready  cooked,  with  which,  and  their  blankets,  they  are 
to  march;  for  if  we  are  successful,  which  Heaven  grant,  and 
the  circumstances  favor,  we  may  push  on.  I  shall  direct 
every  ferry  and  ford  to  be  well  guarded,  and  not  a  soul 
suffered  to  pass  without  an  officer's  going  down  with  the 
permit.  Do  the  same  with  you." 

It  has  been  said  that  Christmas  night  was  fixed  upon  for 
the  enterprise,  because  the  Germans  are  prone  to  revel  and 
carouse  on  that  festival,  and  it  was  supposed  a  great  part  of 
the  troops  would  be  intoxicated,  and  in  a  state  of  disorder 
and  confusion;  but  in  truth  Washington  would  have  chosen 
an  earlier  day,  had  it  been  in  his  power.  "We  could  not 
ripen  matters  for  the  attack  before  the  time  mentioned," 
said  he  in  his  letter  to  Reed,  "so  much  out  of  sorts,  and  so 
much  in  want  of  everything  are  the  troops  under  Sullivan." 

Early  on  the  eventful  evening  (Dec.  25th),  the  troops 
destined  for  Washington's  part  of  the  attack,  about  two 
thousand  four  hundred  strong,  Avith  a  train  of  twenty  small 
pieces,  were  paraded  near  McKoukey's  Ferry,  ready  to  pass 
as  soon  as  it  grew  dark,  in  the  hope  of  being  all  on  the  other 
side  by  twelve  o'clock.  Washington  repaired  to  the  ground 
accompanied  by  Generals  Greene,  Sullivan,  Mercer,  Stephen, 
and  Lord  Stirling.  Greene  was  full  of  ardor  for  the  enter- 
prise; eager,  no  doubt,  to  wipe  out  the  recollection  of  Fort 
Washington.  It  was,  indeed,  an  anxious  moment  for  all. 

We  have  here  some  circumstances  furnished  to  us  by  the 
Mi -moire  of  Wilkinson.  That  officer  had  returned  from 
Philadelphia,  and  brought  a  letter  from  Gates  to  Washington. 
There  was  some  snow  on  the  ground,  and  he  had  traced  the 
march  of  the  troops  for  the  last  few  miles  by  the  blood  from 
the  feet  of  those  whose  shoes  were  broken.  Being  directed 
to  Washington's  quarters,  he  found  him,  he  says,  alone, 
with  his  whip  in  his  hand,  prepared  to  mount  his  horse. 
"When  I  presented  the  letter  of  General  Gates  to  him, 
before  receiving  it,  he  exclaimed  with  solemnity, — 'What  a 
time  is  this  to  hand  me  letters!'  I  answered  that  I  had  been 
charged  with  it  by  General  Gates.  'By  General  Gates! 
Where  is  he?'  'I  left  him  this  morning  in  Philadelphia.' 
'What  was  he  doing  there?'  'I  understood  him  that  he  was 
on  his  way  to  Congress.'  lie  earnestly  repeated,  'On  his  way 
to  Congress!'  then  broke  the  seal,  and  I  made  my  bow,  and 
joined  General  St.  Clair  on  the  bank  of  the  river." 


230  LlJFfi  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXxI. 

Did  Washington  surmise  the  incipient  intrigues  and 
cabals,  that  were  already  aiming  to  undermine  him?  Had 
Gates's  eagerness  to  push  on  to  Congress,  instead  of  remain- 
ing with  the  army  in  a  moment  of  daring  enterprise, 
suggested  any  doubts  as  to  his  object?  Perhaps  not.  Wash- 
ington's nature  was  too  noble  to  be  suspicious;  and  yet  he 
had  received  sufficient  cause  to  be  distrustful. 

Boats  being  in  readiness,  the  troops  began  to  cross  about 
sunset.  The  weather  was  intensely  cold;  the  wind  was  high, 
the  current  strong,  and  the  river  full  of  floating  ice. 
Colonel  Glover,  with  his  amphibious  regiment  of  Marblehead 
fishermen,  was  in  advance;  the  same  who  had  navigated  the 
army  across  the  Sound,  in  its  retreat  from  Brooklyn  on  Long 
Island,  to  New  York.  They  were  men  accustomed  to  battle 
with  the  elements,  yet  with  all  their  skill  and  experience, 
the  crossing  was  difficult  and  perilous.  Washington,  who 
had  crossed  with  the  troops,  stood  anxiously,  yet  patiently, 
on  the  eastern  bank,  while  one  precious  hour  after  another 
elapsed,  until  the  transportation  of  the  artillery  should  be 
effected.  The  night  was  dark  and  tempestuous,  the  drifting 
ice  drove  the  boats  out  of  their  course,  and  threatened  them 
with  destruction.  Colonel  Knox,  who  attended  to  the 
crossing  of  the  artillery,  assisted  with  his  labors,  but  still 
more  with  his  "stentorian  lungs,"  giving  orders  and  direc- 
tions. 

It  was  three  o'clock  before  the  artillery  was  landed,  and 
nearly  four  before  the  troops  took  up  their  line  of  march. 
Trenton  was  nine  miles  distant;  and  not  to  be  reached  before 
daylight.  To  surprise  it,  therefore,  was  out  of  the  question. 
There  was  no  making  a  retreat  without  being  discovered, 
and  harassed  in  repassing  the  river.  Besides,  the  troops 
from  the  other  points  might  have  crossed,  and  co-operation 
was  essential  to  their  safety.  Washington  resolved  to  push 
forward,  and  trust  to  Providence. 

He  formed  the  troops  into  two  columns.  The  first,  he  led 
himself,  accompanied  by  Greene,  Stirling,  Mercer,  and 
Stephen;  it  was  to  make  a  circuit  by  the  upper  or  Penning- 
ton  road,  to  the  north  of  Trenton.  The  other  led  by 
Sullivan,  and  including  the  brigade  of  St.  Glair,  was  to  take 
the  lower  river  road,  leading  to  the  west  end  of  the  town. 
Sullivan's  column  was  to  halt  a  few  moments  at  a  cross-road 
leading  to  Howland's  Ferry,  to  give  Washington's  column 
time  to  effect  its  circuit,  so  that  the  attack  might  be  simul- 
taneous. On  arriving  at  Trenton,  they  were  to  force  the 


1776.]  T1IE    HESSIAN  PICKET.  231 

outer  guards,  and  push  directly  into  the  town  before  the 
enemy  had  time  to  form. 

The  Hessian  journals  before  us  enable  us  to  give  the 
render  a  glance  into  the  opposite  camp  on  this  eventful 
night.  The  situation  of  Washington  was  more  critical  than 
he  was  aware.  Notwithstanding  the  secrecy  with  which  his 
plans  had  been  conducted,  Colonel  Rahl  had  received  a 
warning  from  General  Grant,  at  Princeton,  of  the  intended 
attack,  and  of  the  very  time  it  was  to  be  made,  but  stating 
that  it  was  to  be  by  .a  detachment  under  Lord  Stirling. 
Rah  I  was  accordingly  on  the  alert. 

It  so  happened  that  about  dusk  of  this  very  evening,  when 
Washington  must  have  been  preparing  to  cross  the  Delaware, 
there  were  alarm  guns  and  firing  at  the  Trenton  outpost. 
The  whole  garrison  was  instantly  drawn  out  under  arms,  and 
Colonel  Rahl  hastened  to  the"  outpost.  It  was  found  in 
confusion,  and  six  men  wounded.  A  body  of  men  had 
emerged  from  the  woods,  fired  upon  the  picket,  and  immedi- 
ately retired.*  Colonel  Rahl,  with  two  companies  and  a 
field-piece,  marched  through  the  woods,  and  made  the 
rounds  of  the  outposts,  but  seeing  and  hearing  nothing,  and 
{'niding  all  quiet,  returned.  Supposing  this  to  be  the  attack 
atrainst  which  he  had  been  warned,  and  that  it  was  "a  mere 
lla.sh  in  the  pan,"  he  relapsed  into  his  feeling  of  security; 
and,  as  the  night  was  cold  and  stormy,  permitted  the  troops 
to  return  to  their  quarters  and  lay  aside  their  arms.  Thus 
the  garrison  and  its  unwary  commander  slept  in  fancied 
security,  at  the  very  time  that  Washington  and  his  troops 
were  making  their  toilsome  way  across  th.e  Delaware.  How 
perilous  would  have  been  their  situation  had  their  enemy 
been  more  vigilant! 

It  began  to  hail  and  snow  as  the  troops  commenced  their 
march,  and  increased  in  violence  as  they  advanced,  the 
storm  driving  the  sleet  in  their  faces.  So  bitter  was  the  cold 
that  two  of  the  men  were  frozen  to  death  that  night.  The 
day  dawned  by  the  time  Sullivan  halted  at  the  cross-road. 
It  was  discovered  that  the  storm  had  rendered  many  of  the 
muskets  wet  and  useless.  "What  is  to  be  done?"  inquired 
Sullivan  of  St.  Glair.  "You  have  nothing  for  it  but  to  push 
on,  and  use  the  bayonet,"  was  the  reply.  While  some  of  the 

*  Who  it  wan  that  made  this  attack  upon  the  outpost  is  not  clearly  ascertained. 
The  llcs-ian  lieutenant  who  commanded  at  the  picket,  says  it  was  a  patrol  sent  out 
by  Washington,  under  command  of  a  captain,  to  recounoiter,  with  strict  orders  not 
to  engage,  out  if  discovered,  to  retire  instantly  as  silently  as  possible.  Colonel 
Reed,  in  a  memorandum,  says,  it  was  an  advance  party  returning  from  the  Jerseya 
to  rVnncylvauia. — See  Life  and  C'orre#i>,,  vol.  i.,  p.  277. 


232  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXI. 

soldiers  were  endeavoring  to  clear  their  muskets,  and  squib- 
bing  off  priming,  Sullivan  dispatched  an  officer  to  apprise 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  condition  of  their  arms.  He 
came  back  half -dismayed  by  an  indignant  burst  of  Washing- 
ton, who  ordered  him  to  return  instantly  and  tell  General 
Sullivan  to  "advance  and  charge." 

It  was  about  eight  o'clock  when  Washington's  column 
arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  village.  The  storm,  which 
had  rendered  the  march  intolerable,  had  kept  every  one 
within  doors,  and  the  snow  had  deadened  the  tread  of  the 
troops  and  the  rumbling  of  the  artillery.  As  they  approached 
the  village,  Washington,  who  was  in  front,  came  to  a  man 
that  was  chopping  wood  by  the  road-side,  and  inquired, 
"Which  way  is  the"  Hessian  picket?"  "t  don't  know,"  was 
the  surly  reply.  "You  may  tell,"  said  Captain  Forest  of  the 
artillery,  "for  that  is  General  Washington."  The  aspect 
of  the  man  changed  in  an  instant.  Baising  his  hands  to 
heaven,  "God  bless  and  prosper  you!"  cried  he.  "The 
picket  is  in  that  house,  and  the  sentry  stands  near  that 
tree."* 

The  advance  guard  was  led  by  a  brave  young  officer, 
Captain  William  A.  Washington,  seconded  by  Lieutenant 
James  Monroe  (in  after  years  President  of  the  United  States). 
They  received  orders  to  dislodge  the  picket.  Here  happened 
to  be  stationed  the  very  lieutenant  whose  censures  of  the 
negligence  of  Colonel  Rahl  we  have  just  quoted.  By  his 
own  account,  he  was  very  near  being  entrapped  in  the  guard- 
house. His  sentries,  he  says,  were  not  alert  enough;  and 
had  he  not  stepped  out  of  the  picket  house  himself  and 
discovered  the  enemy,  they  would  have  been  upon  him  before 
his  men  could  scramble  to  their  arms.  "Der  feind!  der 
feind!  heraus!  heraus!"  (the  enemy!  the  enemy!  turn  out! 
turn  out!)  was  now  the  cry.  He  at  first,  he  says,  made  a 
stand,  thinking  he  had  a  mere  marauding  party  to  deal  with; 
but  seeing  heavy  battalions  at  hand,  gave  way,  and  fell  back 
upon  a  company  stationed  to  support  the  picket;  but  which 
appears  to  have  been  no  better  prepared  against  surprise. 

By  this  time  the  American  artillery  was  unlimbered; 
Washington  kept  beside  it,  and  the  column  proceeded.  The 
report  of  fire-arms  told  that  Sullivan  Avas  at  the  lower  end  of 
the  town.  Colonel  Stark  led  his  advance  guard,  and  did  it 
in  gallant  style.  The  attacks,  as  concerted,  were  simultane- 
ous. The  outposts  were  driven  in;  they  retreated,  firing 

*  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.,  p.  129. 


1776.]  THE   SURFKISAL.  233 

from  behind  houses.  The  Hessian  drums  beat  to  arms;  the 
trumpets  of  the  light-horse  sounded  the  alarm;  the  whole 
place  was  in  an  uproar.  Some  of  the  enemy  made  a  wild 
and  undirected  fire  from  the  windows  of  their  quarters; 
others  rushed  forth  in  disorder,  and  attempted  to  form  in 
the  main  street,  while  dragoons  hastily  mounted,  and  gallop- 
ing about,  added  to  the  confusion.  Washington  advanced 
with  his  column  to  the  head  of  King  street;  riding  beside 
Captain  Forest  of  the  artillery.  When  Forest's  battery  of 
six  guns  was  opened  the  general  kept  on  the  left  and 
advanced  with  it,  giving  directions  to  the  fire.  His  position 
was  an  exposed  one,  and  he  was  repeatedly  entreated  to  fall 
back;  but  all  such  entreaties  were  useless,  when  once  he 
became  heated  in  action. 

The  enemy  were  training  a  couple  of  cannon  in  the  main 
street  to  form  a  battery,  which  might  have  given  the  Ameri- 
cans a  serious  check;  but  Captain  Washington  and  Lieuten- 
ant Monroe,  with  a  part  of  the  advance  guard,  rushed 
forward,  drove  the  artillerists  from  their  guns,  and  took  the 
two  pieces  when  on  the  point  of  being  fired.  Both  of  these 
officers  were  wounded;  the  captain  in  the  wrist,  the  lieutenant 
in  the  shoulder. 

While  Washington  advanced  on  the  north  of  the  town, 
Sullivan  approached  on  the  west,  and  detached  Stark  to 
press  on  the  lower  or  south  end  of  the  town.  The  British 
light-horse,  and  about  five  hundred  Hessians  and  chasseurs, 
had  been  quartered  in  the  lower  part  of  the  town.  Seeing 
Washington's  column  pressing  in  front,  and  hearing  Stark 
thundering  in  their  rear,  they  took  headlong  flight  by  the 
bridge  across  the  Assunpink,  and  so  along  the  banks  of  the 
Delaware  toward  Count  Donop's  encampment  at  Borden- 
town.  Had  Washington's  plan  been  earned  into  full  effect, 
their  retreat  would  have  been  cut  off  by  General  Ewing;  but 
that  officer  had  been  prevented  from  crossing  the  river  by 
the  ice. 

Colonel  Rahl,  according  to  the  account  of  the  lieutenant 
who  had  commanded  the  picket,  completely  lost  his  head 
in  the  confusion  of  the  surprise.  The  latter,  when  driven 
in  by  the  American  advance,  found  the  colonel  on  horseback, 
endeavoring  to  rally  his  panic-stricken  and  disordered  men, 
but  himself  sorely  bewildered.  He  asked  the  lieutenant  what 
was  the  force  of  the  assailants.  The  latter  answered  that 
he  had  seen  four  or  five  battalions  in  the  woods;  three  of 
them  had  fired  upon  him  before  he  h^d,  retreated — "but,'* 


234  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  xxxi. 

added  he,  "there  are  other  troops  to  the  right  and  left,  and 
the  town  will  soon  be  surrounded." 

The  colonel  rode  in  front  of  his  troops: — "Forward! 
march!  advance!  advance!"  cried  he.  With  some  difficulty 
he  succeeded  in  extricating  his  troops  from  the  town,  and 
leading  them  into  an  adjacent  orchard.  Now  was  the  time, 
writes  the  lieutenant,  for  him  to  have  pushed  for  another 
place,  there  to  make  a  stand.  At  this  critical  moment  he 
might  have  done  so  with  credit,  and  without  loss.  The 
colonel  seems  to  have  had  such  an  intention.  A  rapid 
retreat  by  the  Princeton  road  was  apparently  in  his  thoughts; 
but  he  lacked  decision.  The  idea  of  flying  before  the  rebels 
was  intolerable.  Some  one,  too,  exclaimed  at  the  ruinous 
loss  of  leaving  all  their  baggage  to  be  plundered  by  the 
enemy.  Changing  his  mind,  he  made  a  rash  resolve.  "All 
who  are  my  grenadiers,  forward!"  cried  he,  and  went  back, 
writes  his  corporal,  like  a  storm  upon  the  town.  "What 
madness  was  this!"  writes  the  critical  lieutenant.  "A  town 
that  was  of  no  use  to  us;  that  but  ten  or  fifteen  minutes 
before  he  had  gladly  left;  that  was  now  filled  with  three  or 
four  thousand  enemies,  stationed  in  houses  or  behind  walls 
and  hedges,  and  a  battery  of  six  cannon  planted  on  the  main 
street.  And  he  to  think  of  retaking  it  with  his  six  or  seven 
hundred  men  and  their  bayonets!" 

Still  he  led  his  grenadiers  bravely  but  rashly  on,  when,  in 
the  midst  of  his  career,  he  received  a  fatal  wound  from  a 
musket  ball,  and  fell  from  his  horse.  His  men,  left  without 
their  chief,  were  struck  Avith  dismay;  heedless  of  the  orders 
of  the  second  in  command,  they  retreated  by  the  right  up 
the  banks  of  the  Assunpink,  intending  to  escape  to  Prince- 
ton. Washington  saw  their  design,  and  threw  Colonel 
Hand's  corps  of  Pennsylvania  riflemen  in  their  way;  while  a 
body  of  Virginia  troops  gained  their  left.  Brought  to  a 
stand,  and  perfectly  bewildered,  Washington  thought  they 
were  forming  in  order  of  battle,  and  ordered  a  discharge  of 
canister  shot.  "Sir,  they  have  struck,"  exclaimed  Forest. 
"Struck!"  echoed  the  general.  "Yes,  sir,  their  colors  are 
down."  "So  they  are!"  replied  Washington,  and  spurred 
in  that  direction,  followed  by  Forest  and  his  whole  command. 
The  men  grounded  their  arms  and  surrendered  at  discretion; 
"but  had  not  Colonel  Rahl  been  severely  wounded,"  remarks 
his  loyal  corporal,  "we  would  never  have  been  taken  alive!" 

The  skirmishing  had  now  ceased  in  every  direction. 
Major  Wilkinson,  who  was  with  the  lower  column,  was  sent 
to  the  commander-in-chief  for  orders.  He  rode  u.p,  he  saysA 


1776.J  SUIUIEXDEK  OF  THE   HESSIANS.  235 

at  the  moment  that  Colonel  Rahl,  supported  by  a  file  of 
sergeants,  was  presenting  his  sword.  "On  my  approach," 
continues  he,  "the  commaiider-in-chief  took  me  by  the  hand, 
and  observed,  'Major  Wilkinson,  this  is  a  glorious  day  for 
our  country!'  his  countenance  beaming  with  complacency; 
while  the  unfortunate  Rahl,  who  the  day  before  would  not 
have  changed  fortunes  with  him,  now  pale,  bleeding,  and 
covered  with  blood,  in  broken  accents  seemed  to  implore 
those  attentions  which  the  victor  was  well  disposed  to  bestow 
on  him." 

He  was,  in  fact,  conveyed  with  great  care  to  his  quarters, 
which  were  in  the  house  of  a  kind  and  respectable  Quaker 
family. 

The  number  of  prisoners  taken  in  this  affair  was  nearly 
one  thousand,  of  which  thirty-two  were  officers.  The 
veteran  Major  Von  Dechow,  who  had  urged  in  vain  the 
throwing  up  of  breastworks,  received  a  mortal  wound,  of 
which  he  died  in  Trenton.  Washington's  triumph,  however, 
was  impaired  by  the  failure  of  the  two  simultaneous  attacks. 
General  Ewing,  who  was  to  have  crossed  before  day  at  Tren- 
ton Ferry,  and  taken  possession  of  the  bridge  leading  out  of 
the  town,  over  which  the  light-horse  and  Hessians  retreated, 
was  prevented  by  the  quantity  of  ice  in  the  river.  Cadwalader 
was  hindered  by  the  same  obstacle.  He  got  part  of  his 
troops  over,  but  found  it  impossible  to  embark  his  cannon, 
and  was  obliged,  therefore,  to  return  to  the  Pennsylvania 
side  of  the  river.  Had  he  and  Ewing  crossed,  Donop's 
quarters  would  have  been  beaten  up,  and  the  fugitives  from 
Trenton  intercepted. 

By  the  failure  of  this  part  of  his  plan,  Washington  had 
been  exposed  to  the  most  imminent  hazard.  The  force  with 
which  he  had  crossed,  twenty-four  hundred  men,  raw  troops, 
was  not  enough  to  cope  with  the  veteran  garrison,  had  it 
been  properly  on  its  guard;  and  then  there  were  the  troops 
under  Donop  at  hand  to  co-operate  with  it.  Nothing  saved 
him  but  the  utter  panic  of  the  enemy;  their  want  of  proper 
alarm  places,  and  their  exaggerated  idea  of  his  forces:  for 
one  of  the  journals  before  us  (the  corporal's)  states  that  he 
had  with  him  15,000  men,  and  another  6,000.*  Even  now 
that  the  place  was  in  his  possession  he  dared  not  linger  in  it. 
There  was  a  superior  force  under  Donop  below  him,  and  a 
strong  battalion  of  infantry  at  Princeton.  His  own  troops 

*  The  lieutenant  gives  the  latter  number  on  the  authority  of  Lord  Stirling  :  bat  his 
lordship  meant  the  whole  number  of  men  intended  for  the  three  several  attacks. 
The  force  that  actually  crossed  with  Washington  was  what  we  have  stated. 


236  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  xxxi. 

were  exhausted  by  the  operations  of  the  night  and  morning 
in  cold,  rain,  snow  and  storm.  They  had  to  guard  about  a 
thousand  prisoners,  taken  in  action  or  found  concealed  in 
houses;  there  was  little  prospect  of  succor,  owing  to  the 
season  and  the  state  of  the  river.  Washington  gave  up, 
therefore,  all  idea  of  immediately  pursuing  the  enemy  or 
keeping  possession  of  Trenton,  and  determined  to  recross 
the  Delaware  with  his  prisoners  and  captured  artillery. 
Understanding  that  the  brave  but  unfortunate  Rahl  was  in  a 
dying  state,  he  paid  him  a  visit  before  leaving  Trenton, 
accompanied  by  General  Greene.  They  found  him  at  his 
quarters  in  the  house  of  a  Quaker  family.  Their  visit  and 
the  respectful  consideration  and  unaffected  sympathy  mani- 
fested by  them,  evidently  soothed  the  feelings  of  the  unfor- 
tunate soldier;  now  stripped  of  his  late  won  laurels,  and 
resigned  to  die  rather  than  outlive  his  honor.* 

AVe  have  given  a  somewhat  sarcastic  portrait  of  the  colonel 
drawn  by  one  of  his  lieutenants;  another,  Lieutenant  Piel, 
paints  with  a  soberer  and  more  reliable  pencil. 

''For  our  whole  ill  luck,"  writes  he,  "we  have  to  thank 
Colonel  Rahl.  It  never  occurred  to  him  that  the  rebels 
might  attack  us;  and,  therefore,  he  had  taken  scarce  any 
precautions  against  such  an  event.  In  truth  I  must  confess 
we  have  universally  thought  too  little  of  the  rebels,  who, 
until  now,  have  never  on  any  occasion  been  able  to  withstand 
us.  Our  brigadier  (Rahl)  was  too  proud  to  retire  a  step 
before  such  an  enemy;  although  nothing  remained  for  us 
but  to  retreat. 

"General  Howe  had  judged  this  man  from  a  wrong  point 
of  view,  or  he  would  hardly  have  intrusted  such  an  impor- 
tant post  as  Trenton  to  him.  He  was  formed  for  a  soldier, 
but  not  for  a  general.  At  the  capture  of  Fort  AYashington 
he  had  gained  much  honor  while  under  the  command  of  a 
great  general,  but  he  lost  all  his  renown  at  Trenton  where 
he  himself  was  general.  He  had  courage  to  dare  the  hardiest 
enterprise;  but  he  alone  wanted  the  cool  presence  of  mind 
necessary  in  a  surprise  like  that  at  Trenton.  His  vivacity 
was  too  great;  one  thought  crowded  on  another  so  that  he 
could  come  to  no  decision.  Considered  as  a  private  man,  he 
Avas  deserving  of  high  regard.  He  was  generous,  open- 
handed,  hospitable;  never  cringing  to  his  superiors,  nor 
arrogant  to  his  inferiors;  but  courteous  to  all.  Even  his 
domestics  were  treated  more  like  friends  than  servants." 

*  Journal  of  Lieut.  Piel. 


1776.]  TREATMENT   OF  THE   HESSIAN    PRISONERS.  237 

The  loyal  corporal,  too,  contributes  his  mite  of  praise  to 
his  dying  commander.  "In  his  last  agony,"  writes  the 
grateful  soldier,  "he  yet  thought  of  his  grenadiers,  and 
entreated  General  Washington  that  nothing  might  be  taken 
from  them  but  their  arms.  A  promise  was  given,"  adds  the 
corporal,  "and  was  kept." 

Kven  the  satirical  lieutenant  half  mourns  over  his  memory. 
"He  died,"  says  he,  "on  the  following  evening,  and  lies 
buried  in  this  place  which  he  has  rendered  so  famous,  in  the 
graveyard  of  the  Presbyterian  church.  Sleep  well!  denr 
Commander!  (theurer  Feldherr).  The  Americans  \vill 
hereafter  set  up  a  stone  above  thy  grave  with  this  inscription: 

14  Hier  liegt  der  Obcrst  Rahl, 
Mit  ihm  1st  alles  all ! 

(llere  lies  the  Colonel  Rahl, 
With  him  all  is  over.)" 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Treatment  of  the  Hessian  Prisoners— Their  Interviews  with  Washington 
—Their  Reception  by  the  People. 

THE  Hessianprisoners  were  conveyed  across  the  Delaware 
by  Johnson's  Ferry  into  Pennsylvania;  the  private  soldiers 
were  marched  off  immediately  to  Newtown;  the  officers, 
twenty-three  in  number,  remained  in  a  small  chamber  in  the 
Ferry  House,  where,  according  to  their"  own  account,  they 
passed  a  dismal  night;  sore  at  heart  that  their  recent 
triumphs  at  White  Plains  and  Fort  Washington  should  be 
so  suddenly  eclipsed. 

On  the  following  morning  they  were  conducted  to  New- 
town  under  the  escort  of  Colonel  Weedon.  His  exterior, 
writes  Lieutenant  Piel,  spoke  but  little  in  his  favor,  yet  he 
won  all  our  hearts  by  his  kind  and  friendly  conduct. 

At  Newtown  the  officers  were  quartered  in  inns  and  private 
houses,  the  soldiers  in  the  church  and  jail.  The  officers 
paid  a  visit  to  Lord  Stirling,  whom  some  of  them  had  known 


so,  gentlemen,  will  you  be  treated  by  me," 


238  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XXXII. 

"We  had  scarce  seated  ourselves/'  continues  Lieutenant 
Piel,  "when  a  long,  meager,  dark-looking  man,  whom  we 
took  for  the  parson  of  the  place,  stepped  forth  and  held 
a  discourse  in  German,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  set  forth 
the  justice  of  the  American  side  in  this  war.  He  told  us  he' 
was  a  Hanoverian  born;  called  the  king  of  England  nothing 
but  the  Elector  of  Hanover,  and  spoke  of  him  so  contempt- 
uously that  his  garrulity  became  intolerable.  We  answered 
that  we  had  not  come  to  America  to  inquire  which  party  was 
in  the  right;  but  to  fight  for  the  king. 

"Lord  Stirling,  seeing  how  little  we  were  edified  by  the 
preacher,  relieved  us  from  him  by  proposing  to  take  us  with 
him  to  visit  General  Washington.  The  latter  received  us 
very  courteously,  though  we  understood  very  little  of  what 
he  said,  as  he  spoke  nothing  but  English,  a  language  in 
which  none  of  us  at  that  time  were  strong.  In  his  aspect 
shines  forth  nothing  of  the  great  man  that  he  is  universally 
considered.  His  eyes  have  scarce  any  fire.  There  is,  how- 
ever, a  smiling  expression  on  his  countenance  when  he 
speaks,  that  wins  affection  and  respect.  He  invited  four  of 
our  officers  to  dine  with  him;  the  rest  dined  with  Lord 
Stirling."  One  of  those  officers  who  dined  with  the 
commander-in -chief,  Avas  the  satirical  lieutenant  whom  we 
have  so  often  quoted,  and  who  was  stationed  at  the  picket 
on  the  morning  of  the  attack.  However  disparagingly  he 
may  have  thought  of  his  unfortunate  commander,  he 
evidently  had  a  very  good  opinion  of  himself. 

"General  Washington,"  writes  he  in  his  journal,  "did  me 
the  honor  to  converse  a  good  deal  with  me  concerning  the 
unfortunate  affair.  I  told  him  freely  my  opinion  that  our 
dispositions  had  been  bad,  otherwise  we  should  not  have 
fallen  into  his  hands.  He  asked  me  if  I  could  have  made 
better  dispositions,  and  in  what  manner?  I  told  him  yes; 
stated  all  the  faults  of  our  arrangements,  and  showed  him 
how  I  would  have  done;  and  would  have  managed  to  come 
out  of  the  affair  with  honor." 

We  have  no  doubt,  from  the  specimens  furnished  in  the 
lieutenant's  journal,  that  he  went  largely  into  his  own 
merits  and  achievements,  and  the  demerits  and  shortcomings 
of  his  luckless  commander.  Washington,  he  added,  not  only 
applauded  his  exposition  of  what  he  would  have  done,  but 
made  him  a  eulogy  thereupon,  and  upon  his  watchfulness 
and  the  defence  he  had  made  with  his  handful  of  men  when 
his  picket  was  attacked.  Yet  according  to  his.  own  account. 


1776.]  THE  LIEUTENANT  AKb   WASHINGTON.  239 

in  his  journal,  with  all  his  watchfulness,  he  came  near  being 
caught  napping. 

"General  Washington,"  continues  he,  "is  a  courteous 
polite  man,  but  very  cautious  and  reserved;  talks  Ijttle;  and 
has  a  crafty  (listige)  physiognomy."  We  surmise  the  lieu- 
tenant had  the  most  of  the  talk  on  that  occasion,  and  that 
the  crafty  or  sly  expression  in  Washington's  physiognomy 
may  have  been  a  lurking  but  suppressed  smile,  provoked  by 
the  lieutenant's  self-laudation  and  wordiness. 

The  Hessian  prisoners  were  subsequently  transferred  from 
place  to  place,  until  they  reached  Winchester  in  the  interior 
of  Virginia.  Wherever  they  arrived,  people  thronged  from 
far  and  near  to  see  these  terrible  beings  of  whom  they  had 
received  such  formidable  accounts;  and  were  surprised  and 
disappointed  to  find  them  looking  like  other  men.  At  first 
they  had  to  endure  the  hootings  and  revilings  of  the  multi- 
tude, for  having  hired  themselves  out  to  the  trade  of  blood; 
and  they  especially  speak  of  the  scoldings  they  received  from 
old  women  in  the  villages,  who  upbraided  them  for  coming 
to  rob  them  of  their  liberty.  "At  length,"  writes  the 
corporal  in  his  journal,  "General  Washington  had  written 
notices  put  up  in  town  and  country,  that  we  were  innocent 
of  this  war  and  had  joined  in  it  not  of  our  free  will,  but 
through  compulsion.  We  should,  therefore,  be  treated  not 
as  enemies,  but  friends.  From  this  time,"  adds  he,  "things 
went  better  with  us.  Every  day  came  many  out  of  the 
towns,  old  and  young,  rich  and  poor,  and  brought  us 
provisions,  and  treated  us  with  kindness  and  humanity."* 


CHAPTER  XXXIIL 

Episode— Colonel  Griffin  in  the  Jerseys— Donop  Decoyed— Inroad  of 
Cadwalader  and  Reed — Retreat  and  Confusion  of  the  Enemy's 
Outposts — Washington  Recrosses  the  Delaware  with  his  Troops 
— The  Game  lieversed — The  Hessians  Hunted  back  through  the 
Country — Washington  made  Military  Dictator. 

THERE  was  a  kind  of  episode  in  the  affair  at  Trenton. 
Colonel  Griffin,  who  had  thrown  himself  previously  into  the 
Jerseys  with  his  detachment  of  Pennsylvania  militia,  found 

*  Tagebuch  dee  corporals  Johannes  Reuber.    MS. 


240  LIFE  OP  wASntXGTOtf.  [CH.  xxxiit 

himself,  though  indisposition  and  the  scanty  number  of  his 
troops,  unable  to  render  efficient  service  in  the  proposed 
attack.  He  sent  word  to  Cadwalader,  therefore,  that  he 
should  probably  render  him  more  real  aid  by  making  a 
demonstration  in  front  of  Donop,  and  drawing  him  off  so  far 
into  the  interior  as  to  be  out  of  the  way  of  rendering  support 
to  Colonel  Rahl. 

He  accordingly  presented  himself  in  sight  of  Donop's 
cantonment  on  the  25th  of  December,  and  succeeded  in 
drawing  him  put  with  nearly  his  whole  force  of  two  thousand 
men.  lie  then  retired  slowly  before  him,  skirmishing,  but 
avoiding  anything  like  an  action,  until  he  had  lured  him  as 
far  as  Mount  Holly;  when  he  left  him  to  find  his  way  back 
to  his  post  at  his  leisure. 

The  cannonade  of  Washington's  attack  in  Trenton  on  the 
morning  of  the  26th,  was  distinctly  heard  at  Cadwalader's 
camp  at  Bristol.  Imperfect  tidings  of  the  result  readied 
there  about  eleven  o'clock,  and  produced  the  highest  exulta- 
tion and  excitement.  Cadwalader  made  another  attempt  to 
cross  the  river  and  join  Washington,  whom  he  supposed  to 
be  still  in  the  Jerseys,  following  up  the  blow  he  had  struck. 
He  could  not  effect  the  passage  of  the  river  with  the  most  of 
the  troops,  until  mid-day  of  the  27th,  when  he  received  from 
Washington  a  detailed  account  of  his  success,  and  of  his 
having  recrossed  into  Pennsylvania. 

Cadwalader  was  now  in  a  dilemma.  Donop,  he  presumed, 
was  still  at  Mount  Holly,  whither  Griffin  had  decoyed  him; 
but  he  might  soon  march  back.  His  forces  were  equal,  if 
not  superior  in  number  to  his  own,. and  veterans  instead  of 
raw  militia.  But  then  there  was  the  glory  of  rivaling  the 
exploit  at  Trenton,  and  the  importance  of  following  out  the 
effort  for  the  relief  of  the  Jerseys,  and  the  salvation  of  Phil- 
adelphia. Besides,  Washington,  in  all  probability,  after 
disposing  of  his  prisoners,  had  again  crossed  into  the  Jerseys 
and  might  be  acting  offensively. 

Reed  relieved  Cadwalader  from  his  dilemma,  by  proposing 
that  they  should  push  on  to  Burlington,  and  there  determine, 
according  to  intelligence,  whether  to  proceed  to  Borden- 
town  or  Mount  Holly.  The  plan  was  adopted.  There  was 
an  alarm  that  the  Hessian  yagers  lurked  in  a  neighboring 
wood.  Reed,  accompanied  by  two  officers,  rode  in  advance 
to  reconnoiter.  He  sent  word  to  Cadwalader  that  it  was  a 
false  alarm,  and  the  latter  took  up  his  line  of  march.  Reed 
and  his  companions  spurred  on  to  reconnoiter  the  enemy's 
outposts,  about  four  miles  from  Burlington,  but  pulled  up 


1773.]  FLIGHT  OF  HESSIANS  AND   REFCGEES.  241 

at  the  place  where  the  picket  was  usually  stationed.  There 
was  no  smoke,  nor  any  sign  of  a  human  being.  They  rode 
up  and  found  the  place  deserted.  From  the  country  people 
in  the  neighborhood  they  received  an  explanation.  Count 
Donop  had  returned  to  his  post  from  the  pursuit  of  Griffin, 
only  in  time  to  hear  of  the  disaster  at  Trenton.  He 
immediately  bega*n  a  retreat  in  the  utmost  panic  and  confu- 
sion, calling  in  his  guards  and  parties  as  he  hurried  forward. 
The  troops  in  the  neighborhood  of  Burlington  had  decamped 
precipitately  the  preceding  evening. 

Colonel  Reed  sent  back  intelligence  of  this  to  Cadwalader, 
and  still  pushed  on  with  his  companions.  As  they  rode 
along,  they  observed  the  inhabitants  pulling  down  red  rags 
which  had  been  nailed  to  their  doors;  tory  signs  to  insure 
good-will  from  the  British.  Arrived  at  Bordentown  not  an 
enemy  was  to  be  seen;  the  fugitives  from  Trenton  had  spread 
a  panic  on  the  2Gth,  and  the  Hessians  and  their  refugee 
adherents  had  fled  in  confusion,  leaving  their  sick  behind 
them.  The  broken  and  haggard  looks  of  the  inhabitants 
showed  what  they  had  suffered  during  the  Hessian  occupa- 
tion. One  of  Reed's  companions  returned  to  Cadwalader, 
who  had  halted  at  Burlington,  and  advised  him  to  pro- 
ceed. 

Cadwalader  wrote  in  the  night  to  Washington,  informing 
him  of  his  whereabouts,  and  that  he  should  march  for 
Bordentown  in  the  morning.  "If  you  should  think  proper  to 
cross  over,"  added  he,  "it  may  easily  be  effected  at  the  place 
where  we  passed;  a  pursuit  would  keep  up  the  panic.  They 
went  off  with  great  precipitation,  and  pressed  all  the  wagons 
in  their  reach;  I  am  told  many  of  them  are  gone  to  South 
Amboy.  If  we  can  drive  them  from  West  Jersey,  the  success 
will  raise  an  army  next  spring,  and  establish  the  credit  of 
the  Continental  money  to  support  it." 

There  was  another  letter  from  Cadwalader,  dated  on  the 
following  day,  from  Bordentown.  He  had  eighteen  hundred 
men  with  him.  Five  hundred  more  were  on  the  way  to  join 
him.  General  Mifflin,  too,  h#d  sent  over  five  hundred  from 
Philadelphia,  and  three  hundred  from  Burlington,  and  was 
to  follow  with  seven  or  eight  hundred  more. 

Colonel  Reed,  too,  wrote  from  Trenton  on  the  28th.  He 
had  found  that  place  without  a  single  soldier  of  either  army, 
and  in  a  still  more  wretched  condition  than  Bordentown. 
He  urged  Washington  to  recross  the  river,  and  pursue  the 
advantages  already  gained.  Donop  might  be  overtaken 


242  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  XXXIII. 

before  he  could  reach  Princeton  or  Brunswick,  where  the 
enemy  were  yet  in  force.* 

Washington  needed  no  prompting  ot  the  kind.  Bent 
upon  following  up  his  blow,  he  had  barely  allowed  his  troops 
a  day  or  two  to  recover  from  recent  exposure  and  fatigue, 
that  they  might  have  strength  and  spirit  to  pursue  the 
retreating  enemy,  beat  up  other  of  their  quarters,  and 
entirely  reverse  affairs  in  the  Jerseys.  In  this  spirit  he  had 
written  to  Generals  McDougall  and  Maxwell  at  Morristown, 
to  collect  as  large  a  body  of  militia  as  possible,  and  harass 
the  enemy  in  flank  and  rear.  Heath,  also,  had  been  ordered 
to  abandon  the  Highlands,  which  there  was  no  need  of 
guarding  at  this  season  of  the  year,  and  hasten  down  with 
the  eastern  militia,  as  rapidly  as  possible,  by  the  way  of 
Hackensack,  continuing  on  until  he  should  send  him  further 
orders.  "A  fair  opportunity  is  offered, ""said  he,  "of  driving 
the  enemy  entirely  from  the  Jerseys  or  at  least  to  the  extrem- 
ity of  the  province." 

Men  of  influence  also  were  dispatched  by  him  into  different 
parts  of  the  Jerseys,  to  spirit  up  the  militia  to  revenge  the 
oppression,  the  ravage,  and  insults  they  had  experienced 
from  the  enemy,  especially  from  the  Hessians.  "If  what 
they  have  suffered,"  said  he,  "does  not  rouse  their  resent- 
ment, they  must  not  possess  the  feelings  of  humanity." 

On  the  29th,  his  troops  began  to  cross  the  river.  It  would 
be  a  slow  and  difficult  operation,  owing  to  the  ice;  two  parties 
of  light  troops  therefore  were  detached  in  advance,  whom 
Colonel  Reed  was  to  send  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  They 
marched  into  Trenton  about  two  o'clock,  and  were  imme- 
diately put  on  the  traces  of  Donop,  to  hang  on  his  rear 
and  harass  him  until  other  troops  should  come  up. 
Cadwalader  also  detached  a  party  of  riflemen  from  Borden- 
town  with  like  orders.  Donop,  in  retreating,  had  divided 
his  force,  sending  one  part  by  a  cross  road  to  Princeton,  and 
hurrying  on  with  the  remainder  to  Brunswick.  Notwith- 
standing the  severity  of  the  weather,  and  the  wretchedness  of 
the  road,  it  was  a  service  of  animation  and  delight  to  the 
American  troops  to  hunt  back  these  Hessians  through  the 
country  they  hud  recently  outraged,  and  over  ground  which 
they  themselves  had  trodden  so  painfully  and  despondingly, 
in  their  retreat.  In  one  instance  the  riflemen  surprised  and 
captured  a  party  of  refugees  who  lingered  in  the  rear-guard, 
among  whom  were  several  newly-made  officers.  Never  was 

*  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Pres.  Eeed,  vol.  i,  p.  881. 


1776.J  INVESTED  WITH  MCTATOfilAL  POWEttS.  243 

there  a  more  sudden  reversal  in  the  game  of  Avar  than  this 
retreat  of  the  heavy  German  veterans,  harassed  by  light 
parties  of  a  raw  militia,  which  they  so  lately  had  driven  like 
chat!  before  them. 

While  this  was  going  on,  Washington  was  effecting  the 
passage  of  his  main  force  to  Trenton.  He  himself  had 
crossed  on  the  29th  of  December,  but  it  took  two  days  more 
to  get  the  troops  and  artillery  over  the  icy  river,  and  that 
with  great  labor  and  difficulty.  And  now  came  a  perplexity. 
With  the  year  expired  the  term  of  several  regiments,  which 
h;i<l  seen  most  service,  and  become  inured  to  danger. 
Knowing  how  indispensable  were  such  troops  to  lead  on 
those  which  were  raw  and  undisciplined,  Washington  had 
them  paraded  and  invited  to  re-enlist.  It  was  a  difficult 
task  to  persuade  them.  They  were  haggard  with  fatigue, 
and  hardship  and  privation  of  every  kind;  and  their  hearts 
yearned  for  home.  By  the  persuasions  of  their  officers, 
however,  and  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars,  the  greater  proportion 
of  those  from  the  eastward  were  induced  to  remain  six  weeks 
longer.  Hard  money  was  necessary  in  this  emergency. 
How  was  it  to  be  furnished?  The  military  chest  was  incom- 
petent. On  the  30th,  Washington  wrote  by  express  to 
Robert  Morris,  the  patriot  financier  at  Philadelphia,  whom 
he  knew  to  be  eager  that  the  blow  should  be  followed  up. 
"If  yon  could  possibly  collect  a  sum,  if  it  were  but  one 
hundred,  or  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds^it  would  be  of 
service." 

Morris  received  the  letter  in  the  evening.  He  was  at  his 
wits'  end  to  raise  the  sum,  for  hard  money  was  scarce. 
Fortunately  a  wealthy  Quaker,  in  this  moment  of  exigency 
supplied  the  "sinews  of  war,"  and  early  the  next  morning 
the  money  was  forwarded  by  the  express. 

At  this  critical  moment,  too,  Washington  received  a  letter 
from  a  committee  of  Congress,  transmitting  him  resolves  of 
that  body  dated  the  27th  of  December,  investing  him  with 
military  powers  quite  dictatorial.  "Happy  is  it  for  this 
country,  write  the  committee,  "that  the  general  of  their 
forces  can  safely  be  intrusted  with  the  most  unlimited  power, 
and  neither  personal  security,  liberty,  or  property,  be  in 
the  least  degree  endangered  thereby."* 

Washington's  acknowledgment  of  this  great  mark  of 
confidence  was  noble  and  characteristic.  "I  find  Congress 
have  done  me  the  honor  to  intrust  me  with  powers,  in  my 

*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Scries,  iii.,  1,510. 


244  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXlV. 

military  capacity,  of  the  highest  nature  and  almost  unlimited 
extent.  Instead  of  thinking  myself  freed  from  all  civil 
obligations  by  this  mark  of  their  confidence,  I  shall  con- 
stantly bear  in  mind  that,  as  the  sword  was  the  last  resort 
for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties,  so  it  ought  to  be  the 
first  thing  laid  aside  when  those  liberties  are  firmly  estab- 
lished." 


CHAPTEK   XXXIV. 

Howe  Hears  of  the  Affair  at  Trenton— Cornwallis  Sent  Back  to  the  Jer- 
seys— Recouuoitering  Expedition  of  Reed — His  Exploits — Washing- 
ton in  Peril  at  Trenton — Reinforced  by  Troops  under  Cadwalader 
and  Mifflin— Position  of  his  Men — Cornwallis  at  Trenton— Repulsed 
at  the  Assunpink — The  American  Camp  Menaced — Night  Marcli 
of  Washington — Affair  at  Princeton — Death  of  Mercer — Rout  of 
British  Troops — Pursued  by  Washington — Cornwallis  at  Princeton 
—  Baffled  and  Perplexed — Washington  at  Morristown — His  System 
of  Annoyance — The  Tables  Turned  upon  the  Enemy. 

GENERAL  HOWE  was  taking  his  ease  in  winter  quarters  at 
New  York,  waiting  for  the  freezing  of  the  Delaware  to 
pursue  his  triumphant  march  to  Philadelphia,  when  tidings 
were  brought  him  of  the  surprise  and  capture  of  the  Hessians 
at  Trenton.  'That  three  old  established  regiments  of  a 
people  who  made  war  their  profession,  should  lay  down  their 
arms  to  a  ragged  and  undisciplined  militia,  and  that  with 
scarcely  any  loss  on  either  side,"  was  a  matter  of  amazement. 
He  instantly  stopped  Lord  Cornwallis,  who  was  on  the  point 
of  embarking  for  England,  and  sent  him  back  in  all  haste  to 
resume  the  command  in  the  Jerseys. 

The  ice  in  the  Delaware  impeded  the  crossing  of  the 
American  troops,  and  gave  the  British  time  to  draw  in  their 
scattered  cantonments  and  assemble  their  whole  force  at 
Princeton.  While  his  troops  were  yet  crossing,  Washington 
sent  out  Colonel  Reed  to  reconnoiter  the  position  and  move- 
ments of  the  enemy  and  obtain  information.  Six  of  the 
Philadelphia  light -horse,  spirited  young  fellows,  but  who 
had  never  seen  service,  volunteered  to  accompany  Eeed. 
They  patrolled  the  country  to  the  very  vicinit}^  of  Princeton, 
but  could  collect  no  information  from  the  inhabitants;  who 
were  harassed,  terrified,  and  bewildered  by  the  ravaging 
marches  to  and  fro  of  friend  and  enemy. 


1776.]  BRITISH   PICKET  Sl'RPRlSKl). 

Emerging  from  a  wood  almost  within  view  of  Princeton, 
they  caught  sight,  from  a  rising  ground,  of  two  or  three  red 
coats  passing  from  time  to  time  from  a  barn  to  a  dwelling 
house.  Here  must  be  an  outpost.  Keeping  the  barn  in  a 
line  with  the  house  so  as  to  cover  their  approach,  they 
dashed  up  to  the  latter  without  being  discovered,  and  sur- 
rounded it.  Twelve  British  dragoons  were  within,  who, 
though  well  armed,  were  so  panic-stricken  that  they  surren- 
dered without  making  defence.  A  commissary,  also,  was 
taken;  the  sergeant  of  the  dragoons  alone  escaped.  Colonel 
Reed  and  his  six  cavaliers  returned  in  triumph  to  head- 
quarters. Important  information  was  obtained  from  their 
prisoners.  Lord  Cornwallis  had  joined  General  Grant  the 
i lay  before  at  Princeton,  with  a  reinforcement  of  chosen 
troops.  They  had  now  seven  or  eight  thousand  men,  and 
\vcre  pressing  wagons  for  a  march  upon  Trenton.* 

Cadwalader,  stationed  at  Crosswicks,  about  seven  miles 
distant,  between  Bordentown  and  Trenton,  sent  intelligence 
to  the  same  purport,  received  by  him  from  a  young  gentleman 
who  had  escaped  from  Princeton. 

Word,  too,  was  brought  from  other  quarters,  that  General 
Howe  was  on  the  march  with  a  thousand  light  troops,  with 
which  he  had  landed  at  Amboy. 

The  situation  of  Washington  was  growing  critical.  The 
enemy  were  beginning  to  advance  their  large  pickets  toward 
Trenton.  Everything  indicated  an  approaching  attack.  The 
force  with  him  was  small;  to  retreat  across  the  river  would 
destroy  the  dawn  of  hope  awakened  in  the  bosoms  of  the 
Jersey  militia  by  the  late  exploit;  but  to  make  a  stand 
without  reinforcements  was  impossible.  In  this  emergency, 
he  called  to  his  aid  General  Cadwalader  from  Crosswicks, 
and  General  Mifflin  from  Bordentown,  with  their  collective 
forces,  amounting  to  about  three  thousand  six  hundred 
men.  He  did  it  with  reluctance,  for  it  seemed  like  involving 
them  in  the  common  danger,  but  the  exigency  of  the  case 
admitted  of  no  alternative.  They  promptly  answered  to  his 
call,  and  marching  in  the  night,  joined  him  on  the  1st  of 
January. 

Washington  chose  a  position  for  his  main  body  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Assunpink.  There  was  a  narrow  stone  bridge 
across  it,  where  the  water  was  very  deep;  the  same  bridge 
over  which  part  of  Rahl's  brigade  had  escaped  in  the  recent 
affair.  He  planted  his  artillery  so  as  to  command  the  bridge 

'Life  of  Reed,  i.,  288. 


246  LIFE   OF  TVASIIIXGTOtf.  [en.  XXXIV. 

and  the  fords.  His  advance  guard  was  stationed  about 
three  miles  off  in  a  wood,  having  in  front  a  stream  called 
Shabbakong  Creek. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  2d,  came  certain  word  that 
Cornwallis  was  approaching  with  all  his  force.  Strong 
parties  were  sent  out  tinder  General  Greene,  who  skirmished 
with  the  enemy  and  harassed  them  in  their  advance.  By 
twelve  o'clock  they  reached  the  Shabbakong,  and  halted  for  a 
time  on  its  northern  bank.  Then  crossing  it,  and  moving 
forward  with  rapidity,  they  drove  the  advance  guard  out  of 
the  woods,  and  pushed  on  until  they  reached  a  high  ground 
near  the  town.  Here  Hand's  corps  of  several  battalions  was 
drawn  up,  and  held  them  for  a  time  in  check.  All  the 
parties  in  advance  ultimately  retreated  to  the  main  body, 
on  the  east  side  of  the  Assunpink,  and  found  some  difficulty 
in  crowding  across  the  narrow  bridge. 

From  all  these  checks  and  delays,  it  was  nearly  sunset 
before  Cornwallis  with  the  head  of  his  army  entered  Trenton. 
His  rear-guard  under  General  Leslie  rested  at  Maiden  Head, 
about  six  miles  distant,  and  nearly  half  way  between  Trenton 
and  Princeton.  Forming  his  troops  into  columns,  he  now 
made  repeated  attempts  to  cross  the  Assunpink  at  the  bridge 
and  the  fords,  but  was  as  often  repulsed  by  the  artillery. 
For  a  part  of  the  time  Washington,  mounted  on  a  white 
horse,  stationed  himself  at  the  south  end  of  the  bridge, 
issuing  his  orders.  Each  time  the  enemy  was  repulsed  there 
was  a  shout  along  the  American  lines.  At  length  they  drew 
off,  came  to  a  halt,  and  lighted  their  camp  fires.  The 
Americans  did  the  same,  using  the  neighboring  fences  for 
the  purpose.  Sir  William  Erskine,  who  was  with  Corn- 
wallis, urged  him,  it  is  said,  to  attack  Washington  that 
evening  in  his  camp;  but  his  lordship  declined;  he  felt  sure 
of  the  game  which  had  so  often  escaped  him;  he  had  at 
length,  he  thought,  got  Washington  into  a  situation  from 
which  he  could  not  escape,  but  where  he  might  make  a 
desperate  stand,  and  he  was  willing  to  give  his  wearied  troops 
a  night's  repose  to  prepare  them  for  the  closing  struggle. 
He  would  be  sure,  he  said,  to  "bag  the  fox  in  the  morning." 

A  cannonade  was  kept  up  on  both  sides  until  dark;  but 
with  little  damage  to  the  Americans.  When  night  closed 
in,  the  two  camps  lay  in  sight  of  each  other's  fires,  ruminat- 
ing the  bloody  action  of  the  following  day.  It  was  the  most 
gloomy  and  anxious  night  that  had  yet  closed  in  on  the 
American  army,  throughout  its  series  of  perils  and  disasters; 
for  there  was  no  concealing  the  impending  danger.  But 


1777.  J  THE  DECAMPMENT.  247 

what  must  have  been  the  feelings  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
as  he  anxiously  patrolled  his  camp,  and  considered  his 
desperate  position?  A  small  stream,  fordable  in  several 
places,  was  all  that  separated  his  raw,  inexperienced  army, 
from  an  enemy  vastly  superior  in  numbers  and  discipline, 
and  stung  to  action  by  the  mortification  of  a  late  defeat.  A 
general  action  with  them  must  be  ruinous;  but  how  was  he 
to  retreat?  Behind  him  was  the  Delaware,  impassable  from 
flouting  ice.  Granting  even  (a  thing  not  to  be  hoped)  that 
a  retreat  across  it  could  be  effected,  the  consequences  would 
be  equally  fatal.  The  Jerseys  would  be  left  in  possession  of 
the  enemy,  endangering  the  immediate  capture  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  sinking  the  public  mind  into  despondency. 

In  this  darkest  of  moments  a  gleam  of  hops  flashed  upon 
his  mind;  a  bold  expedient  suggested  itself.  Almost  the 
whole  of  the  enemy's  force  must  by  this  time  be  drawn  out 
of  Princeton,  and  advancing  by  detachments  toward  Trenton, 
while  their  baggage  and  principal  stores  must  remain  weakly 
guarded  at  Brunswick.  \Vas  it  not  possible  by  a  rapid  night- 
march  along  the  Quaker  road,  a  different  road  from  that  on 
which  General  Leslie  with  the  rear-guard  was  resting,  to  get 
past  that  force  undiscovered,  come  by  surprise  upon  those 
left  at  Princeton,  captured  or  destroy  what  stores  were  left 
there,  and  then  push  on  to  Brunswick?  This  would  save 
the  army  from  being  cut  off;  would  avoid  the  appearance  of  a 
defeat;  and  might  draw  the  enemy  away  from  Trenton, 
while  some  fortunate  stroke  might  give  additional  reputation 
to  the  American  arms.  Even  should  the  enemy  march  on  to 
Philadelphia,  it  could  not  in  any  case  be  prevented;  while  a 
counterblow  in  the  Jerseys  would  be  of  great  consolation. 

Such  was  the  plan  which  Washington  revolved  in  his 
mind  on  the  gloomy  banks  of  the  Assunpink,  and  which  he 
laid  before  his  officers  in  a  council  of  war,  held  after  night- 
fall, at  the  quarters  of  General  Mercer.  It  met  with  instant 
concurrence,  being  of  that  hardy,  adventurous  kind,  which 
seems  congenial  with  the  American  character.  One  formid- 
able difficulty  presented  itself.  The  weather  was  unusually 
mild;  there  was  a  thaw,  by  which  the  roads  might  be 
rendered  deep  and  miry,  and  almost  impassable.  Fortunately, 
or  rather  providentially,  as  Washington  was  prone  to  consider 
it,  the  wind  veered  to  the  north  in  the  course  of  the  evening; 
the  weather  became  intensely  cold,  and  in  two  hours  the 
roads  were  once  more  hard  and  frost-bound.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  baggage  of  the  army  was  silently  removed  to 
Burlington,  and  every  other  preparation  was  made  for  a. 


248  LIFE   OJF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXIV 

rapid, march.  To  deceive  the  enemy,  men  were  employed 
to  dig  trenches  near  the  bridge  within  hearing  of  the  British 
sentries,  with  orders  to  continue  noisily  at  work  until  day- 
break; others  were  to  go  the  rounds;  relieve  guards  at  the 
bridge  and  fords;  keep  up  the  camp  fires,  and  maintain  all 
the  appearance  of  a  regular  encampment.  At  daybreak  they 
were  to  hasten  after  the  army.  In  the  dead  of  the  night, 
the  army  drew  quietly  out  of  the  encampment  and  began  its 
march.  General  Mercer,  mounted  on  a  favorite  gray  horse, 
was  in  the  advance  with  the  remnant  of  his  flying  camp, 
now  but  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  principally 
relics  of  the  brave  Delaware  and  Maryland  regiments,  with 
some  of  the  Pennsylvania  militia.  Among  the  latter  were 
youths  belonging  to  the  best  families  in  Philadelphia.  The 
main  body  followed,  under  Washington's  immediate  com- 
mand. 

The  Quaker  road  was  a  complete  roundabout,  joining  the 
main  road  about  two  miles  from  Princeton,  where  Washing- 
ton expected  to  arrive  before  daybreak.  The  road,  however, 
was  new  and  rugged;  cut  through  woods,  where  the  stumps 
of  trees  broke  the  wheels  of  some  of  the  baggage  trains,  and 
retarded  the  march  of  the  troops;  so  that  it  was  near  sunrise 
of  a  bright,  frosty  morning,  when  Washington  reached  the 
bridge  over  Stony  Brook,  about  three  miles  from  Princeton. 
After  crossing  the  bridge,  he  led  his  troops  along  the  bank 
of  the  brook  to  the  edge  of  a  wood,  where  a  by-road  led  off 
on  the  right  through  low  grounds,  and  was  said  by  the 
guides  to  be  a  short  cut  to  Princeton,  and  less  exposed  to 
view.  By  this  road  Washington  defiled  with  the  main  body, 
ordering  Mercer  to  continue  along  the  brook  with  his 
brigade,  until  he  should  arrive  at  the  main  road,  where  he 
was  to  secure,  and,  if  possible,  destroy  a  bridge  over  which 
it  passes;  so  as  to  intercept  any  fugitives  from  Princeton, 
and  check  any  retrogade  movements  of  the  British  troops 
which  might  have  advanced  toward  Trenton. 

Hitherto  the  movements  of  the  Americans  had  been 
undiscovered  by  the  enemy.  Three  regiments  of  the  latter, 
the  17th,  40th,  and  55th,  with  three  troops  of  dragoons,  had 
been  quartered  all  night  in  Princeton,  under  marching 
orders  to  join  Lord  Cornwallis  in  the  morning.  The  17th 
regiment,  under  Colonel  Mawhood,  was  already  on  the 
march;  the  55th  regiment  was  preparing  to  follow.  Maw- 
hood  had  crossed  the  bridge  by  which  the  old  or  main  road 
to  Trenton  passes  over  Stony  Brook,  and  was  proceeding 
through  a  wood  beyond,  when,  as  he  attained  the  summit  of 


1777.]  ACTION   AT   PKINCETON". 

a  hill  ubout  sunrise,  the  glittering  of  arms  betrayed  to  him 
the  movement  of  Mercer's  troops  to  the  left,  who  were 
filing  along  the  Quaker  road  to  secure  the  bridge,  as  they 
had  been  ordered. 

The  woods  prevented  him  from  seeing  their  number.  He 
supposed  them  to  be  some  broken  portion  of  the  American 
army  flying  before  Lord  Cornwall  is.  With  this  idea,  he 
faced  about  and  made  a  retrograde  movement,  to  intercept 
them  or  hold  them  in  check;  while  messengers  spurred  off 
at  all  speed,  to  hasten  forward  the  regiments  still  lingering 
at  Princeton,  so  as  completely  to  surround  them. 

The  woods  concealed  him  until  he  had  recrossed  the 
bridge  of  Stony  13 rook,  when  he  came  in  full  sight  of  the 
van  of  Mercer's  brigade.  Both  parties  pushed  to  get  posses- 
sion of  a  rising  ground  on  the  right  near  the  house  of  a  Mr. 
Clark,  of  the  peaceful  Society  of  Friends.  The  Americans 
being  nearest,  reached  it  first,  and  formed  behind  a  hedge 
fence  which  extended  along  a  slope  in  front  of  the  honse; 
whence,  being  chiefly  armed  with  rifles  they  opened  a 
destructive  fire.  It  was  returned  with  great  spirit  by  the 
enemy.  At  the  first  discharge  Mercer  was  dismounted,  "his 
gallant  gray"  being  crippled  by  a  musket  ball  in  the  leg. 
One  of  his  colonels,  also,  was  mortally  wounded  and  carried 
to  the  rear.  Availing  themselves  of  the  confusion  thus 
occasioned,  the  British  charged  with  the  bayonet;  the 
American  riflemen  having  no  weapon  of  the  kind,  were 
thrown  into  disorder  and  retreated.  Mercer,  who  was  on 
foot,  endeavored  to  rally  them,  when  a  blow  from  the  butt 
end  of  a  musket  felled  him  to  the  ground.  lie  rose  and 
defended  himself  with  his  sword,  but  was  surrounded, 
bayoneted  repeatedly,  and  left  for  dead. 

Mawhood  pursued  the  broken  and  retreating  troops  to  the 
brow  of  the  rising  ground,  on  which  Clark's  house  was 
situated,  when  he  beheld  a  large  force  emerging  from  a 
wood  and  advancing  to  the  rescue.  It  was  a  body  of 
Pennsylvania  militia,  which  Washington,  on  hearing  the 
firing,  had  detached  to  the  support  of  Mercer.  Mawhood 
instantly  ceased  pursuit,  drew  up  his  artillery,  and  by  a 
heavy  discharge  brought  the  militia  to  a  stand. 

At  this  moment  Washington  himself  arrived  at  the  scene 
of  action,  having  galloped  from  the  by-road  in  advance  of 
his  troops.  From  a  rising  ground  he  beheld  Mercer's  troops 
retreating  in  confusion,  and  the  detachment  of  militia 
checked  by  Mawhood 's  artillery.  Everything  was  at  peril. 
Putting  spurs  to  his  horse  he  dashed  past  the  hesitating 


£50  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  XXXIV. 

militia,  waving  his  hat  and  cheering  them  on.  His  com- 
manding figure  and  white  horse  made  him  a  conspicuous 
object  for  the  enemy's  marksmen;  but  he  heeded  it  not. 
Galloping  forward  under  the  fire  of  Mawhood's  battery,  he 
called  upon  Mercer's  broken  brigade.  The  Pennsylvanians 
rallied  at  the  sound  of  his  voice,  and  caught  fire  from  his 
example.  At  the  same  time  the  7th  Virginia  regiment 
emerged  from  the  wood,  and  moved  forward  with  loud 
cheers,  while  a  fire  of  grapeshot  was  opened  by  Captain 
Moulder  of  the  American  artillery,  from  the  brow  of  a  ridge 
to  the  south. 

Colonel  Mawhood,  who  a  moment  before  had  thought  his 
triumph  secure,  found  himself  assailed  on  every  side,  and 
separated  from  the  other  British  regiments.  lie  fought, 
however,  with  great  bravery,  and  for  a  short  time  the  action 
was  desperate.  Washington  was  in  the  midst  of  it;  equally 
endangered  by  the  random  fire  of  his  own  men,  and  the 
artillery  and  musketry  of  the  enemy.  His  aide-de-camp, 
Colonel  Fitzgerald,  a  young  and  ardent  Irishman,  losing 
sight  of  him  in  the  heat  of  the  fight  when  enveloped  in  dust 
and  smoke,  dropped  tbe  bridle  on  the  neck  of  his  horse  and 
drew  his  hat  over  his  eyes;  giving  him  up  for  lost.  When 
he  saw  him,  however,  emerge  from  the  cloud,  waving  his 
hat,  and  beheld  the  enemy  giving  way,  he  spurred  up  to  his 
side.  "Thank  God,"  cried  he,  "your  excellency  is  safe!" 
"Away,  my  dear  colonel,  and  bring  up  the  troops,"  was  the 
reply;  "the  day  is  our  own!"  It  was  one  of  those  occasions! 
in  which  the  latent  fire  of  Washington's  character  blazed 
forth.  Mawhood,  by  this  time,  had  forced  his  way,  at  th? 
point  of  the  bayonet,  through  gathering  foes,  though  with 
heavy  loss  back  to  the  main  road,  and  was  in  full  retreat 
toward  Trenton  to  join  Cornwallis.  Washington  detached 
Major  Kelly  with  a  party  of  Pennsylvania  troops,  to  destroy 
the  bridge  at  Stony  Brook,  over  which  Mawhood  had 
retreated,  so  as  to  impede  the  advance  of  General  Leslie 
from  Maiden  Head. 

In  the  mean  time  the  55th  regiment,  which  had  been  on 
the  left  and  nearer  Princeton,  had  been  encountered  by  the 
American  advance-guard  under  General  St.  Clair,  and  after 
some  sharp  fighting  in  a  ravine  had  given  way,  and  was 
retreating  across  fields  and  along  a  by-road  to  Brunswick. 
Tbe  remaining  regiment,  the  40th,  had  not  been  able  to 
come  up  in  time  for  the  action;  a  part  of  it  fled  toward 
Brunswick;  the  residue  took  refuge  in  the  college  at  Prince- 
tonj  recently  occupied  by  them  as  barracks.  Artillery  was 


1777.]  ACTION   AT   PRINCETON.  25] 

now  brought  to  bear  on  tbe  college,  and  a  few  shot  compelled 
those  within  to  surrender. 

In  this  brief  but  brilliant  action,  about  one  hundred  of 
the  British  were  left  dead  on  the  field,  and  nearly  three 
hundred  taken  prisoners,  fourteen  of  whom  were  officers. 
Among  the  slain  was  Captain  Leslie,  son  of  the  Earl  of 
Leven.  His  death  was  greatly  lamented  by  his  captured 
companions. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  about  twenty-five  or  thirty 
men  and  several  officers.  Among  the  latter  was  Colonel 
Haslet,  who  had  distinguished  himself  throughout  the 
campaign,  by  being  among  the  foremost  in  services  of 
danger.  He  was  indeed  a  gallant  officer,  and  gallantly 
seconded  by  his  Delaware  troops. 

A  greater  loss  was  that  of  General  Mercer.  He  was  said 
to  be  either  dead  or  dying,  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Clark, 
whither  he  had  been  conveyed  by  his  aide-de-camp.  Major 
Armstrong,  who  found  him,  after  the  retreat  of  Mawhood's 
troops,  lying  on  the  field  gashed  with  several  wounds,  and 
insensible  from  cold  and  loss  of  blood.  Washington  would 
have  ridden  back  from  Princeton  to  visit  him,  and  have  him 
conveyed  to  a  place  of  greater  security;  but  was  assured, 
that,  if  alive,  he  was  too  desperately  wounded  to  bear 
removal;  in  the  mean  time  he  was  in  good  hands,  being 
faithfully  attended  to  by  his  aide-de-camp,  Major  Armstrong, 
;i'\(l  treated  with  the  utmost  care  and  kindness  by  Mr. 
Clark's  family.* 

I'nder  these  circumstances  Washington  felt  compelled  to 
leave  his  old  companion  in  arms  to  his  fate.  Indeed,  he 
was  called  away  by  the  exigencies  of  his  command,  having 
to  pursue  the  routed  regiments  which  were  making  a  head- 
long retreat  to  Brunswick.  In  this  pursuit  he  took  the  lead 
at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of  cavalry.  At  Kingston,  how- 
ever, three  miles  to  the  north-east  of  Princeton,  he  pulled  up, 
restrained  his  ardor,  and  held  a  council  of  war  on  horseback. 
Should  he  keep  on  to  Brunswick  or  not?  The  capture  of 
the  British  stores  and  baggage  would  make  his  triumph 
complete;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  his  troops  were  excessively 
fatigued  by  their  rapid  march  all  night  and  hard  fight  in  the 
morning.  All  of  them  had  been  one  night  without  sleep, 
and  some  of  them  two,  and  many  were  half-starved.  They 
were  without  blankets,  thinly  clad,  some  of  them  barefooted, 
and  this  in  freezing  weather.  Cornwallis  would  be  upon 

*  Sec  Washington  to  Col.  Reed,  Jan.  15. 


252  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  XXXIV. 

them  before  they  could  reach  Brunswick.  His  rear-guard, 
under  General  Leslie,  had  been  quartered  about  six  miles 
from  Princeton,,  and  the  retreating  troops  must  have  roused 
them.  Under  these  considerations,  it  was  determined  to 
discontinue  the  pursuit  and  push  for  Morristown.  There 
they  would  be  in  a  mountainous  country,  heavily  wooded, 
in  "an  abundant  neighborhood,  and  on  the  flank  of  the 
enemy,  with  various  defiles  by  which  they  might  change 
their  position  according  to  his  movements. 

Filing  oif  to  the  left,  therefore,  from  Kingston,  and 
breaking  down  the  bridges  behind  him,  Washington  took 
the  narrow  road  by  Rocky  Hill  to  Pluckamin.  His  troops 
were  so  exhausted,  that  many  in  the  course  of  the  march 
would  lie  down  in  the  woods  on  the  frozen  ground  and  fall 
asleep,  and  were  with  difficulty  roused  and  cheered  forward. 
At  Pluckamin  he  halted  for  a  time,  to  allow  them  a  little 
repose  and  refreshment.  While  they  are  taking  breath  we 
will  cast  our  eyes  back  to  the  camp  of  Cornwallis,  to  see 
what  was  the  effect  upon  him  of  this  masterly  movement  of 
Washington. 

His  lordship  had  retired  to  rest  at  Trenton  with  the 
sportman's  vaunt  that  he  would  "bag  the  fox  in  the  morn- 
ing." Nothing  could  surpass  his  surprise  and  chagrin,  when 
at  daybreak  the  expiring  watch-fires  and  deserted  camp  of  the 
Americans  told  him  that  the  prize  had  once  more  evaded  his 
grasp;  that  the  general  whose  military  skill  he  had  decried 
had  outgeneraled  him. 

For  a  time  he  could  not  learn  whither  the  army,  which 
had  stolen  away  so  silently,  had  directed  its  stealthy  march. 
By  sunrise,  however,  there  was  the  booming  of  cannon,  like 
the  rumbling  of  distant  thunder  in  the  direction  of  Prince- 
ton. The  idea  flashed  upon  him  that  Washington  had  not 
merely  escaped  but  was  about  to  make  a  dash  at  the  British 
magazines  at  Brunswick.  Alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his 
military  stores  his  lordship  forthwith  broke  up  his  camp  and 
made  a  rapid  march  toward  Princeton.  As  he  arrived  in 
sight  of  the  bridge  over  Stony  Brook  he  beheld  Major  Kelly 
and  his  party  busy  in  its  destruction.  A  distant  discharge 
of  round  shot  from  his  field-pieces  drove  them  away,  but  the 
bridge  was  already  broken.  It  would  take  time  to  repair  it 
for  the  passage  of  the  artillery;  so  Cornwallis  in  his 
impatience  urged  his  troops  breast-high  through  the  turbu- 
lent and  icy  stream  and  again  pushed  forward.  He  was 
brought  to  a  stand  by  the  discharge  of  a  thirty-two  pounder 
from  a  distant  breastwork.  Supposing  the  Americans  to  be 


1777.]  DEATH  OF  MERCER.  253 

there  in  force,  and  prepared  to  make  resistance,  he  sent  out 
some  horsemen  to  reconnoiter,  and  advance  to  storm  the 
battery.  There  was  no  one  there.  The  thirty-two  pounder 
had  been  left  behind  by  the  Americans,  as  too  unwieldy,  and 
u  match  had  been  applied  to  it  by  some  lingerer  of  Wash- 
ington's rear-guard. 

Without  further  delay^  Cornwallis  hurried  forward,  eager 
to  save  his  magazines.  Crossing  the  bridge  at  Kingston,  he 
kept  on  along  the  Brunswick  road,  supposing  Washington 
still  before  him.  The  latter  had  got  far  in  the  advance, 
during  the  delays  caused  by  the  broken  bridge  at  Stony 
Brook,  and  the  discharge  of  the  thirty-two  pounder;  and 
the  alteration  of  his  course  at  Kingston  had  carried  him 
completely  out  of  the  way  of  Cornwallis.  His  lordship 
readied  Brunswick  toward  evening,  and  endeavored  to 
console  himself,  by  the  safety  of  the  military  stores,  for  being 
BO  completely  foiled  and  outmaneuvered. 

Washington,  in  the  mean  time,  was  all  on  the  alert;  the  lion 
part  of  his  nature  was  aroused;  and  while  his  weary  troops 
AVI.' re  in  a  manner  panting  upon  the  ground  around  him,  he 
was  dispatching  missives  and  calling  out  aid  to  enable  him 
to  folloAv  up  his  successes.  In  a  letter  to  Putnam,  written 
from  Pluckamin  during  the  halt,  he  says:  "The  enemy 
appear  to  be  panic-struck.  I  am  in  hopes  of  driving  them 
out  of  the  Jerseys.  March  the  troops  under  your  command 
to  Crosswicks,  and  keep  a  strict  watch  upon  the  enemy  in 
this  quarter.  Keep  as  many  spies  out  as  you  think  proper. 
A  number  of  horsemen  in  the  dress  of  the  country  must  be 
kept  constantly  going  backward  and  forward  for  this 
purpose.  If  you  discover  any  motion  of  the  enemy  of 
consequence,  let  me  be  informed  thereof  as  soon  as  possible, 
by  express." 

To  General  Heath,  also,  who  was  stationed  in  the  High- 
lands of  the  Hudson,  he  wrote  at  the  same  hurried  moment. 
"The  enemy  are  in  great  consternation;  and  as  the  panic 
affords  us  a  favorable  opportunity  to  drive  them  out  of  the 
Jerseys,  it  has  been  determined  in  council  that  you  should 
move  down  toward  New  York  with  a  considerable  force,  as  if 
you  had  a  design  upon  the  city.  That  being  an  object  of  great 
importance,  the  enemy  will  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
withdrawing  a  considerable* part  of  their  force  from  the 
Jerseys,  if  not  the  whole,  to  secure  the  city." 

These  letters  dispatched,  he  continued  forward  to  Morris- 
town,  where  at  length  he  came  to  a  halt  from  his  incessant 
and  harassing  marchings.  There  he  learned  that  General 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XXXIV. 

Mercer  was  still  alive.  He  immediately  sent  his  own 
nephew,  Major  George  Lewis,  under  the  protection  of  a  flag, 
to  attend  upon  him.  Mercer  had  indeed  been  kindly  nursed 
by  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Clark  and  a  negro  woman,  who  had 
not  been  frightened  from  their  home  by  the  storm  of  battle 
which  raged  around  it.  At  the  time  that  the  troops  of 
Oornwallis  approached,  Major  Armstrong  was  binding  up 
Mercer's  wounds.  The  latter  insisted  on  his  leaving  him  in 
the  kind  hands  of  Mr.  Clark's  household,  and  rejoining  the 
army.  Lewis  found  him  languishing  in  great  pain;  he  had 
been  treated  with  respect  by  the  enemy,  and  great  tenderness 
by  the  benevolent  family  who  had  sheltered  him.  He 
expired  in  the  arms  of  Major  Lewis  on  the  12th  of  January, 
in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  age.  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush, 
afterward  celebrated  as  a  physician,  was  with  him  when  he 
died. 

He  was  upright,  intelligent  and  brave;  esteemed  as  a 
soldier  and  beloved  as  a  man,  and  by  none  more  so  than  by 
Washington.  His  career  as  a  general  had  been  brief;  but 
long  enough  to  secure  him  a  lasting  renown.  His  name 
remains  one  of  the  consecrated  names  of  the  Re  volution. 

From  Morristown,  Washington  again  wrote  to  General 
Heath,  repeating  his  former  orders.  To  Major-General 
Lincoln,  also,  who  was  just  arrived  at  Peekskill,  and  had 
command  of  the  Massachusetts  militia,  he  writes  on  the  7th, 
"General  Heath  will  communicate  mine  of  this  date  to  you, 
by  which  you  will  find  that  the  greater  part  of  your  troops 
are  to  move  down  toward  New  York,  to  draw  the  attention 
of  the  enemy  to  that  quarter;  and  if  they  do  not  throw  a 
considerable  body  back  again,  you  may,  in  all  probability, 
carry  the  city,  or  at  least  blockade  them  in  it.  *  *  *  Be 
as  expeditious  as  possible  in  moving  forward,  for  the  sooner 
a  panic-struck  enemy  is  followed  the  better.  If  we  can 
oblige  them  to  evacuate  the  Jerseys,  we  must  drive  them  to 
the  utmost  distress;  for  they  have  depended  upon  the 
supplies  from  that  State  for  their  winter's  support." 

Colonel  Reed  was  ordered  to  send  out  rangers  and  bodies 
of  militia  to  scour  the  country,  waylay  foraging  parties,  cut 
off  supplies,  and  keep  the  cantonments  of  the  enemy  in  a 
state  of  siege.  "I  would  not  suffer  a  man  to  stir  beyond 
their  lines,"  writes  Washington,  "nor  suffer  them  to  'have 
the  least  communication  with  the  country." 

The  expedition  under  General  Heath'  toward  New  York, 
from  which  much  had  been  anticipated  by  Washington, 
proved  a  failure,  It  moved  in  three  divisions,  by  different 


1777.]  HEATH'S  DIVERSION.  255 

routes,  but  all  arriving  nearly  at  the  same  time  at  the 
enemy's  outposts  at  King's  Bridge.  There  was  some  skir- 
mishing, but  the  great  feature  of  the  expedition  was  a 
pompous  and  peremptory  summons  of  Fort  Independence  to 
surrender.  'Twenty  minutes  only  can  be  allowed,"  said 
Heath,  '"for  the  garrison  to  give  their  answer,  and,  should 
it  be  in  the  negative,  they  must  abide  the  consequences. " 
The  garrison  made  no  answer  but  an  occasional  cannonade. 
Heath  failed  to  follow  up  his  summons  by  corresponding 
deeds.  He  hovered  and  skirmished  for  some  days  about  the 
outposts  and  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek,  and  then  retired  before 
a  threatened  snow-storm,  and  the  report  of  an  enemy's  fleet 
from  Rhode  Island,  with  troops  under  Lord  Percy,  who 
might  land  in  Westchester,  and  take  the  besieging  force  in 
rear. 

Washington,  while  he  spoke  of  Heath's  failure  with 
indulgence  in  his  dispatches  to  government,  could  not  but 
give  him  a  rebuke  in  a  private  letter.  "Your  summons," 
writes  he,  "as  you  did  not  attempt  to  fulfill  your  threats,  was 
not  only  idle,  but  farcical;  and  will  not  fail  of  turning  the 
laugh  exceedingly  upon  us.  These  things  I  mention  to  you 
as  a  friend,  for  you  will  perceive  they  have  composed  no 
part  of  my  public  letter." 

But  though  disappointed  in  this  part  of  his  plan,  "Wash- 
ington, having  received  reinforcements  of  militia,  continued, 
with  his  scanty  army,  to  carry  on  his  system  of  annoyance. 
Tli>-  situation  of  Cornwallis,  who,  but  a  short  time  before, 
traversed  the  Jerseys  so  triumphantly,  became  daily  more 
and  more  irksome.  Spies  were  in  his  camp,  to  give  notice 
of  every  movement,  and  foes  without  to  take  advantage  of 
it;  so  that  not  a  foraging  party  could  sally  forth  without 
being  waylaid.  By  degrees  he  drew  in  his  troops  which 
were  posted  about  the  country,  and  collected  them  at  New 
Brunswick  and  Amboy,  so  as  to  have  a  communication  by 
water  with  New  York,  whence  he  was  now  compelled  to 
draw  nearly  all  his  supplies;  '"presenting,"  to  use  the  words 
of  Hamilton,  "the  extraordinary  spectacle  of  a  powerful  army, 
straitened  within  narrow  limits  by  the  phantom  of  a  military 
force,  and  never  permitted  to  transgress  those  limits  with 
impunity." 

In  fact,  the  recent  operations  in  the  Jerseys  had  suddenly 
changed  the  whole  aspect  of  the  war,  and  given  a  triumphant 
close  to  what  had  been  a  disastrous  campaign. 

The  troops,  which  for  mouths  had  been  driven  from  post 
to  post,  apparently  an  undisciplined  rabble,  had  all  at  once 


25G  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.XXXV. 

turned  upon  their  pursuers,  and  astounded  them  by  brilliant 
stratagems  and  daring  exploits.  The  commander,  whose 
cautious  policy  had  been  sneered  at  by  enemies,  and  regarded 
with  impatience  by  misjudging  friends,  had  all  at  once 
shown  that  he  possessed  enterprise,  as  well  as  circumspection, 
energy  as  well  as  endurance,  and  that  beneath  his  wary  cold- 
ness^ lurked  a  fire  to  break  forth  at  the  proper  moment. 
This  year's  campaign,  the  most  critical  one  of  the  war,  and 
especially  the  part  of  it  which  occurred  in  the  Jerseys,  was 
the  ordeal  that  made  his  great  qualities  fully  appreciated  by 
his  countrymen,  and  gained  for  him  from  the  statesmen  and 
generals  of  Europe  the  appellation  of  the  AMERICAN  FABIUS. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Burke  on  the  State  of  Affairs  in  America — New  Jersey  Roused  to 
Arms — Washington  Grants  Safe  Conduct  to  Hessian  Convoys — En- 
campment at  Morristown — Puinam  at  Princeton— His  Stratagem  to 
Conceal  the  Weakness  of  his  ('amp — Exploit  of  General  Dickinson 
near  Somerset  Court  House — Washington's  Counter  Proclamation 
— Prevalence  of  tiie  Small-pox — Inoculation  of  the  Army — Contrast 
of  the  British  and  American  Commanders  and  their  Camps. 

THE  news  of  Washington's  recrossing  the  Delaware  and 
of  his  subsequent  achievements  in  the  Jerseys  had  not 
reached  London  on  the  9th  of  January.  "The  affairs  of 
America  seem  to  be  drawing  to  a  crisis,"  writes  Edmund 
Burke.  ''The  Howes  are  at  this  time  in  possession  of,  or 
able  to  awe  the  whole  middle  coast  of  America,  from 
Delaware  to  the  western  boundary  of  Massachusetts  Bay;  the 
naval  barrier  on  the  side  of  Canada  is  broken.  A  great  tract 
is  open  for  the  supply  of  the  troops;  the  river  Hudson  opens 
away  into  the  heart  of  the  provinces,  and  nothing  can,  in  all 
probability,  prevent  an  early  and  offensive  campaign.  What 
the  Americans  have  done  is,  in  their  circumstances,  truly 
astonishing;  it  is  indeed  infinitely  more  than  I  expected 
from  them.  But,  having  done  so  much  for  some  short  time, 
I  began  to  entertain  an  opinion  that  they  might  do  more. 
It  is  now,  however,  evident  that  they  cannot  look  standing 
armies  in  the  face.  They  are  inferior  in  everything — even  in 
numbers.  There  seem  by  the  best  accounts  not  to  be  above 
ten  or  twelve  thousand  men  at  most  in  their  grand  army. 


1777.]  REPLY  TO  CORNWALL1S.  257 

The  rest  are  militia,  and  not  wonderfuly  well  composed  or 
disciplined.  They  decline  a  general  engagement;  prudently 
enough,  if  their  object  had  been  to  make  the  war  attend 
upon  a  treaty  of  good  terms  of  subjection;  but  when  they 
look  further,  this  will  not  do.  An  army  that  is  obliged  at 
all  times,  and  in  all  situations,  to  decline  an  engagement, 
may  delay  their  ruin,  but  can  never  defend  their  country."* 

At  the  time  when  this  was  written,  the  Howes  had  learned 
to  their  mortification,  that  "the  mere  running  through  a 
province,  is  not  subduing  it."  The  British  commanders  had 
been  outgeneraled,  attacked  and  defeated.  They  had  nearly 
been  driven  out  of  the  Jerseys,  and  were  now  hemmed  in  and 
held  in  check  by  Washington  and  his  handful  of  men  castled 
among  the  heights  of  Morristown.  So  far  from  kolding  pos- 
session of  the  territory  they  had  so  recently  overrun,  they  were 
fain  to  ask  safe  conduct  across  it  for  a  convoy  to  their  soldiers 
captured  in  battle.  It  must  have  been  a  severe  trial  to  the 
pride  of  Cornwallis,  when  he  had  to  inquire  by  letter  of 
Washington,  whether  money  and  stores  could  be  sent  to  the 
Hessians  captured  at  Trenton,  and  a  surgeon  and  medicines 
to  the  wounded  at  Princeton;  and  Washington's  reply  must 
have  conveyed  a  reproof  still  more  mortifying:  No  molesta- 
tion, he  assured  his  lordship,  would  be  offered  to  the  convoy 
by  any  part  of  the  regular  army  under  h&  command;  but 
"he  could  not  answer  for  the  militia,  who  were  resorting  to 
a/-///*  in  most  parts  of  the  State,  and  were  excessively  exas- 
jH-rnted  at  the  treatment  they  had  met  with  from  both 
Hessian  and  British  troops." 

In  fact,  the  conduct  of  the  enemy  had  roused  the  whole 
country  against  them.  The  proclamations  and  printed 
protections  of  the  British  commanders,  on  the  faith  of  which 
the  inhabitants  in  general  had  staid  at  home,  and  forbore 
to  take  up  arms,  had  proved  of  no  avail.  The  Hessians 
could  not  or  would  not  understand  them,  but  plundered 
friend  and  foe  alike,  f  The  British  soldiery  often  followed 
their  example,  and  the  plunderings  of  both  were  at  times 
attended  by  those  brutal  outrages  on  the  weaker  sex,  which 
intlame  the  dullest  spirits  to  revenge.  The  whole  State  was 
thus  roused  against  its  invaders.  In  Washington's  retreat  of 
more  than  a  hundred  miles  through  the  Jerseys,  he  had 
never  been  joined  by  more  than  one  hundred  of  its  inhab- 

*  Burke's  Works,  vol.  v. ,  p.  125. 

t  "These  rascals  plunder  all  indiscriminately.  If  they  see  anything  they  like,  they 
eay,  '  Rebel  good  for  Hesse-mane,'  and  seize  upon  it  for  their  own  use.  They  have 
no  idea  of  the  distinctions  between  Whig  and  Tory."— Letter  of  Hazard  the  Pott- 
master. 


258  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [cil.  XXXV. 

itants;  now  sufferers  of  both  parties  rose  as  one  man  to 
avenge  their  personal  injuries.  The  late  quiet  yeomanry 
armed  themselves,  and  scoured  the  country  in  small  parties 
to  seize  on  stragglers,  and  the  militia  began  to  signalize 
themselves  in  voluntary  skirmishes  with  regular  troops. 

In  effect,  Washington  ordered  a  safe  conduct  to  be  given 
to  the  Hessian  baggage  as  far  as  Philadelphia,  and  to  the 
surgeon  and  medicines  to  Princeton,  and  permitted  a 
Hessian  sergeant  and  twelve  men,  unarmed,  to  attend  the 
baggage  until  it  was  delivered  to  their  countrymen. 

Morristown,  where  the  main  army  was  encamped,  had  not 
been  chosen  by  Washington  as  a  permanent  post,  but  merely 
as  a  halting-place,  where  his  troops  might  repose  after  their 
excessive  fatigues  and  their  sufferings  from  the  inclement 
season.  Further  considerations  persuaded  him  that  it  was 
well  situated  for  the  system  of  petty  warfare  which  he  medi- 
tated, and  induced  him  to  remain  there.  It  was  protected 
by  forests  and  rugged  heights.  All  approach  from  the  sea- 
board was  rendered  difficult  and  dangerous  to  a  hostile  force 
by  a  chain  of  sharp  hills,  extending  from  Pluckamin,  by 
Boundbrook  and  Springfield,  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Passaic 
Eiver,  while  various  defiles  in  the  rear  afforded  safer  retreats 
into  a  fertile  and  well  peopled  region.*  It  was  nearly 
equidistant  from  Amboy,  Kewark,  and  Brunswick,  the 
principal  posts  of  the  enemy;  so  that  any  movement  made 
from  them  could  be  met  by  a  counter  movement  on  his  part; 
while  the  forays  and  skirmishes  by  which  he  might  harass 
them,  would  school  and  season  his  own  troops.  He  had 
three  faithful  generals  with  him:  Greene,  his  reliance  on  all 
occasions;  swarthy  Sullivan,  whose  excitable  temper  and 
quick  sensibilities  he  had  sometimes  to  keep  in  check  by 
friendly  counsels  and  rebukes,  but  who  "vas  a  good  officer, 
and  loyally  attached  to  him;  and  brave,  genial,  generous 
Knox,  never  so  happy  as  when  by  his  side.  He  had  lately 
been  advanced  to  the  rank  of  brigadier  at  his  recommenda- 
tion, and  commanded  the  artillery. 

Washington's  military  family  at  this  time  was  composed 
of  his  aides-de-camp,  Colonel  Meade  and  Tench  Tilghman 
of  Philadelphia;  gentlemen  of  gallant  spirit,  amiable  tempers 
and  cultivated  manners;  and  his  secretary,  Colonel  Robert 
H.  Harrison  of  Maryland;  the  "old  secretary,"  as  he  was 
familiarly  called  among  his  associates,  and  by  whom  he  was 

*  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.,  p.  149. 


1777.]  AMERICAN   ENCAMPMENT.  259 

described  as  "one  in  whom  every  man  had  confidence,  and 
liv  whom  no  man  was  deceived." 

Washington's  head-quarters  at  first  were  in  what  was 
called  the  Freemasons'  Tavern,  on  the  north  side  of  the 
village  green.  His  troops  were  encamped  about  the  vicinity 
of  the  village,  at  first  in  tents,  until  they  could  build  log 
huts  for  shelter  against  the  winter's  cold.  The  main 
enrumpment  was  near  Bottle  Hill,  in  a  sheltered  valley 
which  was  thickly  wooded,  and  had  abundant  springs.  It 
extended  south-easterly  from  Morristown;  and  was  called  the 
Lowantica  Valley,  from  the  Indian  name  of  a  beautiful  limpid 
brook  which  ran  through  it,  and  lost  itself  in  a  great  swamp.* 

The  enemy  being  now  concentrated  at  Xew  Brunswick 
and  Am  boy,  General  Putnam  was  ordered  by  Washington  to 
move  from  Crosswicks  to  Princeton,  with  the  troops  under 
his  command.  He  was  instructed  to  draw  his  forage  as 
much  as  possible  from  the  neighborhood  of  Brunswick,  about 
eighteen  miles  off,  thereby  contributing  to  distress  the 
enemy;  to  have  good  scouting  parties  continually  on  the 
look-out;  to  keep  nothing  with  him  but  what  could  be 
moved  off  at  a  moment's  warning,  and,  if  compelled  to  leave 
Princeton,  to  retreat  toward  the  mountains,  so  as  to  form  a 
junction  with  the  forces  at  Morristown. 

Putnam  had  with  him  but  a  few  hundred  men.  "You 
will  give  out  your  strength  to  be  twice  as  great  as  it  is." 
writes  Washington;  a  common  expedient  with  him  in  those 
ti mi's  of  scanty  means.  Putnam  acted  up  to  the  advice.  A 
British  officer,  Captain  Macpherson,  was  lying  desperately 
wounded  at  Princeton,  and  Putnam,  in  the  kindness  of  his 
heart,  was  induced  to  send  in  a  flag  to  Brunswick  in  quest 
of  a  friend  and  military  comrade  of  the  dying  man,  to  attend 
him  in  his  last  moments  and  make  his  will.  To  prevent  the 

[weakness  of  the  garrison  from  being  discovered,  the  visitor 
was  brought  in  after  dark.  Lights  gleamed  in  all  the 
college  windows,  and  in  the  vacant  houses  about  the  town; 
the  handful  of  troops  capable  of  duty  were  marched  hither 
and  thither  and  backward  and  forward,  and  paraded  about 
to  such  effect,  that  the  visitor  on  his  return  to  the  British 
camp,  reported  the  force  under  the  old  general  to  be  at  least 
five  thousand  strong,  f- 

Cantonments  were  gradually  formed  between  Princeton 
and  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson,  which  made  the  left  flank 
of  Washington's  position,  and  where  General  Heath  had 

*  Notes  of  the  Kev.  Joseph  F.  Tuttle,  MS. 
f  Sparks'  Au».  Biography,  vol.  vii.,  p.  196. 


LIFE   OJ?   WASHIXGTOtf.  [en.  XXXV. 

command.  General  Philemon  Dickinson,  who  commanded 
the  New  Jersey  militia,  was  stationed  on  the  west  side  of 
Millstone  Eiver,  near  Somerset  court-house,  one  of  the 
nearest  posts  to  the  enemy's  camp  at  Brunswick.  A  British 
foraging  party,  of  five  or  six  hundred  strong,  sent  out  by 
Cornwallis  with  forty  wagons  and  upward  of  a  hundred 
draught  horses,  mostly  of  the  English  breed,  having  collected 
sheep  and  cattle  about  the  country,  were  sacking  a  mill  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  where  a  large  quantity  of  flour 
was  deposited.  While  thus  employed,  Dickinson  set  upon 
them  with  a  force  equal  in  number,  but  composed  of  raw 
militia  and  fifty  Philadelphia  riflemen.  He  dashed  through 
the  river,  waist  deep,  with  his  men,  and  charged  the  enemy 
so  suddenly  and  vigorously,  that,  though  supported  by  three 
field-pieces,  they  gave  way,  left  their  convoy,  and  retreated 
so  precipitately,  that  he  made  only  nine  prisoners.  A 
number  of  killed  and  wounded  were  carried  off  by  the 
fugitives  on  light  wagons.* 

These  exploits  of  the  militia  were  noticed  with  high 
encomiums  by  Washington,  while  at  the  same  time  he  was 
rigid  in  prohibiting  and  punishing  the  excesses  into  which 
men  are  apt  to  run  when  suddenly  clothed  with  military 
power.  Such  is  the  spirit  of  a  general  order  issued  at  this 
time.  "The  general  prohibits,  in  both  the  militia  and 
Continental  troops,  the  infamous  practice  of  plundering  the 
inhabitants  under  the  specious  pretence  of  their  being  tories. 
*  *  *  It  is  our  business  to  give  protection  and  support  to 
the  poor  distressed  inhabitants,  not  to  multiply  and  increase 
their  calamities."  After  the  publication  of  this  order,  all 
excesses  of  this  kind  were  to  be  punished  in  the  severest 
manner. 

To  counteract  the  proclamation  of  the  British  commis- 
sioners, promising  amnesty  to  all  in  rebellion  who  should,  in 
a  given  time,  return  to  their  allegiance,  Washington  now 
issued  a  counter  proclamation  (Jan.  25th),  commanding 
every  person  who  had  subscribed  a  declaration  of  fidelity  to 
Great  Britain,  or  taken  an  oath  of  allegiance,  to  repair 
within  thirty  days  to  head-quarters,  or  the  quarters  of  the 
nearest  general  officer  of  the  Continental  army  or  of  the 
militia,  and  there  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  give  up  any  protection,  certificate, 
or  passport  he  might  have  received  from  the  enemy;  at  the 
same  time  granting  full  liberty  to  all  such  as  preferred  the 

*  Washington  to  the  President  of  Cong.     Also  note  to  Sparks,  vol.  iv.,  p.  290. 


1717.]  COKTliAST   OF   GENERALS   AtfD   ARMIES.  261 

interest  and  protection  of  Great  Britain  to  the  freedom  and 
happiness  of  their  country,  forthwith  to  withdraw  themselves 
and  families  within  the  enemy's  lines.  All  who  should  neg- 
lect or  refuse  to  comply  with  this  order  were  to  be  considered 
adherents  to  the  crown,  and  treated  as  common  enemies. 

This  measure  met  with  objections  at  the  time,  some  of  the 
timid  or  over-cautious  thinking  it  inexpedient;  others,  jeal- 
ous of  the  extraordinary  powers  vested  in  Washington, 
questioning  whether  he  had  not  transcended  these  powers 
and  exercised  a  degree  of  despotism. 

The  small-pox,  which  had  been  fatally  prevalent  in  the 
preceding  year,  had  again  broken  out,  and  Washington  feared 
it  might  spread  through  the  whole  army.  He  took  advan- 
tage of  the  interval  of  comparative  quiet  to  have  his  troops 
inoculated.  Houses  were  set  apart  in  various  places  as 
hospitals  for  inoculation,  and  a  church  was  appropriated  for 
the  use  of  those  who  had  taken  the  malady  in  the  natural 
way.  Among  these  the  ravages  were  frightful.  The  tradi- 
tions of  the  place  and  neighborhood  give  lamentable  pictures 
of  the  distress  caused  by  this  loathsome  disease  in  the  camp 
and  in  the  villages,  wherever  it  had  not  been  parried  by 
inoculation. 

"Washington,"  we  are  told,  "was  not  an  unmoved 
spectator  of  the  griefs  around  him,  and  might  be  seen  in 
Hanover  and  in  Lowantica  Valley,  cheering  the  faith  and 
inspiring  the  courage  of  his  suffering  men."*  It  was  this 
paternal  care  and  sympathy  which  attached  his  troops 
personally  to  him.  They  saw  that  he  regarded  them,  not 
with  the  eye  of  a  general,  but  of  a  patriot,  whose  heart 
yearned  toward  them  as  countrymen  suffering  in  one 
common  cause. 

A  striking  contrast  was  offered  throughout  the  winter  and 
spring,  between  the  rival  commanders,  Howe  at  New  York, 
and  Washington  at  Morristown.  Howe  was  a  soldier  by 
profession.  War,  with  him,  was  a  career.  The  camp  was, 
for  the  time,  country  and  home.  Easy  and  indolent  by 
nature,  of  convivial  and  luxurious  habits,  and  somewhat 
addicted  to  gaming,  he  found  himself  in  good  quarters  at 
New  York,  and  was  in  no  hurry  to  leave  them.  The  tories 
rallied  around  him.  The  British  merchants  residing  there 
regarded  him  with  profound  devotion.  His  officers,  too, 
many  of  them  young  men  of  rank  and  fortune,  gave  a  gayety 
and  brilliancy  to  the  place;  and  the  wealthy  royalists  forgot 

»  Notes  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  F.  Tuttle,  MS. 


262  LIM  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  xxxv. 

in-a  round  of  dinners,  balls  and  assemblies,  the  hysterical 
alarms  they  had  once  experienced  under  the  military  sway  of 
Lee. 

Washington,  on  the  contrary,  was  a  patriot  soldier,  grave, 
earnest,  thoughtful,  self-sacrificing.  War,  to  him,  was  a 
painful  remedy,  hateful  in  itself,  but  adopted  for  a  great 
national  good.  To  the  prosecution  of  it,  all  his  pleasures, 
his  comforts,  his  natural  inclinations  and  private  interests 
\vere  sacrificed;  and  his  chosen  officers  were  earnest  and 
anxious  like  himself,  with  their  whole  thoughts  directed  to 
the  success  of  the  magnanimous  struggle  in  which  they  were 
engaged. 

So,  too,  the  armies  were  contrasted.  The  British  troops, 
many  of  them,  perchance,  slightly  metamorphosed  from 
vagabonds  into  soldiers,  all  mere  men  of  the  sword,  were 
well  clad,  well  housed,  and  surrounded  by  all  the  conven- 
iences of  a  thoroughly  appointed  army  with  a  "rebel  country" 
to  forage.  The  American  troops  for  the  most  part  were 
mere  yeomanry,  taken  from  their  rural  homes;  ill  sheltered, 
ill  clad,  ill  fed  and  ill  paid,  with  nothing  to  reconcile  them 
to  their  hardships  but  love  for  the  soil  they  were  defending, 
and  the  inspiring  thought  that  it  wras  their  country.  Wash- 
ington, with  paternal  care,  endeavored  to  protect  them  from 
the  depraving  influences  of  the  camp.  "Let  vice  and 
immorality  of  every  kind  be  discouraged  as  much  as  possible 
in  your  brigade,"  writes  he  in  a  circular  to  his  brigadier- 
generals;  "and,  as  a  chaplain  is  allowed  to  each  regiment, 
see  that  the  men  regularly  attend  divine  worship.  Gaming 
of  every  kind  is  expressly  forbidden,  as  being  the  foundation 
of  evil,  and  the  cause  of  many  a  brave  and  gallant  officer's 
ruin." 


1777. J       NEGOTIATIONS   FOK   EXCHANGE  OF   PRISONERS.      263 


CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

Negotiations  for  Exchange  of  Prisoners — Case  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen 
— Of  General  Lee  —  Correspondence  of  Washington  with  Sir 
William  Howe  about  Exchanges  of  Prisoners — Referees  Appointed 
— Letters  of  Lee  from  New  York — Case  of  Colonel  Campbell — 
Washington's  Advice  to  Congress  on  the  Subject  of  Retaliation — 
His  Correspondence  with  Lord  Howe  about  the  Treatment  of 
Prisoners— The  Horrors  of  the  Jersey  Prison -Ship  and  the  Sugar- 
House. 

A  CARTEL  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  had  been  a  subject 
of  negotiation  previous  to  the  affair  of  Trenton,  without 
being  adjusted.  The  British  commanders  were  slow  to 
recognize  the  claims  to  equality  of  those  they  considered 
rebels;  Washington  was  tenacious  in  holding  them  up  as 
p;it riots  ennobled  by  their  cause. 

Among  the  cases  which  came  up  for  attention  was  that  of 
Ktliun  Allen,  the  brave,  but  eccentric  captor  of  Ticonderoga. 
His  daring  attempts  in  the  "path  of  renown"  had  cost  him 
a  world  of  hardships.  Thrown  into  irons  as  a  felon;  threat- 
oiird  with  a  halter;  carried  to  England  to  be  tried  for  treason; 
confined  in  Penilennis  Castle;  retr.insported  to  Halifax,  and 
now  a  prisoner  in  New  York.  "I  have  suffered  everything 
short  of  death,"  writes  lie  to  the  Assembly  of  his  native 
State,  Connecticut.  He  had,  however,  recovered  health  and 
suppleness  of  limb,  and  with  them  all  his  swelling  spirit  and 
s\vi'l ling  rhetoric.  "I  am  fired,"  writes  he,  "with  adequate 
indignation  to  revenge  both  my  own  and  my  country's 
wrongs.  I  am  experimentally  certain  I  have  fortitude 
sufficient  to  face  the  invaders  of  America  in  the  place  of 
danger,  spread  with  all  the  horrors  of  war."  And  he  con- 
cludes with  one  of  his  magniloquent,  but  really  sincere 
expressions  of  patriotism:  "Provided  you  can  hit  upon  some 
measure  to  procure  my  liberty,  I  will  appropriate  my  remain- 
ing days,  and  freely  hazard  my  life  in  the  service  of  the 
colony,  and  maintaining  the  American  Empire.  I  thought 
to  have  enrolled  my  name  in  the  list  of  illustrious  American 
heroes,  but  was  nipped  in  the  bud!" 

Honest  Ethan  Allen!  his  name  will  ever  stand  enrolled  on 
that  list;  not  illustrious,  perhaps,  but  eminently  popular. 

His  appeal  to  his  native  State  had  produced  an  appeal  to 


264  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXVI. 

Congress,  and  Washington  had  been  instructed,  considering 
his  long  imprisonment,  to  urge  his  exchange.  This  had 
scarce  been  urged,  when  tidings  of  the  capture  of  General 
Lee  presented  a  case  of  still  greater  importance  to  be  pro- 
vided for.  "I  feel  much  for  his  misfortune,"  writes  Wash- 
ington, "and  am  sensible  that  in  his  captivity  our  country 
has  lost  a  warm  friend  and  an  able  officer."  By  direction  of 
Congress,  he  had  sent  in  a  flag  to  inquire  about  Lee's  treat- 
ment, and  to  convey  him  a  sum  of  money.  This  was  just 
previous  to  the  second  crossing  of  the  Delaware. 

Lee  was  now  reported  to  be  in  rigorous  confinement  in 
New  York,  and  treated  with  harshness  and  indignity.  The 
British  professed  to  consider  him  a  deserter,  he  having  been 
a  lieutenant-colonel  in  their  service,  although  he  alleged  that 
he  had  resigned  his  commission  before  joining  the  American 
army.  Two  letters  which  he  addressed  to  General  Howe, 
were  returned  to  him  unopened,  inclosed  in  a  cover  directed 
to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lee. 

On  the  13th  of  January,  Washington  addressed  the  follow- 
ing letter  to  Sir  William  Howe.  "I  am  directed  by  Congress 
to  propose  an  exchange  of  five  of  the  Hessian  field-officers 
taken  at  Trenton  for  Major-General  Lee;  or  if  this  proposal 
should  not  be  accepted,  to  demand  his  liberty  upon  parole, 
within  certain  bounds,  as  has  ever  been  granted  to  your 
officers  in  our  custody.  I  am  informed,  upon  good  authority, 
that  your  reason  for  keeping  him  hitherto  in  stricter  con- 
finement than  usual  is,  that  you  do  not  look  upon  him  in 
the  light  of  a  common  prisoner  of  war,  but  as  a  deserter 
from  the  British  service,  as  his  resignation  has  never  been 
accepted,  and  that  you  intend  to  try  him  as  such  by  a  court- 
martial.  I  will  not  undertake  to  determine  how  far  this 
doctrine  may  be  justifiable  among  yourselves,  but  I  must 
give  you  warning  that  Major-General  Lee  is  looked  upon  as 
an  officer  belonging  to,  and  under  the  protection  of  the 
United  Independent  States  of  America,  and  that  any  violence 
you  may  commit  upon  his  life  and  liberty,  will  be  severely 
retaliated  upon  the  lives  or  liberties  of  the  British  officers,  or 
those  of  their  foreign  allies  in  our  hands." 

In  this  letter  he  likewise  adverted  to  the  treatment  of 
American  prisoners  in  New  York;  several  who  had  recently 
been  released  having  given  the  most  shocking  account  of 
the  barbarities  they  had  experienced,  "which  their  miserable, 
emaciated  countenances  confirmed." — -"I  would  beg,"  added 
he,  "that  some  certnin  rule  of  conduct  toward  prisoners 
may  be  settled;  and,  if  you  are  determined  to  make  captivity 


1777.]  CASE   OF  GENERAL   LEE.  265 

as  distressing  as  possible,  let  me  know  it,  that  we  may  be 
upon  equal  terms,  for  your  conduct  shall  regulate  mine." 

Sir  William,  in  reply,  proposed  to  send  an  officer  of  rank 
to  Washington,  to  confer  upon  a  mode  of  exchange  and 
subsistence  of  prisoners.  "This  expedient,"  observes  he, 
"appearing  to  me  effectual  for  settling  all  differences,  will,  I 
hope,  be  the  means  of  preventing  a  repetition  of  the 
improper  terms  in  which  your  letter  is  expressed  and  founded 
on  the  grossest  misrepresentations.  I  shall  not  make  any 
further  comment  upon  it,  than  to  assure  you,  that  your 
tlnvats  of  retaliating  upon  the  innocent  such  punishment  as 
may  be  decreed  in  the  circumstances  of  Mr.  Lee  by  the  laws 
of  his  country,  will  not  divert  me  from  my  duty  in  any 
respect;  at  the  same  time,  you  may  rest  satisfied  that  the 
proceedings  against  him  will  not  be  precipitated;  and  I  trust 
that,  in  this,  or  in  any  other  event  in  the  course  of  my 
command,  you  will  not  have  just  cause  to  accuse  me  of 
inhumanity,  prejudice,  or  passion." 

Sir  William,  in  truth,  was  greatty  perplexed  with  respect 
to  Lee,  and  had  written  to  England  to  Lord  George 
(iermaine  for  instructions  in  the  case.  "General  Lee," 
writes  he,  "being  considered  in  the  light  of  a  deserter,  is 
kept  a  close  prisoner;  but  I  do  not  bring  him  to  trial,  as  a 
doubt  has  arisen,  whether,  by  a  public  resignation  of  his 
half  pay  prior  to  his  entry  into  the  rebel  army,  he  was 
amenable  to  the  military  law  as  a  deserter." 

The  proposal  of  Sir  William,  that  all  disputed  points 
relative  to  the  exchange  and  subsistence  of  prisoners  should 
be  adjusted  by  referees,  led  to  the  appointment  of  two 
officers  for  the  purpose;  Colonel  Walcott  by  General  Howe, 
and  Colonel  Harrison,  "the  old  secretary,"  by  Washington. 
In  the  contemplated  exchanges  was  that  of  one  of  the 
Hessian  field-officers  for  Colonel  Ethan  Allen. 

The  haughty  spirit  of  Lee  had  experienced  a  severe 
humiliation  in  the  late  catastrophe;  his  pungent  and  caustic 
humor  is  at  an  end.  In  a  letter  addressed  shortly  afterward 
to  Washington,  and  inclosing  one  to  Congress  which  Lord 
and  General  Howe  had  permitted  him  to  send,  he  writes, 
"as  the  contents  are  of  the  last  importance  to  me,  and 
perhaps  not  less  so  to  the  community,  I  most  earnestly 
entreat,  my  dear  general,  that  you  will  dispatch  it  immedi- 
ately, and  order  the  Congress  to  be  as  expeditious  as 
possible." 

The  letter  contained  a  request  that  two  or  three  gentlemen 
might  be  sent  immediately  to  JJew  York,  to  whom  he  would 


266  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON,  [en.  xxxvi. 

communicate  what  he  conceived  to  be  of  the  greatest  impor- 
tance. "If  my  own  interests  were  alone  at  stake,"  writes 
he,  "I  flatter  myself  that  the  Congress  wonld  not  hesitate  a 
single  instant  in  acquiescing  in  my  request;  but  this  is  far 
from  the  case;  the  interests  of  the  public  are  equally  con- 
cerned. *  *  Lord  and  General  Howe  will  grant  a  safe 
conduct  to  the  gentlemen  deputed." 

The  letter  having  been  read  in  Congress,  Washington  was 
directed  to  inform  General  Lee  that  they  were  pursuing  and 
would  continue  to  pursue  every  means  in  their  power  to 
provide  for  his  personal  safety,  and  to  obtain  his  liberty;  but 
that  they  considered  it  improper  to  send  any  of  their  body 
to  communicate  with  him,  and  could  not  perceive  how  it 
would  tend  to  his  advantage  or  the  interest  of  the  public. 

Lee  repeated  his  request,  but  with  no  better  success.  He 
felt  this  refusal  deeply;  as  a  brief,  sad  note  to  Washington 
indicates: 

"It  is  a  most  unfortunate  circumstance  for  myself,  and  I 
think  not  less  so  for  the  public,  that  Congress  have  not 
thought  proper  to  comply  with  my  request.  It  could  not 
possibly  have  been  attended  with  any  ill  consequences,  and 
might  with  good  ones.  At  least  it  was  an  iiidulgence  which 
I  thought  my  situation  entitled  me  to.  But  I  am  unfor- 
tunate in  everything,  and  this  stroke  is  the  severest  I  have 
yet  experienced.  God  send  you  a  different  fate.  Adieu, 
my  dear  general. 

"Yours  most  truly  and  affectionately, 

"CHARLES  LEE." 

How  different  from  the  humorous,  satirical,  self-confident 
tone  of  his  former  letters.  Yet  Lee's  actual  treatment  was 
not  so  harsh  as  had  been  represented.  He  was  in  close 
confinement,  it  is  true;  but  three  rooms  had  been  fitted  up 
for  his  reception  in  the  Old  City  Hall  of  Xew  York,  having 
nothing  of  the  look  of  a  prison  excepting  that  they  were 
secured  by  bolts  and  bars. 

Congress,  in  the  mean  time,  had  resorted  to  their  threat- 
ened measure  of  retaliation.  On  the  20th  of  February,  they 
had  resolved  that  the  Board  of  War  be  directed  immediately 
to  order  the  five  Hessian  field-officers  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Campbell  into  safe  and  close  custody,  "it  being  the  unalter- 
able resolution  of  Congress  to  retaliate  on  them  the  same 
pmiishment  as  may  be  inflicte4  on  the  person  of  General 
Lee." 


1777.]  RETALIATORY   MEASURES.  267 

The  Colonel  Campbell  here  mentioned  had  commanded 
one  of  General  Eraser's  battalions  of  Highlanders,  and  had 
been  captured  on  board  of  a  transport  in  Nantasket  road,  in 
the  preceding  summer.  He  was  a  member  of  Parliament, 
and  a  gentleman  of  fortune.  Retaliation  was  carried  to 
excess  in  regard  to  him,  for  he  was  thrown  into  the  common 
jail  ;it  (.'oncord  in  Massachusetts. 

From  his  prison  he  made  an  appeal  to  Washington,  which 
at  once  touched  his  quick  sense  of  justice.  He  immediately 
wrote  to  the  council  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  quoting  the  words 
of  the  resolution  of  Congress.  "By  this  you  will  observe," 
adds  he,  "that  exactli,  the  same  treatment  is  to  be  shown  to 
Colonel  Campbell  and  the  Hessian  officers,  that  General 
Howe  shows  to  General  Lee,  and  as  he  is  only  confined  to  a 
commodious  house  with  genteel  accommodations,  we  have 
no  right  or  reason  to  be  more  severe  on  Colonel  Campbell, 
who  I  would  wish  should  upon  the  receipt  of  this  be  removed 
from  his  present  situation,  and  be  put  into  a  house  where  he 
may  live  comfortably." 

In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  on  the  following 
day,  he  gives  his  moderating  counsels  on  the  whole  subject 
of  retaliation.  "Though  I  sincerely  commiserate."  writes 
he,  "the  misfortunes  of  General  Lee,  and  feel  much  for  his 
present  unhappy  situation,  yet  with  all  possible  deference  to 
the  opinion  of  Congress,  I  fear  that  these  resolutions  will 
not  have  the  desired  effect,  are  founded  on  impolicy,  and 
will,  if  adhered  to,  produce  consequences  of  an  extensive  and 
-melancholy  nature." 

"The  balance  of  prisoners  is  greatly  against  us,  and  a 
general  regard  to  the  happiness  of  the  whole  should  mark 
our  conduct.  Can  we  imagine  that  our  enemies  will  not 
mete  the  same  punishments,  the  same  indignities,  the  same 
cruelties,  to  tbose  belonging  to  us,  in  their  possession,  that 
we  impose  on  theirs  in  our  power?  Why  should  we  suppose 
them  to  possess  more  humanity  than  we  have  ourselves?  Or 
why  should  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  relieve  the  distresses  of 
one  brave,  unfortunate  man,  involve  many  more  in  the  same 
calamities?  *  *  *  Suppose,"  continues  he,  "the  treat- 
ment prescribed  for  the  Hessians  should  be  pursued,  will  it 
not  establish  what  the  enemy  have  been  aiming  to  effect  by 
every  artifice  and  the  grossest  misrepresentations,  I  mean  an 
opinion  of  our  enmity  toward  them,  and  of  the  cruel 
treatment  they  experience  when  they  fall  into  our  hands,  a 
prejudice  which  we  on  our  part  have  heretofore  thought  it 


268  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXVI. 

politic  to  suppress,  and  to  root  out  by  every  act  of  lenity  and 
of  kindness?" 

"Many  more  objections,". added  he,  ''might  be  subjoined, 
were  they  material.  I  shall  only  observe,  that  the  present 
state  of  the  army,  if  it  deserves  that  name,  will  not  authorize 
the  language  of  retaliation,  or  the  style  of  menace.  This 
will  be  conceded  by  all  who  know  that  the  whole  of  our 
force  is  weak  and  trifling,  and  composed  of  militia  (very  few 
regular  troops  excepted)  whose  service  is  on  the  eve  of 
expiring." 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Eobert  Morris  also,  he  writes:  "I  wish, 
with  all  my  heart,  that  Congress  had  gratified  General  Lee 
in  his  request.  If  not  too  late  I  wish  they  would  do  it  still. 
I  can  see  no  possible  evil  that  can  result  from  it;  some  good, 
I  think,  might.  The  request  to  see  a  gentleman  or  two 
came  from  the  general,  not  from  the  commissioners;  there 
could  have  been  no  harm,  therefore,  in  hearing  what  lie  had 
to  say  on  any  subject,  especially  as  he  had  declared  that  his 
own  personal  interest  was  deeply  concerned.  The  resolvo 
to  put  in  close  confinement  Lieutenant-Colonel  Campbell 
and  the  Hessian  field-officers,  in  order  to  retaliate  upon  them 
General  Lee's  punishment,  is,  in  my  opinion,  injurious  in 
every  point  of  view,  and  must  have  been  entered  into  without 
due  attention  to  the  consequences.  *****  jf  ^]ie 
resolve  of  Congress  respecting  General  Lee  strikes  you  in  the 
same  point  of  view  it  has  done  me,  I  could  wish  you  would 
signify  as  much  to  that  body,  as  I  really  think  it  fraught  with 
every  evil." 

Washington  was  not  always  successful  in  instilling  his  wise 
moderation  into  public  councils.  Congress  adhered  to  their 
vindictive  policy,  merely  directing  that  no  other  hardships 
should  be  inflicted  on  the  captive  officers,  than  such  confine- 
ment as  was  necessary  to  carry  their  resolve  into  effect.  As  to 
their  refusal  to  grant  the  request  of  Lee,  Robert  Morris  sur- 
mised they  were  fearful  of  the  injurious  effect  that  might  be 
produced  in  the  court  of  France,  should  it  be  reported  that 
members  of  Congress  visited  General  Lee  by  permission  of 
the  British  commissioners.  There  were  other  circumstances 
besides  the  treatment  of  General  Lee,  to  produce  this  indig- 
nant sensibility  on  the  part  of  Congress.  Accounts  were 
rife  at  this  juncture,  of  the  cruelties  and  indignities  almost 
invariably  experienced  by  American  prisoners  at  New  York; 
and  an  active  correspondence  on  the  subject  was  going  on 
between  Washington  and  the  British  commanders,  at  the 
same  time  with  that  regarding  General  Lee. 


1777.]          TI:  r.\TMENT  OF  AMERICAN  PRISONERS.  2C'J 

The  captive  Americans  who  had  been  in  the  naval  service 
were  said  to  be  confined,  officers  and  men,  in  prison-ships, 
which,  from  their  loathsome  condition,  and  the  horrors  and 
sufferings  of  all  kinds  experienced  on  board  of  them,  had 
acquired  the  appellation  of  floating  hells.  Those  who  had 
been  in  the  land  service,  were  crowded  into  jails  and 
dungeons  like  the  vilest  malefactors,  and  were  represented  as 
pining  in  cold,  in  filth,  in  hunger  and  nakedness. 

"Our  poor  devoted  soldiers,"  writes  an  eye-witness,  "were 
scantily  supplied  with  provisions  of  bad  quality,  wretchedly 
clothed,  and  destitute  of  sufficient  fuel,  if  indeed  they  had 
any.  Disease  was  the  inevitable  consequence,  and  their 
prisons  soon  became  hospitals.  A  fatal  malady  was  generated, 
and  the  mortality,  to  every  heart  not  steeled  by  the  spirit  of 
party,  w'as  truly  deplorable."*  According  to  popular 
account,  the  prisoners  confined  on  shipboard,  and  on  shore, 
were  perishing  by  hundreds. 

A  statement  made  by  a  Captain  Gamble,  recently  confined 
on  board  of  a  prison-ship,  had  especially  roused  the  ire  of 
Congress,  and  by  their  directions  had  produced  a  letter  from 
Washington  to  Lord  Howe.  "I  am  sorry,"  writes  he,  "that 
I  am  under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  troubling  your 
lordship  with  a  letter,  almost  wholly  on  the  subject  of  the 
cruel  treatment  which  our  officers  and  men  in  the  naval 
department,  who  are  unhappy  enough  to  fall  into  your  hands, 
receive  on  board  the  prison-ships  in  the  harbor  of  New  York." 
After  specifying  the  case  of  Captain  Gamble,  and  adding  a 
iV\v  particulars,  he  proceeds:  "From  the  opinion  I  have  ever 
bci'ii  taught  to  entertain  of  your  lordship's  humanity,  I  will 
not  suppose  that  you  are  privy  to  proceedings  of  so  cruel  and 
unjustifiable  a  nature;  and  I  hope,  that,  upon  making  the 
proper  inquiry,  you  will  have  the  matter  so  regulated,  that 
the  unhappy  persons  whose  lot  is  captivity,  may  not  in  future 
have  the  miseries  of  cold,  disease,  and  famine,  added  to 
their  other  misfortunes.  You  may  call  us  rebels,  and  say 
that  we  deserve  no  better  treatment;  but  remember,  my  lord, 
that,  supposing  us  rebels,  we  still  have  feelings  as  keen  and 
sensible  as  loyalists,  and  will,  if  forced  to  it,  most  assuredly 
retaliate  upon  those  upon  whom  we  look  as  the  unjust 
invaders  of  our  rights,  liberties  and  properties.  I  should  not 
have  said  thus  much,  but  my  injured  countrymen  have  long 
called  upon  me  to  endeavor  to  obtain  a  redress  of  their 
grievances,  and  I  should  think  mjself  as  culpable  as  those 

*  Graydon's  Memoirs,  p.  232. 


270  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  XXXVI. 

who  inflict  such  severities  upon  them  were  I  to  continue 
silent,"  etc. 

Lord  Howe,  in  reply  (Jan.  17),  expressed  himself  surprised 
at  the  matter  and  language  of  Washington's  letter,  "so 
different  from  the  liberal  vein  of  sentiment  he  had  been  hab- 
ituated to  expect  on  every  occasion  of  personal  intercourse  or 
correspondence  with  him."  He  was  surprised,  too,  that 
"the  idle  and  unnatural  report"  of  Captain  Gamble,  respect- 
ing the  dead  and  dying,  and  the  neglect  of  precautions 
against  infection,  should  meet  with  any  credit.  "Attention 
to  preserve  the  lives  of  these  men,"  writes  he,  "whom  we 
esteem  the  misled  Subjects  of  the  king,  is  a  duty  as  binding 
on  us,  where  we  are  able  from  circumstances  to  execute  it 
with  effect,  as  any  you  can  plead  for  the  interest  you  profess 
in  their  welfare." 

He  denied  that  prisoners  were  ill  treated  in  his  particular 
department  (the  naval).  They  had  been  allowed  the  general 
liberty  of  the  prison-ship,  until  a  successful  attempt  of 
some  to  escape,  had  rendered  it  necessary  to  restrain  the  rest 
within  such  limits  as  left  the  commanding  parts  of  the  ship 
in  possession  of  the  guard.  They  had  the  same  provisions 
in  quality  and  quantity  that  were  furnished  to  the  seamen  of 
his  own  ship.  The  want  of  cleanliness  was  the  result  of 
their  own  indolence  and  neglect.  In  regard  to  health,  they 
had  the  constant  attendance  of  an  American  surgeon,  a 
fellow-prisoner;  who  was  furnished  with  medicines  from  the 
king's  stores;  and  the  visits  of  the  physician  of  the  fleet. 

"As  I  abhor  every  imputation  of  wanton  cruelty  in  multi- 
plying the  miseries  of  the  wretched,"  observes  his  lordship, 
"or  of  treating  them  with  needless  severit}',  I  have  taken 
the  trouble  to  state  these  sever?!  facts." 

In  regard  to  the  hint  at  retaliation,  he  leaves  it  to  Wash- 
ington to  act  therein  as  he  should  think  fit;  "but"  adds  he 
grandly,  "the  innocent  at  my  disposal  will  not  have  any 
severities  to  apprehend  from  me  on  that  account." 

We  have  quoted  this  correspondence  the  more  freely, 
because  it  is  on  a  subject  deeply  worn  into  the  American  mind; 
and  about  which  we  have  heard  too  many  particulars,  from 
childhood  upward  from  persons  of  unquestionable  veracity, 
who  suffered  in  the  cause,  to  permit  us  to  doubt  about  the 
fact.  The  Jersey  Prison-ship  is  provei'bial  in  our  revolu- 
tionary history;  and  the  bones  of  the  unfortunate  patriots 
who  perished  on  board,  form  a  monument  on  the  Long 
Island  shore.  The  horrors  of  the  Sugar  House  converted 
into  a  prison,  are  traditional  in  New  York;  and  the  brutal 


1777.J  TREATMENT  Otf  AMKKlc.\X   I>RlgON£RS.  271 

tyranny  of  Cunningham,  the  provost  marshal,  over  men  of 
worth  confined  in  the  common  jail,  for  the  sin  of  patriotism, 
h;is  been  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation. 

That  Lord  Howe  and  Sir  William  were  ignorant  of  the 
extent  of  these  atrocities  we  really  believe,  but  it  was  their 
duty  to  be  well  informed.  War  is,  at  best,  a  cruel  trade, 
that  habituates  those  who  follow  it  to  regard  the  sufferings 
of  others  with  indifference.  There  is  not  a  doubt,  too,  that 
a  feeling  of  contumely  deprived  the  patriot  prisoners  of  all 
sympathy  in  the  early  stages  of  the  Revolution.  They  were 
regarded  as  criminals  rather  than  captives.  The  stigma  of 
rebels  seemed  to  take  from  them  all  the  indulgences,  scanty 
and  miserable  as  they  are,  usually  granted  to  prisoners  of 
Avar.  The  British  officers  looked  down  with  haughty 
contempt  upon  the  American  officers  who  had  fallen  into 
their  hands.  The  British  soldiery  treated  them  with  insolent 
scurrility.  It  seemed  as  if  the  very  ties  of  consanguinity 
rendered  their  hostility  more  intolerant,  for  it  was  observed 
that  American  prisoners  were  better  treated  by  the  Hessians 
than  by  the  British.  It  Avas  not  until  our  countrymen  had 
made  themselves  formidable  by  their  successes  that  they 
Avere  treated,  when  prisoners,  with  common  decency  and 
humanity. 

The  difficulties  arising  out  of  the  case  of  General  Lee 
interrupted  the  operations  Avith  regard  to  the  exchange  of 
prisoners;  and  gallant  men,  on  both  sides,  suffered  prolonged 
detention  in  consequence;  and  among  the  number  the  brave, 
but  ill-starred  Ethan  Allen. 

Lee,  in  the  mean  time,  remained  in  confinement,  until 
directions  with  regard  to  him  should  be  received  from 
goA'ernment.  EA'ents,  however,  had  diminished  his  impor- 
tance in  the  eyes  of  the  enemy;  he  was  no  longer  considered 
the  American  palladium.  "As  the  capture  of  the  Hessians 
and  the  maneuvers  against  the  British  took  place  after  the 
surprise  of  General  Lee,"  observes  a  London  Avriter  of  the 
day,  "we  find  that  he  is  not  the  only  efficient  officer  in  the 
American  service."* 

*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  1,244. 


LIFE  OF  'WASHlxGTOU.  [CH. 


CHAPTEE  XXXVII. 

Exertions  to  Form  a  New  Arm}- — Calls  on  the  Different  States — Insuf- 
ficiency of  the  Militia— Washington's  Care  for  the  Yeomanry- 
Dangers  in  the  Northern  Department — Winter  Attack  on  Ticon- 
deroga  Apprehended — Exertions  to  Reinforce  Schnyler — Precarious 
State  of  \Vashingtou's  Army — Conjectures  as  to  the  Designs  of  the 
Enemy— Expedition  of  the  British  against  Peekskill. 

THE  early  part  of  the  year  brought  the  annual  embarrass- 
ments caused  by  short  enlistments.  The  brief  terms  of 
service  for  which  the  Continental  soldiery  had  enlisted,  a 
few  months  perhaps,  at  most  a  year,  were  expiring;  and  the 
men,  glad  to  be  released  from  camp  duty,  were  hastening  to 
their  rustic  homes.  Militia  had  to  be  the  dependence  until 
a  new  army  could  be  raised  and  organized;  and  Washington 
called  on  the  council  of  safety  of  Pennsylvania,  speedily  to 
furnish  temporary  reinforcements  of  the  kind. 

All  his  officers  that  could  be  spared  were  ordered  away, 
some  to  recruit,  some  to  collect  the  scattered  men  of  the 
different  regiments,  who  were  dispersed,  he  said,  almost  over 
the  continent.  General  Knox  was  sent  off  to  Massachusetts 
to  expedite  the  laising  of  a  battalion  of  artillery.  Different 
.States  were  urged  to  levy  and  equip  their  quotas  for  the 
Continental  army.  "Xothing  but  the  united  efforts  of 
every  State  in  America,"  writes  he,  "can  save  us  from  dis- 
grace, and  probably  from  ruin." 

Rhode  Island  is  reproached  with  raising  troops  for  home 
service  before  furnishing  its  supply  to  the  general  army.  "If 
each  State,"  writes  he,  "were  to  prepare  for  its  own  defence 
independent  of  each  other,  they  would  all  be  conquered,  one 
by  one.  Our  success  mutt  depend  on  a  firm  union,  and  a 
strict  adherence  to  the  general  plan."* 

He  deplores  the  fluctuating  state  of  the  army  while  de- 
pending on  militia;  full  one  day,  almost  disbanded  the  next. 
'"I  am  much  afraid  that  the  enemy,  one  day  or  other,  taking 
advantage  of  one  cf  these  temporary  weaknesses,  will  make 
themselves  masters  of  our  magazines  of  stores,  arms  and 
artillery." 

The    militia,   too,    on    being    dismissed,    were    generally 

*  Letter  to  Governor  Cooke,  Sparks,  iv.,  285, 


1777.]  FLUCTl'ATiXG  ASPECT  OF  THE  ARMY.  27o 

suffered  by  their  officers  to  carry  home  with  them  the  arms 
with  which  they  had  been  furnished,  so  that  the  armory  was 
in  a  manner  scattered  over  all  the  world,  and  forever  lost  to 
the  public. 

Then  an  earnest  word  is  spoken  by  him  in  behalf  of  the 
yeomanry,  whose  welfare  always  lay  near  his  heart.  "You 
must  be  fully  sensible,"  writes  he,  "of  the  hardships  imposed 
upon  individuals,  and  how  detrimental  it  must  be  to  the 
public  to  have  farmers  and  tradesmen  frequently  culled  out 
of  the  field,  as  militia  men,  whereby  a  total  stop  is  put  to 
arts  and  agriculture,  without  which  we  cannot  long  subsist." 

While  thus  anxiously  exerting  himself  to  strengthen  his 
own  precarious  army,  the  security  of  the  northern  depart- 
ment was  urged  upon  his  attention.  Schuyler  represented 
it  us  in  need  of  reinforcements  and  supplies  of  all  kinds. 
He  apprehended  that  Carletou  might  make  an  attack  upon 
Ticonderoga,  as  soon  as  he  could  cross  Lake  Champlain  on 
the  ice;  that  important  fortress  was  under  the  command  of 
a  brave  officer,  Colonel  Anthony  Wayne,  but  its  garrison 
had  dwindled  down  to  six  or  seven  hundred  men,  chiefly 
NYw  England  militia.  In  the  present  destitute  situation  of 
his  department  as  to  troops,  Schuyler  feared  that  Carletou 
might  not  only  succeed  in  an  attempt  on  Ticonderoga,  but 
might  push  his  way  to  Albany. 

lie  had  written  in  vain,  he  said,  to  the  Convention  of 
New  York,  and  to  the  Eastern  States,  for  reinforcements, 
and  he  entreated  Washington  to  aid  him  with  his  influence. 
He  wished  to  have  his  army  composed  of  troops  from  as 
many  different  States  as  possible;  the  Southern  people 
having  a  greater  spirit  of  discipline  and  subordination,  might, 
he  thought,  introduce  it  among  the  Eastern  people. 

He  wished  also  for  the  assistance  of  a  general  officer  or 
two  in  his  department.  "I  am  alone,"  writes  he,  "distracted 
with  a  variety  of  cares,  and  no  one  to  take  part  of  the 
burden."* 

Although  Washington  considered  a  winter  attack  of  the 
kind  specified  by  Schuyler  too  difficult  and  dangerous  to  be 
very  probable,  he  urged  reinforcements  from  Massachusetts 
and  New  Hampshire,  whence  they  could  be  furnished  most 
speedily.  Massachusetts,  in  fact,  had  already  determined  to 
send  four  regiments  to  Schuyler's  aid  as  soon  as  possible. 

Washington  disapproved  of  a  mixture  of  troops  in  the 
present  critical  juncture,  knowing,  he  said,  "the  difficulty 

*  Schuyler's  Letter  Book,  MS. 


£74  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXVII. 

of  maintaining  harmony  among  men  from  different  States 
and  bringing  them  to  lay  aside  all  attachments  and  distinctions 
of  a  local  and  provincial  nature,  and  consider  themselves  the 
same  people,  engaged  in  the  same  noble  struggle,  and  having 
one  general  interest  to  defend."* 

The  quota  of  Massachusetts,  under  the  present  arrange- 
ment of  the  army,  was  fifteen  regiments:  and  Washington 
ordered  General  Heath,  who  was  in  Massachusetts,  to  forward 
them  to  Ticonderoga  as  fast  as  they  could  be  raised,  f 

Notwithstanding  all  Washington's  exertions  in  behalf  of 
the  army  under  his  immediate  command,  it  continued  to  be 
deplorably  in  want  of  reinforcements,  and  it  was  necessary  to 
maintain  the  utmost  vigilance  at  all  his  posts  to  prevent  his 
camp  from  being  surprised.  The  operations  of  the  enemy 
might  be  delayed  by  the  bad  condition*  of  the  roads,  and  the 
want  of  horses  to  move  their  artillery,  but  he  anticipated  an 
attack  as  soon  as  the  roads  were  passable,  and  apprehended 
a  disastrous  result  unless  speedily  reinforced. 

"The  enemy,"  writes  he,  "must  be  ignorant  of  out- 
numbers and  situation,  or  they  would  never  suffer  us  to 
remain  unmolested,  and  I  almost  tax  myself  with  imprudence 
in  committing  the  fact  to  paper,  lest  this  letter  should  fall 
into  other  hands  than  those  for  which  it  is  intended."  And 
again:  "It  is  not  in  my  power  to  make  Congress  fully 
sensible  of  the  real  situation  of  our  affairs,  and  that  it  is 
with  difficulty  I  can  keep  the  life  and  soul  of  the  army 
together.  In  a  word,  they  are  at  a  distance;  they  think  it  is 
but  to  say  presto,  begone,  and  everything  is  done;  they  seem 
not  to  have  any  conception  of  the  difficulty  and  perplexity  of 
those  who  have  to  execute." 

The  designs  of  the  enemy  being  mere  matter  of  conjecture, 
measures  varied  accordingly.  As  the  season  advanced,  Wash- 
ington was  led  to  believe  that  Philadelphia  would  be  their 
first  object  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  and  that  they 
would  bring  round  all  their  troops  from  Canada  by  water  to 
aid  in  the  enterprise.  Under  this  persuasion  he  wrote  to 
General  Heath,  ordering  him  to  send  eight  of  the  Massachu- 
setts battalions  to  Peekskill  instead  of  Ticonderoga,  and  he 
explained  his  reasons  for  so  doing  in  a  letter  to  Schuyler. 
At  Peekskill,  he  observed,  "they  would  be  well  placed  to 
give  support  to  any  of  the  Eastern  or  Middle  States;  or  to 
oppose  the  enemy,  should  they  design  to  penetrate  the 
country  up  the  Hudson;  or  to  cover  New  England,  should 

*  Schuyler'p   fitter  Book,  MS. 

t  Sparks.    Washington's  Writings,  iv.,  361,  note. 


K77.]  ATTACK  OK   PEEKSKILL.  275 

they  invade  it.  Should  they  move  westward,  the  Eastern 
and  Southern  troops  could  easily  form  a  junction,  and  this, 
besides,  would  oblige  the  enemy  to  leave  a  much  stronger 

furrison  at  New  York.  Even  should  the  enemy  pursue  their 
rst  plan  of  an  invasion  from  Canada,  the  troops  at  Peekskill 
would  not  be  badly  placed  to  reinforce  Ticonderoga,  and 
cover  the  country  around  Albany."  "I  am  very  sure," 
concludes  he,  "the  operations  of  this  army  will  in  a  great 
degree  govern  the  motions  of  that  in  Canada.  If  this  is 
held  at  bay,  curbed  and  confined,  the  Northern  army  will  not 
dare  attempt  to  penetrate."  The  last  sentence  will  be  found 
to  contain  the  policy  which  governed  Washington's  personal 
movements  throughout  the  campaign. 

On  the  18th  of  March  he  dispatched  General  Greene  to 
Philadelphia,  to  lay  before  Congress  such  matters  as  he 
could  not  venture  to  communicate  by  letter.  "He  is  an  able 
and  good  officer,"  writes  he,  "who  has  my  entire  confidence, 
and  is  intimately  acquainted  with  my  ideas." 

Greene  had  scarce  departed  when  the  enemy  began  to  give 
signs  of  life.  The  delay  in  the  arrival  of  artillery,  more 
than  his  natural  indolence,  had  kept  General  Howe  from 
formally  taking  the  field;  he  now  made  preparations  for  the 
next  campaign  by  detaching  troops  to  destroy  the  American 
deposits  of  military  stores.  One  of  the  chief  of  these  was 
at  Peekskill,  the  very  place  where  Washington  had  directed 
Heath  to  send  troops  from  Massachusetts;  and  which  he 
thought  of  making  a  central  point  of  assemblage.  Howe 
terms  it  "the  port  of  that  rough  and  mountainous  tract 
called  the  Manor  of  Courtlandt. "  Brigadier-General  McDou- 
gall  had  the  command  of  it  in  the  absence  of  General  Heath, 
but  his  force  did  not  exceed  two  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

As  soon  as  the  Hudson  was  clear  of  ice,  a  squadron  of 
vessels  of  war  and  transports,  with  five  hundred  troops 
under  Colonel  Bird,  ascended  the  river.  McDougall  had 
intelligence  of  the  intended  attack,  and  while  the  ships  were 
milking  their  way  across  the  Tappan  Sea  and  Haverstraw 
Bay,  exerted  himself  to  remove  as  much  as  possible  of  the 
provisions  and  stores  to  Forts  Montgomery  and  Constitution 
in  the  Highlands.  On  the  morning  of  the  23d,  the  whole 
squadron  came  to  anchor  in  Peekskill  Bay;  and  five  hundred 
men  landed  in  Lent's  Cove,  on  the  south  side  of  the  bay, 
whence  they  pushed  forward  with  four  light  field-pieces 
drawn  by  sailors.  On  their  approach,  McDougall  set  fire  to 
the  barracks  and  principal  storehouses,  and  retreated  about 
two  miles  to  a  strong  post,  commanding  the  entrance  to  the 


276  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  xxxvm. 

Highlands,  and  the  road  to  Continental  Village,  the  place  of 
the  deposits.  It  Avas  the  post  which  had  been  noted  by 
Washington  in  the  preceding  year,  where  a  small  force  could 
make  a  stand,  and  hurl  down  masses  of  rock  on  their  assail- 
ants. Hence  McDougall  sent  an  express  to  Lientenaiit- 
Colonel  Marinus  Willet,  who  had  charge  of  Fort  Constitu- 
tion, to  hasten  to  his  assistance. 

The  British,  finding  the  wharf  in  flames  where  they  had 
intended  to  embark  their  spoils,  completed  the  conflagration, 
beside  destroying  several  small  craft  laden  with  provisions. 
They  kept  possession  of  the  place  until  the  following  day, 
when  a  scouting  party,  which  had  advanced  toward  the 
entrance  of  the  Highlands,  was  encountered  by  Colonel 
Marinus  Willet  with  a  detachment  from  Fort  Constitution, 
and  driven  back  to  the  main  body  after  a  sharp  skirmish,  in 
which  nine  of  the  marauders  were  killed.  Four  more  were 
slain  on  the  banks  of  Canopas  Creek  as  they  were  setting  fire 
to  some  boats.  The  enemy  were  disappointed  in  the  hope  of 
carrying  off  a  great  deal  of  booty,  and  finding  the  country 
around  was  getting  under  arms,  they  contented  themselves 
with  the  mischief  they  had  done,  and  re-embarked  in  the 
evening  by  moonlight,  when  the  whole  squadron  swept  down 
the  Hudson. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

Schuyler's  Affairs  in  the  Northern  Department — Misunderstanding 
with  Congress — Gives  Offence  by  a  Reproachful  Letter — Office  of 
Adjutant-General  offered  to  Gates — Declined  by  him — Schuyler 
Reprimanded  by  Congress  for  his  Reproachful  Letter — Gates  Ap- 
pointed to  tlie  Command  at  Ticonderoga — Schuylcr  Considers  Him- 
self Virtually  Suspended — Takes  his  Seat  as  a  Delegate  to  Con- 
gress, and  Claims  a  Court  of  Inquiry— Has  Command  at  Phila- 
delpMa. 

WE  have  now  to  enter  u^on  a  tissue  of  circumstances 
connected  with  the  Northern  department,  which  will  be 
found  materially  to  influence  Mie  course  of  affairs  in  that 
quarter  throughout  the  current  year,  and  ultimately  to  be 
fruitful  of  annoyance  to  Washington  himself.  To  make 
these  more  clear  to  the  reader,  it  is  necessary  to  revert  to 
events  in  the  preceding  year. 

The  question  of  command  between  Schuyler  and  Gates, 


1W7.J  SCHILLER'S  AFFAIRS.  &?? 

when  settled  as  we  have  shown  by  Congress,  had  caused  no 
interruption  to  the  harmony  of  intercourse  between  these 
generals. 

Schuyler  directed  the  affairs  of  the  department  with  energy 
and  activity  from  his  head-quarters  at  Albany,  where  they 
IKM!  been  fixed  by  Congress,  while  Gates,  subordinate  to 
him,  commanded  the  post  of  Ticouderoga. 

The  disappointment  of  an  independent  command,  however, 
still  rankled  in  the  mind  of  the  latter,  and  was  kept  alive  by 
the  officious  suggestions  of  meddling  friends.  In  the  course 
of  the  autumn,  his  hopes  in  this  respect  revived.  Schuyler 
was  again  disgusted  with  the  service.  In  the  discharge  of 
his  various  and  harassing  duties,  he  had  been  annoyed  by 
sectional  jealousies  and  ill  will.  His  motives  and  measures 
had  been  maligned.  The  failures  in  Canada  had  been 
attributed  to  him,  and  lie  had  repeatedly  entreated  Congress 
to  order  an  inquiry  into  the  many  charges  made  against  him, 
"that  he  might  not  any  longer  be  insulted." 

"I  assure  you,"  writes  he  to  Gates,  on  the  25th  of  August, 
"that  I  am  so  sincerely  tired  of  abuse,  that  I  will  let  my 
enemies  arrive  at  the  completion  of  their  wishes  by  retiring, 
as  soon  as  I  shall  have  been  tried;  and  attempt  to  serve  my 
injured  country  in  some  other  way,  where  envy  and  detrac- 
tion will  have  no  temptation  to  follow  me." 

On  the  14th  of  September,  he  actually  offered  his  resigna- 
tion of  his  commission  as  major-general,  and  of  every  other 
oil  ice  and  appointment;  still  claiming  a  court  of  inquiry 
on  his  conduct,  and  expressing  his  determination  to  fulfill 
the  duties  of  a  good  citizen,  and  promote  the  weal  of  his 
native  country,  but  in  some  other  capacity.  "I  trust," 
writes  he,  "that  my  successor,  whoever  he  may  be,  will  find" 
that  matters  are  as  prosperously  arranged  in  this  department 
as  the  nature  of  the  service  will  admit.  I  shall  most  readily 
give  him  any  information  and  assistance  in  my  power." 

He  immediately  wrote  to  General  Gates,  apprising  him  of 
his  having  sent  in  his  resignation,  "tt  is  much  to  be 
lamented,"  writes  he,  "that  calumny  is  so  much  cherished 
in  this  unhappy  country,  and  that  so  few  of  the  servants  of 
the  public  escape  the  malevolence  of  a  set  of  insidious 
miscreants.  It  has  driven  me  to  the  necessity  of  resigning." 

As  the  command  of  the  department,  should  his  resignation 
be  accepted,  would  of  course  devolve  on  Gates,  he  assures  him 
he  will  render  every  assistance  in  his  power  to  any  officer 
whom  Gates  might  appoint  to  command  in  Albany. 

All  his  letters  to  Gates,  while  they  were  thus  in  relation  in 


278  LIFE   OP   AVASHIXGTOX.  [CH.  XXXVltf. 

the  department,  had  been  kind  and  courteous;  beginning 
with,  "My  dear  General,"  and  ending  with,  "adieu"  and 
"every  friendly  wish."  Schnyler  was  a  warm-hearted  man, 
and  his  expressions  were  probably  sincere. 

The  hopes  of  Gates,  inspired  by  this  proffered  resignation, 
were  doomed  to  be  again  overclouded.  Schuyler  was 
informed  by  President  Hancock,  "that  Congress,  during  the 
present  state  of  affairs,  could  not  consent  to  accept  of  his 
resignation;  but  requested  that  he  would  continue  in  the 
command  he  held,  and  be  assured  that  the  aspersions  thrown 
out  by  his  enemies  against  his  character  had  no  influence 
upon  the  minds  of  the  members  of  that  House;  and  that 
more  effectually  to  put  calumny  to  silence,  they  would  at  an 
early  day  appoint  a  committee  to  inquire  fully  into  his 
conduct,  which  they  trusted  would  establish  his  reputation 
in  the  opinion  of  all  good  men." 

Schuyler  received  the  resolve  of  Congress  with  grim 
acquiescence,  but  showed  in  his  reply  that  he  was  but  half 
soothed.  "At  this  very  critical  juncture,"  writes  he, 
October  16,  "I  shall  waive  those  remarks  which,  in  justice 
to  myself,  I  must  make  at  a  future  day.  The  calumny  of  my 
enemies  has  arisen  to  its  height.  Their  malice  is  incapable 
of  heightening  the  injury.  *  *  *  *  In  the  alarming 
situation  of  our  affairs,  I  shall  continue  to  act  some  time 
longer,  but  Congress  must  prepare  to  put  the  care  of  this 
department  into  other  hands.  I  shall  be  able  to  render  my 
country  better  services  in  another  line:  less  exposed  to  a 
repetition  of  the  injuries  I  have  sustained." 

He  had  remained  at  his  post,  therefore,  discharging  the 
various  duties  of  his  department  with  his  usual  zeal  and 
activity;  and  Gates,  at  the  end  of  the  campaign,  had 
repaired,  as  we  have  shown,  to  the  vicinity  of  Congress,  to 
attend  the  fluctuation  of  events. 

Circumstances  in  the  course  of  the  winter  had  put  the 
worthy  Schuyler  again  on  points  of  punctilio  with  Congress. 
Among  some  letters  intercepted  by  the  enemy  and  retaken 
by  the  Americans,  was  one  from  Colonel  Joseph  Trumbull, 
the  commissionary-general,  insinuating  that  General  Schuyler 
had  secreted  or  suppressed  a  commission  sent  for  his  brother, 
Colonel  John  Trumbull,  as  deputy  adjutant-general.*  The 
purport  of  the  letter  was  reported  to  Schuyler.  He  spurned 
at  the  insinuation.  "If  it  be  true  that  he  has  asserted  such 

*  The  reader  may  recollect  that  it  was  Commissan7 -General  Trumbnll  who  wrote 
the  letter  to  Gates  calculated  to  inflame  his  jealousy  against  Schuyler,  when  the 
question  of  command  had  risen  between  them.  (See  vol.  i~,  ch.  28.) 


1777.]  MISUNDEKSTAM'IMJS    WITH    CONGRESS.  279 

a  thing,"  writes  he  to  the  president,  "I  shall  expect  from 
Congress  that  justice  which  is  due  to  me." 

Three  weeks  later  he  inclosed  to  the  president  a  copy  of 
Trunibull's  letter.  "I  hope,"  writes  he,  ''Congress  will  not 
entertain  the  least  idea  that  I  can  tamely  submit  to  such 
injurious  treatment.  I  expect  they  will  immediately  do 
what  is  incumbent  on  them  on  the  occasion.  Until  Mr. 
Trumbull  and  I  are  upon  a  footing,  I  cannot  do  what  the 
laws  of  honor  and  a  regard  to  my  own  reputation  render 
indispensably  necessary.  Congress  can  put  us  on  a  par  by 
dismissing  one  or  the  other  from  the  service." 

Congress  failed  to  comply  with  the  general's  request. 
They  added  also  to  his  chagrin  by  dismissing  from  the  service 
an  urmy  physician,  in  whose  appointment  he  had  particularly 
interested  himself. 

Schuyler  was  a  proud-spirited  man,  and,  at  times,  some- 
what irascible.  In  a  letter  to  Congress  on  the  8th  of  Febru-' 
ary,  he  observed:  "As  Dr.  Stringer  had  my  recommendation 
to  the  office  he  has  sustained,  perhaps  it  was  a  compliment  due 
to  me  that  I  should  have  been  advised  of  the  reason  of  his 
dismission." 

And  again:  "I  was  in  hopes  some  notice  would  have  been 
taken  of  the  odious  suspicion  contained  in  Mr.  Commissary 
TrumbuH's  intercepted  letter.  I  really  feel  myself  deeply 
chagrined  on  the  occasion*  I  am  incapable  of  the  meanness 
he  suspects  me  of,  and  I  confidently  expected  that  Congress 
would  have  done  me  that  justice  which  it  was  in  their  power 
to  give,  and  which  I  humbly  conceive  they  ought  to  have 
done." 

This  letter  gave  great  umbrage  to  Congress,  but  no 
immediate  answer  was  made  to  it. 

About  this  time  the  office  of  adjutant-general,  which  had 
iviiuiiiu'd  vacant  ever  since  the  resignation  of  Colonel  Reed, 
to  the  great  detriment  of  the  service,  especially  now  when  a 
new  army  was  to  be  formed,  was  offered  to  General  Gates, 
who  had  formerly  filled  it  with  ability;  and  President 
Hancock  informed  him,  by  letter,  of  the  earnest  desire  of 
Congress  that  he  should  resume  it,  retaining  his  present 
rank  and  pay. 

Gates  almost  resented  the  proposal.  "Unless  the 
Commander-in-chief  earnestly  makes  the  same  request  with 
your  Excellency,"  replies  he,  "all  my  endeavors  as  adjutant- 
general  would  be  vain  and  fruitless.  I  had,  last  year,  the 
honor  to  command  in  the  second  post  in  America;  and  had 
the  good  fortune  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  making  their 


280  LIFE    OF    \VASHIXGTOJT.  [en.  XXXVIII. 

so  much  wished  for  junction  with  General  Howe.  After 
this,  to  be  expected  to  dwindle  again  to  the  adjutant-general, 
requires  more  philosophy  on  my  part,  and  something  more 
than  words  on  yours."*  He  wrote  to  Washington  to  the 
same  effect,  hut  declared  that,  should  it  he  his  Excellency's 
wish,  he  would  resume  the  office  with  alacrity. 

Washington  promptly  replied  that  he  had  often  wished  it 
in  secret,  though  he  had  never  even  hinted  at  it;  supposing 
Gates  might  have  scruples  on  the  subject.  "You  cannot 
conceive  the  pleasure  I  feel,"  adds  he,  "when  you  tell  me 
that,  if  it  is  my  desire  that  you  should  resume  your  former 
office,  you  will  with  cheerfulness  and  alacrity  proceed  to 
Morristown."  Tie  thanks  him  for  this  mark  of  attention  to 
his  wishes;  assures  him  that  'he  looks  upon  his  resumption  of 
the  office  as  the  only  means  of  giving  form  and  regularity  to 
the  new  army;  and  will  be  glad  to  receive  a  line  from  him 
mentioning  the  time  he  would  leave  Philadelphia. 

He  received  no  such  line.  Gates  had  a  higher  object  in 
view.  A  letter  from  Schuyler  to  Congress  had  informed 
that  body  that  he  should  set  out  for  Philadelphia  about  the 
21st  of  March,  and  should  immediately  on  his  arrival  require 
the  promised  inquiry  into  his  conduct,  (rates,  of  course, 
was  acquainted  with  this  circumstance.  He  knew  Schuyler 
had  given  offence  to  Congress;  he  knew  that  he  had  been 
offended  on  his  own  part,  and  had  repeatedly  talked  of 
resigning.  He  had  active  friends  in  Congress  ready  to  push 
his  interests.  On  the  12th  of  March  his  letter  to  President 
Hancock  about  the  proffered  adjutancy  was  read,  and  ordered 
to  be  taken  into  consideration  on  the  following  day. 

On  the  13th,  a  committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  confer 
with  him  upon  "the  general  of  state  of  affairs. 

On  the  15th,  the  letter  of  General  Schuyler  of  the  3d  of 
February,  which  had  given  such  offence,  was  brought  before 
the  House,  and  it  was  resolved  that  his  suggestion  concerning 
the  dismission  of  Dr.  Stringer  was  highly  derogatory  to  the 
honor  of  Congress,  and  that  it  was  expected  his  letters  in 
future  would  be  written  in  a  style  suitable  to  the  dignity  of  the 
representative  body  of  these  free  and  independent  States, 
and  to  his  own  character  as  their  officer.  His  expressions, 
too,  respecting  the  intercepted  letter,  that  he  had  expected 
Congress  would  have  done  him  all  the  justice  in  their  power, 
were  pronounced,  "to  say  the  least,  ill-advised  and  highly 
indecent."! 

*  Gates'?  Papon* .     N.  Y.  H.  Lib. 
t  Journals  of  Congress. 


1777.J  SCHUYLER    REPRIMANDED    BY    CONGRESS.  281 

While  Schuyler  was  thus  in  partial  eclipse,  the  House 
proceeded  to  appoint  a  general  officer  for  the  Northern 
tli'jiartrnent,  of  which'he  had  stated  it  to  be  in  need. 

On  the  25th  of  March,  Gates  received  the  following  note 
from  President  Hancock:  "I  have  it  in  charge  to  direct  that 
you  repair  to  Ticonderoga  immediately,  and  take  command 
of  the  army  stationed  in  that  department." 

Gates  obeyed  with  alacrity.  Again  the  vision  of  an  inde- 
pendent command  floated  before  his  mind,  and  he  was  on  his 
way  to  Albany,  at  the  time  that  Schuyler,  ignorant  of  this 
new  arrangement,  was  journeying  to  Philadelphia.  Gates 
was  accompanied  by  Brigadier-General  Fermois,  a  French 
officer,  recently  commissioned  in  the  Continental  army.  A 
rumor  of  his  approach  preceded  him.  "What  are  the  terms 
on  which  Gates  is  coming  on?"  was  asked  in  Albany.  "Has 
Schuyler  been  superseded,  or  is  he  to  be  so,  or  has  he  re- 
signed?" For  a  time  all  was  rumor  and  conjecture.  A  report 
reached  his  family  that  he  was  to  be  divested  of  all  titles  and 
rank  other  than  that  of  Philip  Schuyler,  Esquire.  They 
heard  it  with  joy,  knowing  the  carking  cares  and  annoyances 
that  had  beset  him  in  his  commai.d.  His  military  friends 
deprecated  it  as  a  great  loss  to  the  service.* 

When  Gates  arrived  in  Albany,  Colonel  Varick,  Schuyler's 
secretary,  waited  on  him  with  a  message  from  Mrs.  Schuyler. 
inviting  him  to  take  up  his  quarters  at  the  general's  house, 
which  was  in  the  vicinity.  He  declined,  as  the  dispatch  of 
affairs  required  him  to  be  continually  in  town;  but  took  his 
breakfast  with  Mrs.  Schuyler  the  next  morning.  He 
remained  in  Albany,  unwilling  to  depart  for  Ticonderoga 
until  there  should  be  sufficient  troops  there  to  support  him. 

Soliuyler  arrived  in  Philadelphia  in  the  second  week  in 
April,  and  found  himself  superseded  in  effect  by  General 
dates  in  the  Northern  department.  He  inclosed  to  the 
committee  of  Albany  the  recent  resolutions  of  Congress, 
passed  before  his  arrival.  "By  these,"  writes  he,  "you  will 
readily  perceive  that  I  shall  not  return  a  general.  Under 
what  influence  it  has  been  brought  about,  I  am  not  at  liberty 
now  to  mention.  On  my  return  to  Albany,  I  shall  give  the 
committee  the  fullest  information,  "f 

Taking  his  seat  in  Congress  as  a  delegate  from  New  York, 
he  demanded  the  promised  investigation  of  his  conduct 
during  the  time  he  had  held  a  command  in  the  army.  It 
was  his  intention,,  when  the  scrutiny  had  taken  place,  to, 

*  Letter  of  Col.  Richard  Varick.    Schuyler's  Letter  Book, 
t  Schuyler's  Letter  Book. 


282  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXIX. 

resign  his  commission,  and  retire  from  the  service.  On  the 
18th,  a  committee  of  inquiry  was  appointed,  as  at  his  request, 
composed  of  a  member  from  each  State. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  second  major-general  of  the  United 
States  (Lee  being  the  first),  he  held  active  command  at  Phil- 
adelphia, forming  a  camp  on  the  western  side  of  the 
Delaware,  completing  the  works  on  Fort  Island,  throwing 
up  works  on  Eed  Bank,  and  accelerating  the  dispatch  of 
troops  and  provisions  to  the  commander-in -chief.  During 
his  sojourn  at  Philadelphia,  also,  he  contributed  essentially 
to  reorganize  the  commissary  department;  digesting  rules 
for  its  regulation,  which  were  mainly  adopted  by  Congress. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

Foreign  Officers  Candidates  for  Situations  in  the  Army — Difficulties  in 
Adjusting  Questions  of  Rank — Ducoudray — Conway — Kosciuszko 
— Washington's  Gi.ards — Arnold  Omitted  in  the  Army  Promotions 
— Washington  takes  his  part — British  Expedition  against  Danbury — 
Destruction  of  American  Stores — Connecticut  Yeomanry  in  Arms 
— Skirmish  at  Ridgefield — Death  of  General  Wooster — Gallant 
Services  of  Arnold — Rewarded  by  Congress — Exploit  of  Colonel 
Meigs  at  Sag  Harbor. 

THE  fame  of  the  American  struggle  for  independence  was 
bringing  foreign  officers  as  candidates  for  admission  into  the 
patriot  army,  and  causing  great  embarrassment  to  the 
commander-in-chief.  "They  seldom,"  writes  Washington, 
"bring  more  than  a  commission  and  a  passport;  which  we 
know  may  belong  to  a  bad  as  well  as  a  good  officer.  Their 
ignorance  of  our  language,  and  their  inability  to  recruit 
men,  are  insurmountable  obstacles  to  their  being  engrafted 
in  our  Continental  battalions;  for  our  officers,  who  have 
raised  their  men,  and  have  served  through  the  war  upon  pay 
that  has  not  hitherto  borne  their  expenses,  would  be  dis- 
gusted if  foreigners  were  put  over  their  head;  and  I  assure 
yon,  few  or  none  of  these  gentlemen  look  lower  than  field- 
officers'  commissions.  *  *  *  Some  general  mode  of 
disposing  of  them  must  be  adopted,  for  it  is  ungenerous  to 
keep  them  in  suspense,  and  a  great  charge  to  themselves; 
but  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  how  to  point  out  this  mode." 

Congress  determined  that  no  foreign  officers  should  receive 


1777.]        EMBARRASSMENT  ABOUT   FOREIGN   OFFICERS.         283 

commissions  who  were  not  well  acquainted  with  the  English 
language,  and  did  not  bring  strong  testimonials  of  their 
abilities.  Still  there  was  embarrassment.  Some  came  with 
brevet  commissions  from  the  French  government,  and  had 
been  assured  by  Mr.  Dean,  American  commissioner  at  Paris, 
that  they  would  have  the  same  rank  in  the  American  army. 
This  would  put  them  above  American  officers  of  merit  and 
hard  service,  whose  commissions  were  of  more  recent  date. 
One  Monsieur  Ducoudray,  on  the  strength  of  an  agreement 
with  Mr.  Dean,  expected  to  have  the  rank  of  major-general, 
and  to  be  put  at  the  head  of  the  artillery.  Washington 
deprecated  the  idea  of  intrusting  a  department  on  which  the 
very  salvation  of  the  army  might  depend,  to  a  foreigner, 
who  had  no  other  tie  to  bind  him  to  the  interests  of  the 
country  than  honor;  besides,  he  observed,  it  would  endanger 
the  loss  to  the  service  of  General  Knox,  "a  man  of  great 
military  reading,  sound  judgment,  and  clear  perceptions, 
lie  has  conducted  the  affairs  of  that  department  with  honor 
to  himself  and  advantage  to  the  public,  and  will  resign  if 
any  one  is  put  over  him." 

In  fact,  the  report  that  Ducoudray  was  to  be  a  major-gener- 
al, with  a  commission  dated  in  the  preceding  year,  caused  a 
commotion  among  the  American  officers  of  that  rank,  but 
whose  commissions  were  of  later  date.  Congress  eventually 
determined  not  to  ratify  the  contract  entered  into  between 
Mr.  Dean  and  Monsieur  Ducoudray,  and  resolved  that  the 
commissions  of  foreign  officers  received  into  the  service 
should  bear  date  on  the  day  of  their  being  filled  up  by 
Washington. 

Among  the  foreign  candidates  for  appointments  was  one 
Colonel  Conway,  a  native  of  Ireland,  but  who,  according  to 
his  own  account,  had  been  thirty  years  in  the  service  of 
France,  and  claimed  to  be  a  chevalier  of  the  Order  of  St. 
Louis,  of  which  he  wore  the  decoration.  Mr.  Dean  had 
recommended  him  to  Washington  as  an  officer  of  merit,  and 
h;ul  written  to  Congress  that  he  considered  him  well  qualified 
for  the  office  of  adjutant  or  brigadier-general,  and  that  he 
had  given  him  reason  to  hope  for  one  or  the  other  of  these 
appointments.  Colonel  Conway  pushed  for  that  of  brigadier- 
general.  It  had  been  conferred  some  time  before  by  Con- 
gress on  two  French  officers,  De  Fermois  and  Deborre,  who, 
he  had  observed,  had  been  inferior  to  him  in  the  French 
service,  and  it  would  be  mortifying  now  to  hold  rank  below 
them. 

"I  cannot  pretend,"  writes  Washington  to  the  president. 


284  ^IFE    OF    WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XX  SIX. 

"to  speak  of  Colonel  Conway's  merits  or  abilities  of  my  own 
knowledge.  He  appears  to  be  a  man  of  candor,  and,  if  he 
has  been  in  service  as  long  as  he  says,  I  should  suppose  him 
infinitely  better  qualified  to  serve  us  than  many  who  have 
been  promoted;  as  lie  speaks  our  language." 

Conway  accordingly  received  the  rank  of  brigadier-general, 
of  which  he  subsequently  proved  himself  unworthy.  He  was 
boastful  and  presumptuous,  and  became  noted  for  his 
intrigues,  and  for  a  despicable  cabal  against  the  commander- 
in-clnef,  which  went  by  his  name,  and  of  which  we  shall 
have  to  speak  hereafter. 

A  candidate  of  a  different  stamp  had  presented  himself  in 
the  preceding  year,  the  gallant,  generous-spirited,  Thaddeus 
Kosciuszko.  He  was  a  Pole,  of  an  ancient  and  noble  family 
of  Lithuania,  and  had  been  educated  for  the  profession  of 
arms  at  the  military  school  at  Warsaw,  and  subsequently  in 
France.  Disappointed  in  a  love  affair  with  a  beautiful  lady 
of  rank  with  whom  he  had  attempted  to  elope,  he  had 
emigrated  to  this  country,  and  came  provided  with  a  letter 
of  introduction  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  Washington. 

"What  do  you  seek  here?"  inquired  the  Commander-in- 
chief. 

"To  fight  for  American  independence." 

"What  can  you  do?" 

"Try  me." 

Washington  was  pleased  with  the  curt,  yet  comprehensive 
reply,  and  with  his  chivalrous  air  and  spirit,  and  at  once 
received  him  into  his  family  as  an  aide-de-camp.*  Congress 
shortly  afterward  appointed  him  an  engineer,  witli  the  rank 
of  colonel.  He  proved  a  valuable  officer  throughout  the 
Ee volution,  and  won  an  honorable  and  lasting  name  in  our 
country. 

Among  the  regiments  which  had  been  formed  in  the 
spring,  one  had  been  named  by  its  officers  "The  Congress's 
Own,"  and  another  "General  Washington's  Life  Guards." 
A  resolve  of  Congress  promptly  appeared,  pronouncing  those 
appellations  improper,  and  ordering  that  they  should  be 
discontinued.  Washington's  own  modesty  had  already 
administered  a  corrective.  In  a  letter  to  the  President  of 
Congress,  he  declared  that  the  regiments  had  been  so  named 
without  his  consent  or  privity.  "As  soon  as  I  heard  of  it," 
writes  he,  "I  wrote  to  several  of  the  officers  in  terms  of 
severe  reprehension,  and  expressly  charged  them  to  suppress 

*  Foreign  Quarterly  Kevk-\v,  vol.  xv.,  p.  114. 


1777.]  WASHINGTON'S  GUARDS.  285 

the  distinction,  adding  that  all  the  battalions  were  on  the 
same  footing,  and  all  under  the  general  name  of  Continental." 
No  man  was  less  desirous  for  all  individual  distinctions  of 
the  kind. 

Somewhat  later  he  really  formed  a  company  for  his  guard. 
Colonel  Alexander  Spotswood  had  the  selection  of  the  men, 
four  from  each  regiment;  and  was  charged  to  be  extremely 
cautious,  "because,"  writes  Washington,  "it  is  more  than 
probable  that,  in.  the  course  of  the  campaign,  my  baggage, 
papers,  and  other  matters  of  great  public  import,  may  be 
committed  to  the  sole  care  of  these  men."  That  the  com- 
pany might  look  well,  and  be  nearly  of  a  size,  none  were  to 
be  over  five  feet  ten,  nor  under  five  feet  nine  inches  in 
stature,  and  to  be  sober,  young,  active,  and  well-made,  of 
good  character,  and  proud  of  appearing  clean  and  soldierlike. 
As  there  would  be  a  greater  chance  for  fidelity  among  such 
as  had  family  connections  in  the  country,  Spotswood  was 
charged  to  send  none  but  natives,  and,  if  possible,  men  of 
some  property.  "I  must  insist,"  concludes  Washington, 
"that,  in  making  this  choice,  you  give  no  intimation  of  my 
preference  of  natives,  as  I  do  not  want  to  create  any  invidious 
distinction  between  them  and  the  officers."* 

Questions  of  rank  among  his  generals^  were,  as  we  have 
repeatedly  shown,  perpetual  sources  of  perplexity  to  Wash- 
ington, and  too  often  caused  by  what  the  sarcastic  Lee 
termed  "the  stumblings  of  Congress;"  such  was  the  case  at 
present.  In  recent  army  promotions,  Congress  had  advanced 
Stirling,  Mifflin,  St.  Clair,  Stephen,  and  Lincoln  to  the  rank 
of  major-general,  while  Arnold,  their  senior  in  service,  and 
distinguished  by  so  many  brilliant  exploits,  was  passed  over 
and  left  to  remain  a  brigadier. 

Washington  was  surprised  at  not  seeing  his  name  on  the 
list,  but  supposing  it  might  have  been  omitted  through 
mistake,  he  wrote  to  Arnold,  who  was  at  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  advising  him  not  to  take  any  hasty  step  in  con- 
sequence, but  to  allow  time  for  recollection,  promising  his 
own  endeavors  to  remedy  any  error  that  might  have  been 
made.  He  wrote  also  to  Henry  Lee  in  Congress,  inquiring 
Avhether  the  omission  was  owing  to  accident  or  design. 
"Surely,"  said  he,  "a  more  active,  a  more  spirited,  and 
sensible  officer,  fills  no  department  of  your  army.  Not 
seeing  him,  then,  in  the  list  of  major-generals,  and  no 
mention  made  of  him,  has  given  me  uneasiness;  as  it  is  not 

*  Sparks.    Writings  of  Washington,  iv.,  407. 


286  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XXXTX. 

presumed,  being  the  oldest  brigadier,  that  he  will  continue 
in  service  under  such  a  slight." 

Arnold  was,  in  truth,  deeply  wounded  by  the  omission. 
"I  am  greatly  obliged  to  your  Excellency,"  writes  he  to 
Washington,  for  interesting  yourself  so  much  in  respect  to 
my  appointment,  which  I  have  had  no  advice  of,  and  know 
not  by  what  means  it  was  announced  in  the  papers.  Con- 
gress 'undoubtedly  have  a  right  of  promoting  those  whom, 
from  their  abilities,  and  their  long  and  arduous  services, 
they  esteem  most  deserving.  Their  promoting  junior  officers 
to  the  rank  of  major-generals,  I  view  as  a  very  civil  way  of 
requesting  my  resignation,  as  unqualified  for  the  office  I 
hold.  My  commission  was  conferred  unsolicited,  and 
received  with  pleasure  only  as  a  means  of  serving  my  country. 
AA'ith  equal  pleasure  I  resign  it,  when  I  can  no  longer  serve  my 
country  with  honor.  The  person  who,  void  of  the  nice  feel- 
ings of  honor,  will  tamely  condescend  to  give  up  his  right, 
and  retain  a  commission  at  the  expense  of  his  reputation,  I 
hold  as  a  disgrace  to  the  army,  and  unworthy  of  the  glorious 
cause  in  which  we  are  engaged.  *  *  *  *  In  justice, 
therefore,  to  my  own  character,  and  for  the  satisfaction  of 
my  friends,  I  must  request  a  court  of  inquiry  into  my 
conduct;  and  though  I  sensibly  feel  the  ingratitude  of  rny 
countrymen,  yet  every  personal  injury  shall  be  buried  in  my 
zeal  for  the  safety  and  happiness  of  my  country,  in  whose 
cause  I  have  repeatedly  fought  and  bled,  and  am  ready  at  all 
times  to  risk  my  life." 

He  subsequently  intimated  that  he  should  avoid  any  hasty 
step,  and  should  remain  at  his  post  until  he  could  leave  it 
without  any  damage  to  the  public  interest. 

The  principle  upon  which  Congress  had  proceeded  in  their 
recent  promotions  was  explained  to  AArashington.  The 
number  of  general  officers  promoted  from  each  State  was 
proportioned  to  the  number  of  men  furnished  by  it.  Con- 
necticut (Arnold's  State)  had  already  two  major-generals, 
which  was  its  full  share.  "I  confess,"  writes  AVashington  to 
Arnold,  "this  is  a  strange  mode  of  reasoning;  but  it  may 
serve  to  show  3-011  that  the  promotion,  which  was  due  to  your 
seniority,  was  not  overlooked  for  want  of  merit  in  you." 

"The  point,"  observes  he,  "is  of  so  delicate  a  nature,  that 
I  will  not  even  undertake  to  advise.  Your  own  feelings 
must  be  your  guide.  As  no  particular  charge  is  alleged 
against  you,  I  do  not  see  upon  what  grounds  you  can  demand 
a  court  of  inquiry.  Your  determination  not  to  quit  your 
present  command,  while  any  danger  to  the  public  might 


1777.]  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  DANBTJRY.  28? 

ensue  from  your  leaving  it,  deserves  my  thanks,  and  justly 
entitles  you  to  the  thanks  of  the  country." 

An  opportunity  occurred  before  long,  for  Arnold  again  to 
signalize  himself. 

'T.'he  amount  of  stores  destroyed  at  Peekskill  had  fallen  far 
short  of  General  Howe's  expectations.  Something  more  must 
be  done  to  cripple  the  Americans  before  the  opening  of  the 
campaign.  Accordingly,  another  expedition  was  set  on  foot 
aguinst  a  still  larger  deposit  at  Danbury,  within  the  borders 
of  Connecticut,  and  between  twenty  and  thirty  miles  from 
Peekskill. 

Ex-Governor  Tryon,  recently  commissioned  major-general 
of  provincials,  conducted  it,  accompanied  by  Brigadier- 
General  Agnew  and  Sir  William  Erskine.  He  had  a  mongrel 
force  two  thousand  strong;  American,  Irish,  and  British 
refugees  from  various  parts  of  the  continent,  and  made  his 
appearance  on  the  Sound  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  with  a 
fleet  of  twenty-six  sail,  greatly  to  the  disquiet  of  every 
assailable  place  along  the  coast.  On  the  25th,  toward 
evening,  he  landed  his  troops  on  the  beach  at  the  foot  of 
Canepo  Hill,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Saugatuck  River.  The 
yeomanry  of  the  neighborhood  had  assembled  to  resist  them, 
but  a  few  cannon  shot  made  them  give  way,  and  the  troops 
set  off  for  Danbury.  about  twenty-three  miles  distant;  galled 
at  first  by  a  scattering  fire  from  behind  a  stone  fence.  They 
were  in  a  patriotic  neighborhood.  General  Silliman,  of  the 
Connecticut  militia,  who  resided  at  Fairfield,  a  few  miles 
distant,  sent  out  expresses  to  rouse  the  country.  It  so 
happened  that  General  Arnold  was  at  New  Haven,  between 
twenty  and  thirty  miles  off,  on  his  way  to  Philadelphia  for 
the  purpose  of  settling  his  accounts.  At  the  alarm  of  a 
British  inroad,  he  forgot  his  injuries  and  irritation,  mounted 
his  horse,  and,  accompanied  by  General  Wooster,  hastened 
to  join  General  Silliman.  As  they  spurred  forward,  every 
farm  house  sent  out  its  warrior,  until  upward  of  a  hundred 
were  pressing  on  with  them,  full  of  the  fighting  spirit. 
Lieutenant  Oswald,  Arnold's  secretary  in  the  Canada  cam- 
paign, who  had  led  the  forlorn  hope  in  the  attempt  upon 
Quebec,  was  at  this  time  at  New  Haven,  enlisting  men  for 
Lamb's  regiment  of  artillery.  He,  too,  heard  the  note  of 
alarm,  and  mustering  his  recruits,  marched  off  with  three 
field-pieces  for  the  scene  of  action.* 
In  the  mean  while  the  British,  marching  all  night  with 

*  Life  of  Lamb,  p.  157. 


288  LIFE  OP  WASHINGTON,  [en.  XXXIX. 

short  haltings,  reached  D anbury  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  26th.  There  were  but  fifty  Continental 
soldiers  and  one  hundred  militia  in  the  place.  These 
retreated,  as  did  most  of  the  inhabitants,  excepting  such  as 
remained  to  take  care  of  the  sick  and  aged.  Four  men, 
intoxicated,  as  it  was  said,  fired  upon  the  troops  from  the 
windows  of  a  large  house.  The  soldiers  rushed  in,  drove 
them  into  the  cellar,  set  fire  to  the  house,  and  left  them  to 
perish  in  the  flames. 

There  was  a  great  quantity  of  stores  of  all  kinds  in  the 
village,  and  no  vehicles  to  convey  them  to  the  ships.  The 
work  of  destruction  commenced.  The  soldiers  made  free 
with  the  liquors  found  in  abundance;  and  throughout  the 
greater  part  of  the  night  there  was  revel,  drunkenness, 
blasphemy,  and  devastation.  Tryon,  full  of  anxiety,  and 
aware  that  the  country  was  rising,  ordered  a  retreat  before 
daylight,  setting  fire  to  the  magazines  to  complete  the 
destruction  of  the  stores.  The  flames  spread  to  the  other 
edifices,  and  almost  the  whole  village  was  soon  in  a  blaze. 
The  extreme  darkness  of  a  rainy  night  made  the  conflagra- 
tion more  baleful ly  apparent  throughout  the  country. 

While  these  scenes  had  been  transacted  at  Danbury,  the 
Connecticut  yeomanry  had  been  gathering.  Fairfield  and 
the  adjacent  counties  had  poured  out  their  minute  men. 
General  Silliman  had  advanced  at  the  head  of  five  hundred. 
Generals  Wooster  and  Arnold  joined  him  with  their  chance 
followers,  as  did  a  few  more  militia.  A  heavy  rain  retarded 
their  march;  it  was  near  midnight  when  they  reached 
Bethel,  within  four  miles  of  Danbury.  Here  they  halted, 
to  take  a  little  repose  and  put  their  arms  in  order,  rendered  al- 
most unserviceable  by  the  rain.  They  were  now  about  six  hun- 
dred strong.  Wooster  took  the  command,  as  first  major-general 
of  the  militia  of  the  State.  Though  in  the  sixty-eighth  year 
of  his  age,  he  was  full  of  ardor,  with  almost  youthful  fire 
and  daring.  A  plan  Avas  concerted  to  punish  the  enemy  on 
their  retreat;  and  the  lurid  light  of  Danbury  in  flames 
redoubled  the  provocation.  At  dawn  of  day,  Wooster 
detached  Arnold  with  four  hundred  men,  to  push  across  the 
country  and  take  post  at  Kidgefield,  by  which  the  British 
must  pass;  while  he  with  two  hundred  remained,  to  hang  on 
and  harass  them  in  flank  and  rear. 

The  British  began  their  retreat  early  in  the  morning, 
conducting  it  in  the  regular  style,  with  flanking  parties,  and  a 
rear -guard  well  furnished  with  artillery.  As  soon  us  they 
had  passed  his  position.  Wooster  attacked  the  rear-eruard  with 


17', 7.]  HARASSED   RETREAT  Of  THE   ENEMY.  28§ 

great  spirit  and  effect;  there  was  sharp  skirmishing  until 
within  two  miles  of  Ridgefield,  when,  as  the  veteran  was 
cheering  on  his  men,  who  began  to  waver,  a  musket  ball 
brought  him  down  from  his  horse,  and  finished  his  gallant 
career.  On  his  fall  his  men  retreated  in  disorder. 

The  delay  which  his  attack  had  occasioned  to  the  enemy, 
had  given  Arnold  time  to  throw  up  a  kind  of  breastwork  or 
barricade  across  the  road  at  the  north  end  of  Ridgefield, 
protected  by  a  house  on  the  right,  and  a  high  rocky  bank  on 
the  left,  where  he  took  his  stand  with  his  little  force  now 
increased  to  about  five  hundred  men.  About  eleven  o'clock 
the  enemy  advanced  in  column,  with  artillery  and  flanking 
parties.  They  were  kept  at  bay  for  a  time,  and  received 
several  volleys  from  the  barricade,  until  it  was  outflanked  and 
carried.  Arnold  ordered  a  retreat,  and  was  bringing  off  the 
rear-guard,  when  his  horse  was  shot  under  him,  and  carne 
down  upon  his  knees.  Arnold  remained  seated  in  the 
saddle,  with  one  foot  entangled  in  the  stirrup.  A  tory 
soldier,  seeing  his  plight,  rushed  toward  him  with  fixed 
bayonet.  He  had  just  time  to  draw  a  pistol  from  the 
holster.  "You're  my  prisoner,"  cried  tho  tory.  "Not 
yet!"  exclaimed  Arnold,  and  shot  him  dead.  Then  extrica- 
ting his  foot  from  the  stirrup,  he  threw  himself  into  the 
thickets  of  a  neighboring  swamp,  and  escaped,  unharmed  by 
the  bullets  that  whistled  after  him,  and  joined  his  retreating 
troops.  • 

(Jeneral  Tryon  intrenched  for  the  night  in  Ridgefield,  his 
troops  having  suffered  greatly  in  their  harassed  retreat. 
The  next  morning,  after  having  set  fire  to  four  houses,  he 
continued  his  march  for  the  ships. 

Colonel  Huntingdon,  of  the  Continental  army,  with  the 
troops  which  had  been  stationed  at  Danbury,'the  scattered 
forces  of  Wooster  which  had  joined  him,  and  a  number  of 
militia,  hung  on  the  rear  of  the  enemy  as  soon  as  they  were 
in  motion.  Arnold  was  again  in  the  field,  with  his  rallied 
forces,  strengthened  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Oswald  with  two 
companies  of  Lamb's  artillery  regiment  and  three  field-pieces. 
With  these  he  again  posted  himself  on  the  enemy's  route. 

Difficulties  and  annoyances  had  multiplied  upon  the  latter 
at  every  step.  When  they  came  in  sight  of  the  position 
where  Arnold  was  waiting  for^them  they  changed  their  route, 
wheeled  to  the  left,  and  made  for  a  ford  of  Saugatuck  River. 
Arnold  hastened  to  cross  the  bridge  and  take  them  in  flank, 
but  they  were  too  quick  for  him.  Colonel  Lamb  had  now 
reached  the  scene  of  action,  as  had  about  two  hundred 
JO 


290  LIFE  OP  WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XXXIX. 

volunteers.  Leaving  to  Oswald  the  charge  of  the  artillery, 
he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  volunteers,  and  led  them 
up  to  Arnold's  assistance. 

The  enemy,  finding  themselves  hard  pressed,  pushed  for 
Canepo  Hill.  They  reached  it  in  the  evening,  without  a 
round  of  ammunition  in  their  cartridge-boxes.  As  they 
were  now  within  cannon  shot  of  their  ships,  the  Americans 
ceased  the  pursuit.  The  British  formed  upon  the  high 
ground,  brought  their  artillery  to  the  front,  and  sent  off  to 
the  ships  for  reinforcements.  Sir  William  Erskine  landed  a 
large  body  of  marines  and  sailors,  who  drove  the  Americans 
back  for  some  distance,  and  covered  the  embarkation  of  the 
troops.  Colonel  Lamb,  while  leading  on  his  men  gallantly 
to  capture  the  British  field-pieces,  was  wounded  by  a  grape 
shot,  and  Arnold,  while  cheering  on  the  militia,  had  another 
horse  shot  under  him.  In  the  mean  time,  the  harassed 
marauders  effected  their  embarkation,  and  the  fleet  got 
under  way. 

In  this  inroad  the  enemy  destroyed  a  considerable  amount 
of  military  stores,  aiul  seventeen  hundred  tents  prepared  for 
the  use  of  Washington's  army  in  the  ensuing  campaign. 
The  loss  of  General  Wooster  was  deeply  deplored.  He 
survived  the  action  long  enough  to  be  consoled  in  his  dying 
moments  at  Daubury,  by  the  presence  of  his  wife  and  son, 
who  hastened  thither  from  New  Haven.  As  to  Arnold,  his 
gallantry  in  this  affair  gained  him  fresh  laurels,  and  Congress, 
to  remedy  their  late  error,  promoted  him  to  the  rank  of 
major-general.  Still  this  promotion  did  not  restore  him  to 
his  proper  position.  He  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  list  of 
major-generals,  with  four  officers  above  him,  his  juniors  in 
service.  Washington  felt  this  injustice  on  the  part  of  Con- 
gress, and  wrote  about  it  to  the  president.  "He  has  certainly 
discoArered,"  said  he  "in  every  instance  where  he  has  had  an 
opportunity,  much  bravery,  activity,  and  enterprise.  But 
what  will  be  done  about  his  rank?  He  will  not  act,  most 
probably,  under  those  he  commanded  but  a  few  Aveeks  ago." 

As  an  additional  balm  to  Arnold's  wounded  pride, 
Congress  a  few  days  afterward  voted  that  a  horse,  properly 
caparisoned,  should  be  presented  to  him  in  their  name,  as  a 
token  of  their  approbation  of  his  gallant  conduct  in  the  late 
action,  "in  which  he  had  one  horse  shot  under  him  and 
another  wounded."  But  after  all  he  remained  at  the 
bottom  of  the  list,  and  the  Avound  still  rankled  in  his  bosom. 

The  destructive  expeditions  against  the  American  depots 
of  military  stores,  were  retaliated  in  kind  by  Colonel  Meigs, 


1777.]  ENTERPRISE   AGAItfSt  SAG   HARBOR.  291 

a  spirited  officer,  who  had  accompanied  Arnold  in  his 
expedition  through  the  wilderness  against  Quebec,  and  had 
caught  something  of  his  love  for  hardy  exploit.  Having 
received  intelligence  that  the  British  commissaries  had 
collected  a  great  amount  of  grain,  forage  and  other  supplies 
at  Sag  Harbor,  a  small  port  in  the  deep  bay  which  forks  the 
east  end  of  Long  Island,  he  crossed  the  Sound  on  the  23d  of 
May  from  Guilford  in  Connecticut,  with  about  one  hundred 
and  seventy  men  in  whale-boats  convoyed  by  two  armed 
sloops:  landed  on  the  island  near  Southold;  carried  the 
boats  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles  across  the  north  fork  of  the 
bay,  launched  them  into  the  latter,  crossed  it,  landed  within 
four  miles  of  Sag  Harbor,  and  before  daybreak  carried  the 
jihu-e,  which  was  guarded  by  a  company  of  foot.  A  furious 
fire  of  round  and  grapeshot  was  opened  upon  the  Americans 
from  an  armed  schooner,  anchored  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  yards  from  shore;  and  stout  defence  was  made  by  the 
crews  of  a  dozen  brigs  and  sloops  lying  at  the  wharf  to  take 
in  freight;  but  Meigs  succeeded  in  burning  these  vessels, 
destroying  everything  on  shore,  and  carrying  off  ninety 
prisoners;  among  whom  were  the  officer  of  the  company  of 
foot,  the  commissaries,  and  the  captains  of  most  of  the  small 
vessels.  With  these  he  and  his  party  recrossed  the  bay, 
transported  their  boats  again  across  the  fork  of  land, 
launched  them  on  the  Sound,  and  got  safe  back  to  Guilford; 
having  achieved  all  this,  and  traversed  about  ninety  miles  of 
land  and  water,  in  twenty-five  hours.  Washington  was  so 
highly  pleased  with  the  spirit  and  success  of  this  enterprise, 
and  he  publicly  returned  thanks  to  Colonel  Meigs  and  tbe 
officers  and  men  engaged  in  it.  It  could  not  fail,  he  said, 
greatly  to  distress  the  enemy  in  the  important  and  essential 
article  of  forage.  But  it  was  the  moral  effect  of  the  enter- 
prise which  gave  it  the  most  value.  It  is  difficult,  at  the 
present  day,  sufficiently  to  appreciate  the  importance  of 
partisan  exploits  of  the  kind,  in  the  critical  stage  of  the  war 
of  which  we  are  treating.  They  cheered  the  spirit  of  the 
people*,  depressed  by  overshadowing  dangers  and  severe 
privations,  and  kept  alive  the  military  spark  that  was  to 
kindle  into  the  future  flame. 


292  LIFE  Of  WASHINGTON,  [cfl.  XL 


CHAPTER    XL. 

Schuyler  on  the  Point  of  Resigning— Committee  of  Inquiry  Report  in 
his  Favor — His  Memorial  to  Congress  proves  Satisfactory — Discus- 
sions Regarding  the  Northern  Department — Gates  Mistaken  as  to  his 
Position  —  He  "Prompts  his  Friends  in  Congress  —  His  Petulant 
Letter  to  Washington — Dignified  Reply  of  the  Latter — Position  of 
Gates  Defined — Schuyler  Reinstated  in  Command  of  the  Depart- 
ment— Gates  Appears  on  the  floor  of  Congress — His  Proceedings 
there. 

THE  time  was  at  hand  for  the  committee  of  inquiry  on 
General  Schuyler's  conduct  to  make  their  report  to  Congress, 
and  lie  awaited  it  with  impatience.  "I  propose  in  a  day  or 
two  to  resign  my  commission/'  writes  he  to  Washington  on 
the  3d  of  May.  "As  soon  as  I  have  done  it,  I  shall  transmit 
to  your  Excellency  my  reasons  for  such  a  step." 

Washington  was  grieved  at  receiving  this  intimation.  He 
had  ever  found  Schuyler  a  faithful  coadjutor.  He  knew  his 
peculiar  fitness  for  the  Northern  department  from  his  knowl- 
edge of  the  country  and  its  people;  his  influence  among  its 
most  important  citizens;  his  experience  in  treating  with  the 
Indians;  his  fiery  energy;  his  fertility  in  expedients,  and  his 
"sound  military  sense."  But  he  knew  also  his  sensitive 
nature,  and  the  peculiar  annoyances  with  which  he  had  had 
to  contend.  On  a  former  occasion  he  had  prevented  him 
from  resigning,  by  an  appeal  to  his  patriotism;  he  no  longer 
felt  justified  in  interfering.  "I  am  sorry,"  writes  he,  "that 
circumstances  are  such  as  to  dispose  you  to  a  resignation;  but 
you  are  the  best  judge  of  the  line  of  conduct  most  reconcil- 
able to  your  duty,  both  in  a  public  and  personal  view;  and 
your  own  feelings  must  determine  you  in  a  matter  of  so  deli- 
cate and  interesting  a  nature."* 

Affairs,  however,  were  taking  a  more  favorable  turn.  ,  The 
committee  of  inquiry  made  a  report  which  placed  the  charac- 
ter of  Schuyler  higher  than  ever  as  an  able  and  active  com- 
mander, and  a  zealous  and  disinterested  patriot. 

He  made  a  memorial  to  Congress  explaining  away,  or 
apologizing  for,  the  expressions  in  his  letter  of  the  4th  of 
February,  which  had  given  offence  to  the  House.  His  me- 
morial was  satisfactory;  and  he  was  officially  informed  that 

*  Schuyler's  Letter  Book. 


1777  ]  HONORABLE  ACQUITTAL  Of  SCHUYLE&  293 

Congress  now  "entertained  the  same  favorable  sentiments 
concerning  him,  that  they  had  entertained  before  that  letter 
was  received." 

There  were  warm  discussions  in  the  House  on  the  subject  of 
the  Northern  department.  Several  of  the  most  important  of 
the  New  York  delegates  observed  that  General  Gates  mis- 
apprehended his  position.  He  considered  himself  as  holding 
the  same  command  as  that  formerly  held  by  General  Schuyler. 
Such  was  not  the  intention  of  Congress  in  sending  him  to 
take  command  of  the  army  at  Ticonderoga.  There  had  been 
a  question  between  sending  him  to  that  post,  or  giving  him. 
the  adjutancy  general,  and  it  had  been  decided  for  the 
former. 

It  would  be  nonsense,  they  observed,  to  give  him  command 
of  the  Northern  department,  and  confine  him  to  Ticonderoga 
and  Mount  Independence,  where  he  could  not  have  an  exten- 
sive idea  of  the  defence  of  the  frontier  of  the  Eastern  States; 
but  only  of  one  spot,  to  which  the  enemy  were  not  obliged  to 
confine  their  operations,  and,  as  it  were,  to  knock  their  heads 
against  a  single  rock.  The  affairs  of  the  north-east,  it  was 
added,  and  of  the  State  of  New  York  in  particular,  were  in  a 
critical  condition.  Much  disaffection  prevailed,  and  great 
clashing  of  interests.  There  was  but  one  man  capable  of 
keeping  all  united  against  the  common  enemy,  and  he  stood 
on  the  books  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  Middle,  or,  as  it 
was  sometimes  called,  the  Northern  department.  His 
presence  was  absolutely  necessry  in  his  home  quarters  for 
their  immediate  succor,  but  if  he  returned,  he  would  be  a 
general  without  an  army  or  a  military  chest;  and  why  was 
he  thus  disgraced? 

The  friends  of  Gates,  on  the  other  hand,  who  were  chiefly 
delegates  from  New  England,  pronounced  it  an  absurdity, 
that  an  officer  holding  such  an  important  post  as  Ticon- 
deroga, should  be  under  the  absolute  orders  of  another  one 
hundred  miles  distant,  engaged  in  treaties  with  Indians,  and 
busied  in  the  duties  of  a  provedore.  The  establishment  of 
commands  in  departments  was  entirely  wrong;  there  should 
be  a  Commander-in-chief,  and  commanders  of  the  different 
armies. 

We  gather  these  scanty  particulars  from  a  letter  addressed 
to  Gates  by  Mr.  Lovell.  The  latter  expresses  himself  with  a 
proper  spirit.  "I  wish,"  writes  he,  "some  course  could  be 
taken  which  would  suit  you  both.  It  is  plain  all  the  North- 
ern army  cannot  be  intended  for  the  single  garrison  of  Ticon- 
deroga. AYko  then  has  the  distribution  of  the  members? 


294  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [ -n.  XL. 

This  must  depend  on  one  opinion,,  or  there  can  be  no  decis- 
ion of  the  Northern  frontiers.  It  is  an  unhappy  circum- 
stance that  such  is  the  altercation  at  the  opening  of  the 
campaign." 

This  letter  produced  an  anxious  reply:  "Why,"  writes 
Gates,  "when  the  argument  in  support  of  General  Schuyler's 
command  was  imposed  upon  Congress,  did  not  you  or  some- 
body say,  'the  second  post  upon  this  continent  next  campaign 
will  be  at  or  near  Peekskill.  There  General  Schnyler  ought 
to  go  and  command;  that  will  be  the  curb  in  the  mouth  of 
the  New  York  tories,  and  the  enemy's  army.  He  will  then 
be  near  the  convention,  and  in  the  center  of  the  colony,  have 
a  military  chest,  and  all  the  insignia  of  office.  This  com- 
mand in  "honor  could  not  be  refused,  without  owning  there 
is  something  more  alluring  than  command  to  General  Schuy- 
ler,  by  fixing  him  at  Albany.  By  urging  this  matter  home 
you  would  have  proved  the  man.  He  would  have  resigned 
all  command,  have  accepted  the  government  of  New  York, 
and  been  fixed  to  a  station  where  lie  must  do  good,  and 
which  could  not  interfere  with,  or  prevent  any  arrangement 
Congress  have  made,  or  may  hereafter  make.  Unhappy 
State!  That  has  but  one  man  in  it  who  can  fix  the  wavering 
minds  of  its  inhabitants  to  the  side  of  freedom!  How  could 
you  sit  patiently,  and,  uncontradicted,  suffer  such  imperti- 
nence to  be  crammed  down  your  throats?" 

"Why  is  it  nonsense,"  pursues  Gates,  "to  station  the 
commanding  general  in  the  Northern  department  at  Ticon- 
deroga?  Was  it  not  the  uniform  practice  of  the  royal  army 
all  last  war?  Nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  the  enemy 
must  first  possess  that  single  rock  before  they  can  penetrate 
the  country.  *  *  *  It  is  foolish  in  the  extreme  to 
believe  the  enemy  this  year  can  form  any  attack  from  the 
northward  but  by  Ticonderoga.  Where,  then,  ought  the 
commanding  general  to  be  posted?  Certainly  at  Ticon- 
deroga. If  General  Schulyer  is  solely  to  possess  all  the  power, 
all  the  intelligence,  and  that  particular  favorite,  the  military 
chest,  and  constantly  reside  at  Albany,  I  cannot,  with  any 
peace  of  mind,  serve  at  Ticonderoga."5 

This  letter  was  dispatched  by  private  hand  to  Philadel- 
phia. 

While  Gates  was  in  this  mood,  his  aide-de-camp, 
Major  Troup,  reported  an  unsuccessful  application  to  the 
commander-in-chief  for  tents.  In  the  petulance  of  the 

*  Letter  to  Jus.  Lovell,  of  Massachusetts.    Gatee's  Papers,  N.  Y.  Hist.  Lib. 


1777.]  GATES   IN  A   PETULANT   MOOD.  295 

moment,  Gates  addressed  the  following  letter  to  Washington: 
' '.Major  Troup,  upon  being  disappointed  in  procuring  tents 
at  Fishkill,  acquaints  me  that  he  went  to  head-quarters  to 
implore  your  Excellency's  aid  in  that  particular  for  the 
Northern  army.  He  says  your  Excellency  told  him  you 
should  want  every  tent  upon  the  continent  for  the  armies  to 
the  southward,  and  that  you  did  not  see  any  occasion  the 
Northern  army  could  have  for  tents,  for,  being  a  fixed  post 
they  might  hut.  Refusing  this  army  what  you  have  not  in 
your  power  to  bestow,  is  one  thing,  adds  Gates,  "  but  say- 
ing that  this  army  has  not  the  same  necessities  as  the  South- 
ern armies,  is  another.  I  can  assure  your  Excellency  the 
service  of  the  northward  requires  tents  a&  much  as  any  service 
I  ever  saw."* 

However  indignant  Washington  may  have  felt  at  the  dis- 
respectful  tone  of  this  letter,  and  the  unwarrantable  imputa- 
tion of  sectional  partiality  contained  in  it,  he  contented 
himself  with  a  grav>:  and  measured  rebuke.  "Can  you 
suppose,"  writes  he,  "if  there  had  been  an  ample  supply  of 
tents  for  the  whole  army,  that  I  should  have  hesitated  one 
moment  in  complying  with  your  demand?  I  told  Major 
Tnmp  that  on  account  of  our  loss  at  Danbury  there  would  be 
a  scarcity  of  tents;  that  our  army  would  be  a  moving  one, 
and  that  consequently  nothing  but  tents  would  serve  our 
turn;  and  that,  therefore,  as  there  would  be  the  greatest 
probability  of  your  being  stationar}7,  you  should  endeavor  to 
cover  your  troops  with  barracks  and  huts.  Certainly  this 
was  not  a  refusal  of  tents,  but  a  request  that  you  should,  in 
our  contracted  situation,  make  every  shift  to  do  without 
them,  or  at  least  with  as  few  as  possible. 

"The  Northern  army  is,  and  ever  has  been,  as  much  the 
object  of  my  care  and  attention  as  the  one  immediately  under 
my  command.  *  *  *  *  I  will  make  particular  inquiry 
of  the  quartermaster-general,  concerning  his  prospect  and 
expectations  as  to  the  article  of  tents;  and  if,  as  I  said  before, 
there  appears  a  sufficiency  for  the  whole  army,  you  shall 
most  willingly  have  your  share.  But,  if  there  is  not,  surely 
that  army  whose  movement  is  uncertain,  must  give  up  its 
claims  for  the  present  to  that  which  must  inevitably  take  the 
field  the  moment  tjie  weather  will  admit,  and  must  continue 
in  it  the  whole  campaign.''! 

Notwithstanding  this  reply,  Gates  persisted  in  imputing 
sectional  partiality  to  the  commander-in-chief,  and  sought 

*  Gates'e  Papers. 

t  Washington's  Writings,  Sparks,  iv.,  437. 


296  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XL. 

to  impart  the  same  idea  to  Congress.  "Either  I  am  exceed- 
ingly dull  or  unreasonably  jealous,"  writes  he  to  his  corre- 
spondent Mr.  Lovell,  "if  I  do  not  discover  by  the  style  and 
tenor  of  the  letters  from  Morristown,  how  little  I  have  to  ex- 
pect from  thence.  Generals  are  so  far  like  parsons,  they  are 
all  for  christening  their  own  child  first;  but,  let  an  impartial 
moderating  power  decide  between  us,  and  do  not  suffer  South- 
ern prejudices  to  weigh  heavier  in  the  balance  than  the  North- 
ern."* 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Lovell,  dated  the  23d  of  May,  put 
an  end  to  the  suspense  of  the  general  with  respect  to  his 
position.  "  Misconceptions  of  past  resolves  and  conse- 
quent jealousies,"  writes  he,  "have  produced  a  definition  of 
the  Northern  department,  and  General  Schuyler  is  ordered 
to  take  command  of  it.  The  resolve,  also,  which  was 
thought  to  fix  head-quarters  at  Albany,  is  repealed." 

Such  a  resolve  had  actually  been  passed  on  the  22d,  and 
Albany,  Ticonderoga,  Fort  Stanwix,  and  their  dependencies, 
were  thenceforward  to  be  considered  as  forming  the  North- 
ern department.  The  envoy  of  Gates,  bearing  the  letter  in 
which  he  had  carved  out  a  command  for  Schuyler  at  Peek- 
skill,  arrived  at  Philadelphia  too  late.  The  general  was 
already  provided  for. 

Schuyler  was  received  with  open  arms  at  Albany,  on  the 
3d  of  June.  "I  had  the  satisfaction,"  writes  he,  "to 
experience  the  finest  feelings  which  my  country  expressed  on 
my  arrival  and  reappointment.  The  day  after  my  arrival,  the 
whole  county  committee  did  me  the  honor  in  form  to  con- 
gratulate me." 

Gates  was  still  in  Albany,  delaying  to  proceed  with  General 
Fermois  to  Ticonderoga  until  the  garrison  should  be  snm'- 
ciently  strengthened.  Although  the  resolve  of  Congress  did 
but  define  his  position,  which  had  been  misunderstood,  he 
persisted  in  considering  himself  degraded  :  declined  serving 
under  General  Schuyler,  who  would  have  given  him  the  post 
at  Ticonderoga  in  his  absence;  and  obtaining  permission  to 
leave  the  department,  set  out  on  the  9th  for  Philadelphia,  to 
demand  redress  of  Congress. 

General  St.  Clair  was  sent  to  take  command  of  the  troops 
at  Ticonderoga,  accompanied  by  General  Fermois.  As  the 
whole  force  in  the  Northern  department  would  not  be  suffi- 
cient to  command  the  extensive  works  there  on  both  sides  of 
the  lake,  St.  Clair  was  instructed  to  bestow  his  first  attention 

*  Gates's  Papers,  N.  Y.  Hist.  Lib. 


c 


1777.]  GATES   ON  THE   FLOOR   OF   CONGRESS.  297 

\ 

in  fortifying  Mount  Independence,  on  the  east  side,  Schuyler 
considering  it  much  the  most  defensible,  and-that  it  might 
,be  made  capable  of  sustaining  a  long  and  vigorous  siege. 

"I  am  fully  convinced,"  writes  he,  "that  between  two  and 
three  thousand  men  can  effectually  maintain  Mount  Inde- 
pendence and  secure  the  pass." 

It  would  be  imprudent,  he  thought,  to  station  the  greater 
part  of  the  forces  at  Fort  Ticonderoga;  as,  should  the  enemy 
be  able  to  invest  it,  and  cut  off  the  communication  with  the 
country  on  the  east  side,  it  might  experience  a  disaster 
similar  to  that  at  Fort  Washington. 

The  orders  of  Schuyler  to  officers  commanding  posts  in  the 
department  are  characterized  by  his  Dutch  attention  to 
cleanliness  as  to  the  quarters  of  the  soldiers,  their  bedding, 
clothing,  and  equipments. 

All  officers  mounting  guard  were  to  have  their  hair  dressed 
and  powdered.  The  adjutants  of  the  several  corps  were  to 
be  particularly  careful  that  none  of  the  non-commissioned 
officers  and  soldiers  mount  guard  without  having  their  hair 
dressed  and  powdered,  their  persons  perfectly  clean,  and  their 
arms  and  accouterments  in  the  most  complete  order. 

While  Schuyler  was  thus  providing  for  the  security  of 
Ticonderoga,  and  enforcing  cleanliness  in  his  department, 
Gates  was  wending  his  way  to  Philadelphia,  his  bosom  swell- 
ing with  imaginary  wrongs.  He  arrived  there  on  the  18th. 
The  next  day  at  noon,  Mr.  Roger  Sherman,  an  Eastern  dele  • 
gate,  informed  Congress  that  General  Gates  was  waiting  at 
the  door,  and  wished  admittance. 

"For  what  purpose?"  it  was  asked. 

"To  communicate  intelligence  of  importance,"  replied  Mr. 
Sherman. 

Gates  was  accordingly  ushered  in,  took  his  seat  in  an  elbow 
chair,  and  proceeded  to  give  some  news  concerning  the 
Indians;  their  friendly  dispositions,  their  delight  at  seeing 
French  officers  in  the  American  service,  and  other  matters  of 
the  kind;  then,  drawing  forth  some  papers  from  his  pocket, 
he  opened  upon  the  real  object  of  his  visit;  stating  from  his 
notes,  in  a  flurried  and  disjointed  manner,  the  easy  and 
happy  life  he  had  left  to  take  up  arms  for  the  liberties  of 
America;  and  how  strenuously  he  had  exerted  himself  in  its 
defence;  how  that  some  time  in  March  he  had  been  appointed 
to  a  command  in  the  Northern  department;  but  that  a  few 
days  since,  without  having  given  any  cause  of  offence,  with- 
out accusation,  without  trial,  without  hearing,  without  notice, 
he  had  received  a  resolution  by  which  he  was,  in  a  most  dis- 


298  I-IFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XLI. 

graceful  manner,  superseded  in  his  command.  Here  his  irri- 
tated feelings  got  the  better  of  his  judgment,  and  he  indulged 
in  angry  reproaches  of  Congress,  and  recitals  of  a  conversation 
which  had  taken  place  between  him  and  Mr.  Duane,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House,  whom  he  considered  his  enemy.  Here  Mr. 
Duane  rose,  and  addressing  himself  to  the  president,  hoped 
the  general  would  observe  order,  and  cease  any  personal 
observations,  as  he  could  not,  in  Congress,  enter  into  any 
controversy  with  him  upon  the  subject  of  former  conversa- 
tions. 

Other  of  the  members  took  lire;  the  conduct  of  the  general 
was  pronounced  disrespectful  to  the  House,  and  unworthy  of 
himself,  and  it  was  moved  and  seconded  that  he  be  requested 
to  withdraw.  Some  of  the  Eastern  delegates  opposed  the 
motion,  and  endeavored  to  palliate  his  conduct.  A  wordy 
clamor  ensued,  during  which  the  general  stood,  his  papers  in 
his  hand,  endeavoring  several  times  to  be  heard,  but  the 
clamor  increasing,  he  withdrew  with  the  utmost  indignation. 
It  was  then  determined  that  he  should  not  again  be  admitted 
on  the  floor;  but  should  be  informed  that  Congress  were  ready 
and  willing  to  hear,  by  way  of  memorial,  any  grievances  of 
which  he  might  have  to  complain.  * 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

The  Highland  Passes  of  the  Hudson — George  Clinton  in  Command  of 
the  Forts — His  Measures  for  Defence — Generals  Greene  and  Knox 
Examine  the  State  of  the  Forts — Their  Report — The  General  Com- 
mand of  the  Hudson  Offered  to  Arnold — Declined  by  Him — 
Given  to  Putnam — Appointment  of  Dr.  Craik  in  the  Medical  De- 
partment— Expedition  Planned  against  Fort  Independence — But 
Relinquished — Washington  Shifts  his  Camp  to  Middlebrook — 
State  of  his  Army — General  Howe  Crosses  into  the  Jerseys — Posi- 
tion of  the  Two  Armies  at  Middlebrook  and  behind  the  Raritau — 
Correspondence  between  Washington  and  Colonel  Reed. 

THE  Highland  passes  of  the  Hudson,  always  objects  of  anx- 
ious thought  to  Washington,  were  especially  so  at  this  junct- 
ure. General  McDougall  still  commanded  at  Peekskill,  and 
General  George  Clinton,  who  resided  at  New  Windsor,  had 
command  of  the  Highland  forts.  The  latter,  at  the.  earnest 

*  Letter  of  the  Hon.  Win.  Duer-    Schuyler's  Papers, 


1777.]  DEFENCES   OF  THE   HUDSON.  299 

request  of  the  Xew  York  Convention,  had  received  from  Con- 
gress the  command  of  brigadier-general  in  the  Continental 
army.  "My  precarious  state  of  health  and  want  of  military 
knowledge,"  writes  he,  "would  have  rather  induced  me  to 
have  led  a  more  retired  life  than  that  of  the  army,  had  I  been 
consulted  on  the  occasion;  but  as,  early  in  the  present  con- 
test, I  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim  not  to  refuse  my  best,  though 
poor  services,  to  my  country  in  any  way  they  should  think 
proper  to  employ  me,  I  cannot  refuse  the  honor  done  me  in 
the  present  appointment."* 

He  was  perfectly  sincere  in  what  he  said.  George  Clinton 
was  one  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  who  served  from  a 
sense  of  duty,  not  from  military  inclination  or  a  thirst  for 
glory.  A  long  career  of  public  service  in  various  capacities 
illustrated  his  modest  worth  and  devoted  patriotism. 

When  the  "unhappy  affair  of  Peekskill"  had  alarmed  the 
Convention  of  New  York  for  the  safety  of  the  forts  on  the 
Highlands,  Clinton,  authorized  by  that  body,  had  ordered  out 
part  of  the  militia  of  Orange,  Dutchess,  and  Westchester 
counties,  without  waiting  for  Washington's  approbation  of 
the  measure.  He  had  strengthened,  also,  with  anchors  and 
cables,  the  chain  drawn  across  the  river  at  Fort  Montgomery. 
"Had  the  Convention  suffered  me  to  have  paid  my  whole  at- 
tention to  this  business,"  writes  he  to  Washington  (18th 
April),  "it  would  have  been  nearly  completed  by  this  time." 

A  few  days  later  came  word  that  several  transports  were 
anchored  at  Dobb's  Ferry  in  the  Tappan  Sea.  It  might  be 
intended  to  divert  attention  from  a  movement  toward  the 
Delaware;  or  to  make  incursions  into  the  country  back  of 
Morristown,  seize  on  the  passes  through  the  mountains,  and 
cut  off  the  communication  between  the  army  and  the  Hudson. 
To  frustrate  such  a  design,  Washington  ordered  Clinton  to 
post  as  good  a  number  of  troops  from  his  garrison  as  he  could 
spare,  on  the  mountains  west  of  the  river. 

In  the  month  of  May,  he  writes  to  General  McDougall: 
"The  imperfect  state  of  the  fortifications  of  Fort  Montgomery 
gives  me  great  uneasiness,  because  I  think,  from  a  concur- 
rence of  circumstances,  that  it  begins  to  look  as  if  the  enemy 
intended  to  turn  their  view  toward  the  North  River  instead 
of  the  Delaware.  I  therefore  desire  that  General  George 
Clinton,  and  yourself,  will  fall  upon  every  measure  to  put  the 
fortifications  in  such  a  state  that  they  may  at  least  resist  a 
sudden  attack  and  keep  the  enemy  employed  till  reinforce- 

*  Clinton  to  Washington. 


300  LIFE    OF   WASIIIXGTON.  [cil.  XLL 

ments  may  arrive.  If  the  North  Kiver  is  their  object,  they 
cannot  accomplish  it  unless  they  withdraw  their  forces  from 
the  Jerseys,  and  that  they  cannot  do  unknown  to  us." 

On  the  12th  of  May,  General  Greene  received  instructions 
from  Washington  to  proceed  to  the  Highlands,  and  examine 
the  state  and  condition  of  the  forts,  especially  Fort  Mont- 
gomery; the  probability  of  an  attack  by  water,  the  practica- 
bility of  an  approach  by  land;  where  and  how  this  could  be 
effected,  and  the  eminences  whence  the  forts  could  be 
annoyed.  This  done,  and  the  opinions  of  the  general  officers 
present  having  been  consulted,  he  was  to  give  such  orders  and 
make  such  disposition  of  the  troops  as  might  appear  necessary 
for  the  greater  security  of  the  passes  by  land  and  water. 
When,  reconnoitering  the  Highlands  in  the  preceding  year, 
Washington  had  remarked  a  wild  and  rugged  pass  on  the  west- 
ern side  of  the  Hudson  round  Bull  Hill,  a  rocky,  forest-clad 
mountain,  forming  an  advance  rampart  at  the  entrance  to 
Peekskill-Bay.  "This  pass,"  he  observed,  "should  also  be 
attended  to,  lest  the  enemy  by  a  coup  de  main  should  possess 
themselves  of  it,  before  a  sufficient  force  could  be  assembled  to 
oppose  them.'"  Subsequent  events  will  illustrate,  though 
unfortunately,  the  sagacity  and  foresight  of  this  particular 
instruction. 

General  Knox  svas  associated  with  General  Greene  in  this 
visit  of  inspection.  They  examined  the  river  and  the  passes 
of  the  Highlands  in  company  with  Generals  McDougall, 
George  Clinton,  and  Anthony  Wayne.  The  latter,  recently 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier,  had  just  returned  from 
Ticonderoga.  The  five  generals  made  a  joint  report  to 
Washington,  in  which  they  recommended  the  completion  of 
the  obstructions  in  the  river  already  commenced.  These 
consisted  of  a  boom,  or  heavy  iron  chain,  across  the  river 
from  Fort  Montgomery  to  Anthony's  Nose,  with  cables 
stretched  in  front  to  break  the  force  of  any  ship  under  way, 
before  she  could  strike  it.  The  boom  was  to  be  protected 
by  the  guns  of  two  ships  and  two  row  galleys  stationed  just 
above  it,  and  by  batteries  on  shore.  This,  it  was  deemed, 
would  be  sufficient  to  prevent  the  enemy's  ships  from  ascend- 
ing the  river.  If  these  obstructions  could  be  rendered  effect- 
ive, they  did  not  think  the  enemy  would  attempt  to  operate 
by  land;  "the  passes  through  the  Highlands  being  so  exceed- 
ingly difficult." 

The  general  command  of  the  Hudson,  from  the  number  of 
troops  to  be  assembled  there,  and  the  variety  of  points  to  be 
guarded,  was  one  of  the  most  important  in  the  service,  find  re- 


1777.]    ARNOLD    J>Kri.r.\]:s    COMMAND    OF   THE    HUDSON".       301 

quired  an  otlicer  of  consummate  energy,  activity  and  judg- 
ment. It  was  a  major-general's  command,  and  as  sucli  was 
offered  by  Washington  to  Arnold;  intending  thus  publicly 
to  manifest  his  opinion  of  his  deserts,  and  hoping,  by  giv- 
ing him  so  important  u  post,  to  appease  his  irritated  feelings. 

Arnold,  however,  declined  to  accept  it.  In  an  interview 
with  Washington  at  Morristown,  he  alleged  his  anxiety  to 
proceed  to  Philadelphia  and  settle  his  public  accounts, 
which  were  of  considerable  amount;  especially  as  reports  had 
been  circulated  injurious  to  his  character  as  a  man  of  integ- 
rity. He  intended,  therefore,  to  wait  on  Congress,  and  re- 
quest a  committee  of  inquiry  into  his  conduct.  Beside,  he 
did  not  consider  the  promotion  conferred  on  him  by  Congress 
suflicient  to  obviate  their  previous  neglect,  as  it  did  not  give 
him  the  rank  he  had  a  claim  to,  from  seniority  in  the  line  of 
brigadiers.  In  their  last  resolve  respecting  him,  they  had 
acknowledged  him  competent  to  the  station  of  major-general, 
and,  therefore,  had  done  away  every  objection  implied  by  their 
former  omission.  With  these  considerations  he  proceeded  to 
Philadelphia,  bearing  a  letter  from  Washington  to  the  President 
of  Congress,  countenancing  his  complaints,  and  testifying  to 
the  excellence  of  his  military  character.  We  may  here  add, 
that  the  accusations  against  him  were  pronounced  false  and 
slanderous  by  the  Board  of  War;  that  the  report  of  the  board 
\\;is  confirmed  by  Congress,  but  that  Arnold  was  still  left 
aggrieved  and  un  redressed  in  point  of  rank. 

The  important  command  of  the  Hudson  being  declined  by 
Arnold,  was  now  given  to  Putnam,  who  repairecf  forthwith  to 
Peekskill.  General  McDougall  was  requested  by  Washington 
ti>  aid  the  veteran  in  gaining  a  knowledge  of  the  post. 
"V<»u  are  well  acquainted,"  writes  he,  "with  the  old  gentle- 
man's temper;  he  is  active,  disinterested,  and  open  to  con- 
viction." 

Putnam  set  about  promptly  to  carry  into  effect  the  meas- 
ures of  security  which  Greene  and  Knox  had  recommended; 
especially  the  boom  and  chain  at  Fort  Montgomery,  about 
which  General  George  Clinton  had  busied  himself.  Putnam 
had  a  peculiar  fancy  for  river  obstructions  of  the  kind.  A 
lai-LTe  part  of  the  New  York  and  New  England  troops  were 
stationed  at  this  post,  not  merely  to  guard  the  Hudson,  but 
to  render  aid  either  to  the  Eastern  or  Middle  States  in  case  of 
exiirency. 

About  this  time,  Washington  had  the  satisfaction  of  draw- 
ing near  to  him  his  old  friend  and  traveling  companion,  Dr. 
James  Craik,  the  same  who  had  served  with  him  in  Brad- 


302  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.XLI. 

dock's  campaign,  and  had  voyaged  with  him  down  the  Ohio; 
for  whom  he  now  procured  the  appointment  of  assistant  di- 
rector-o-eneral  of  the  Hospital  department  of  the  middle  dis- 
trict, which  included  the  States  between  the  Hudson  and  the 
Potomac.  In  offering  the  situation  to  the  doctor,  he  writes, 
"you  know  how  far  you  may  be  benefited  or  injured  by  such 
an  appointment,  and  whether  it  is  advisiable  or  practicable 
for  you  to  quit  your  family  and  practice  at  this  time.  I 
request,  as  a  friend,  that  my  proposing  this  matter  to  you 
may  have  no  influence  upon  your  acceptance  of  it.  I  have 
no  other  end  in  view  than  to  serve  you."  Dr.  Craik,  it  will 
be  found,  remained  his  attached  and  devoted  friend  through 
life. 

It  had  been  Washington's  earnest  wish  in  the  early  part  of 
the  spring,  to  take  advantage  of  the  inactivity  of  the  enemy, 
and  attempt  some  "capital  stroke"  for  the  benefit  of  the  next 
campaign;  but  the  want  of  troops  prevented  him.  He  now 
planned  a  night  expedition  for  Putnam  exactly  suited  to  the 
humor  of  the  old  general.  He  was  to  descend  the  Hudson  in 
boats,  surprise  Fort  Independence  at  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek, 
capture  the  garrison  and  sweep  the  road  between  that  post  and 
the  Highlands.  Putnam  was  all  on  fire  for  the  enterprise 
when  movements  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  seemingly  indica- 
tive of  a  design  upon  Philadelphia  obliged  Washington  to 
abandon  the  project  and  exert  all  his  vigilance  in  watching 
the  hostile  operations  in  the  Jerseys. 

Accordingly  toward  the  end  of  May  he  broke  up  his  can- 
tonments at  Morristown  and  shifted  his  camp  to  Middle- 
brook,  within  ten  miles  of  Brunswick.  His  whole  force  fit 
for  duty  was  now  about  seven  thousand  three  hundred  men, 
all  from  the  States  south  of  the  Hudson. 

There  were  forty-three  regiments,  forming  ten  brigades, 
commanded  by  Brigadiers  Muhlenberg,  Weedon,  Woodford, 
Scott,  Smallwood,  Deborre,  Wayne,  Dehaas,  Conway  and 
Maxwell.  These  were  apportioned  into  five  divisions  of  two 
brigades  each  under  Major-Generals  Greene,  Stephen,  Sulli- 
van, Lincoln  and  Stirling.  The  artillery  was  commanded  by 
Knox.  Sullivan,  with  his  division,  was  stationed  on  the  right 
at  Princeton.  With  the  lest  of  his  force  Washington  forti- 
fied himself  in  a  position  naturally  strong,  among  hills,  in 
the  rear  of  the  village  of  Middlebrook.  His  camp  was,  on  all 
sides,  difficult  of  approach,  and  he  rendered  it  still  more  so 
by  intrenchments.  The  high  grounds  about  it  commanded  a 
wide  view  of  the  country  around  Brunswick,  the  road  to 
Philadelphia,  and  the  course  of  the  Ilaritan,  so  that  thQ 


1W.J  &OWE   CROSSES  10  THE  JERSEYS.  303 

enemy  could  make  no  important  movement  on  land,  without 
his  perceiving  it. 

It  was  now  the  beautiful  season  of  the  year,  and  the  troops 
from  their  height  beheld  a  fertile  and  well  cultivated  country 
spread  before  them,  "painted  with  meadows,  green  fields 
and  orchards,  studded  with  villages,  and  affording  abundant 
supplies  and  forage."  A  part  of  their  duty  was  to  guard  it 
from  the  ravage  of  the  enemy,  while  they  held  themselves 
ready  to  counteract  his  movements  in  every  direction. 

On  the  31st  of  May,  reports  were  brought  to  camp  that  a' 
fleet  of  a  hundred  sail  had  left  New  York,  and  stood  out  to 
sea.  Whither  bound,  and  how  freighted,  was  unknown.  If 
they  carried  troops,  their  destination  might  be  Delaware  Bay. 
Eighteen  tran?ports,  also,  had  arrived  at  New  York,  with 
troops  in  foreign  uniforms.  Were  they  those  which  had  been 
in  Canada,  or  others  immediately  from  Germany?  Those 
who  had  reconnoitered  them  with  glasses  could  not  tell.  All 
was  matter  of  anxious  conjecture. 

Lest  the  fleet  which  had  put  to  sea  should  be  bound  farther 
south  than  Delaware  Bay,  Washington  instantly  wrote  to 
Patrick  Henry,  at  that  time  governor  of  Virginia,  putting 
him  on  his  guard.  "Should  this  fleet  arrive  on  your  coast, 
and  the  enemy  attempt  to  penetrate  the  country,  or  make 
incursions,  I  would  recommend  that  the  earliest  opposi- 
tion be  made  by  parties  and  detachments  of  militia,  without 
waiting  to  collect  a  large  body.  lam  convinced  that  this 
would  be  attended  with  the  most  salutary  consequences,  and 
that  greater  advantages  would  be  derived  from  it,  than  by 
deferring  the  opposition  till  you  assemble  a  nuiriber  equal  to 
that  of  the  enemy." 

The  troops  in  foreign  uniform  which  had  landed  from  the 
transports,  proved  to  be  Anspachers,  and  other  German  mer- 
cenaries; there  were  British  reinforcements  also;  and,  what 
was  particularly  needed,  a  supply  of  tents  and  camp  equi- 
page. Sir  William  Howe  had  ueen  waiting  for  the  latter,  and 
likewise  until  the  ground  should  be  covered  with  grass.* 

The  country  was  now  in  full  verdure,  affording  "green  for- 
age" in  abundance,  and  all  things  seemed  to  Sir  William  pro- 
pitious for  the  opening  of  the  campaign.  Early  in  June, 
therefore,  he  gave  up  ease  and  gayety,  and  luxurious  life  at 
New  York,  and  crossing  into  the  Jerseys,  set  up  his  head- 
quarters at  Brunswick. 

As  soon  as    Washington  ascertained  that  Sir  William's 

*  Evidence  of  Major-General  Gray  before  the  House  of  Commons. 


304  LIFE   OF   WASHIXGTOK.  [CH.  XLt 

attention  was  completely  turned  to  this  quarter,,  lie  deter- 
mined to  strengthen  his  position  with  all  the  force  that  could 
be  spared  from  other  parts,  so  as  to  be  able,  in  case  a  favor- 
able opportunity  presented,  to  make  an  attack  upon  the 
enemy;  in  the  mean  time,  he  would  harass  them  with  his 
light  "militia  troops,  aided  by  a  few  Continentals,  so  as  to 
weaken  their  numbers  by  continual  skirmishes.  With  this 
view,  he  ordered  General  Putnam  to  send  down  most  of  the 
Continental  troops  from  Peekskill,  leaving  only  a  number 
sufficient,  in  conjunction  with  the  militia,  to  guard  that  post 
against  surprise.  They  were  to  proceed  in  three  divisions, 
under  Generals  Parsons,  McDougall,  and  Glover,  atone  day's 
march  distant  from  each  other. 

Arnold,  in  this  critical  juncture,  had  been  put  in  com- 
mand of  Philadelphia,  a  post  which  he  had  been  induced  to 
accept,  although  the  question  of  rank  had  not  been  adjusted 
to  his  satisfaction.  His  command  embraced  the  western 
bank  of  the  Delaware  with  all  its  fords  and  passes,  and  he 
took  up  his  station  there  with  a  strong  body  of  militia, 
supported  by  a  few  Continentals,  to  oppose  any  attempt  of 
the  enemy  to  cross  the  river.  He  was  instructed  by  Wash- 
ington to  give  him  notice  by  expresses,  posted  on  the  road, 
if  any  fleet  should  appear  in  Delaware  Bay;  and  to  endeavor 
to  concert  signals  with  the  camp  of  Sullivan  at  Princeton, 
by  alarm  fires  upon  the  hills. 

On  the  night  of  the  13th  of  June,  General  Howe  sallied 
forth  in  great  force  from  Brunswick,  as  if  pushing  directly 
for  the  Delaware,  but  his  advanced  guard  halted  at  Somerset 
court-house,  about  eight  or  nine  miles  distant.  Apprised  of 
this  movement,  Washington  at  daybreak  reconnoitered  the 
enemy  from  the  heights  before  the  camp.  He  observed  their 
front  halting  at  the  court-house,  but  a  few  miles  distant, 
while  troops  and  artillery  were  grouped  here  and  there  along 
the  road,  and  the  rear-guard  was  still  at  Brunswick.  It 
was  a  question  with  Washington  and  his  generals,  as  they 
reconnoitered  the  enemy  with  their  glasses,  whether  this  was 
a  real  move  toward  Philadelphia,  or  merely  a  lure  to  tempt 
them  down  from  their  strong  position.  In  this  uncertainty. 
Washington  drew  out  his  army  in  battle  array  along  the 
heights,  but  kept  quiet.  In  the  present  state  of  his  forces 
it  was  his  plan  not  to  risk  a  general  action;  but,  should  the 
enemy  really  march  toward  the  Delaware,  to  hang  heavily 
upon  their  rear.  Their  principal  difficulty  would  be  in  cross- 
ing that  river,  and  there,  he  trusted,  they  would  meet  with 


1777.]       COLONSI.    REED*S  APPEAL  TO   WASHINGTON.  305 

spirited  opposition  from  the  Continental  troops  and  militia 
stationed  on  the  western  side  under  Arnold  and  Mifflin. 

The  British  took  up  a  strong  position,  having  Millstone 
Creek  on  their  left,  tne  Ruritun  all  along  their  front,  and 
their  right  resting  on  Brunswick,  and  proceeded  to  fortify 
themselves  with  bastions. 

While  thus  anxiously  situated,  Washington,  on  the  14th, 
received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Reed,  his  former  secretary 
and  confidential  friend.  A  coolness  had  existed  on  the 
general's  part,  ever  since  he  had  unwarily  opened  the  satirical 
letter  of  General  Lee;  yet  he  had  acted  toward  Reed  with  his 
habitual  high-mindedness,  and  had  recently  nominated  him 
as  general  of  cavalry.  The  latter  had  deeply  deplored  the 
interruption  of  their  once  unreserved  intercourse;  he  had 
long,  he  said,  desired  to  have  one  hour  of  private  conversation 
with  Washington  on  the  subject  of  Lee's  letter,  but  had 
deferred  it  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  his  own  letter  to  which 
that  was  an  answer.  In  that  he  had  been  disappointed  by 
Lee's  captivity.  On  the  present  occasion,  Reed's  heart  was 
full,  and  he  refers  to  former  times  in  language  that  is  really 
touching: 

"I  am  sensible,  my  dear  sir,"  writes  he,  "how  difficult  it 
is  to  regain  lost  friendship;  but  the  consciousness  of  never 
having  justly  forfeited  yours,  and  the  hope  that  it  may  be 
in  my  power  fully  to  convince  you  of  it,  are  some  consolation 
for  an  event  which  I  never  think  of  but  with  the  greatest 
concern.  In  the  mean  time,  my  dear  general,  let  me  entreat 
you  to  judge  of  me  by  realities,  not  by  appearances;  and 
believe  that  I  never  entertained  or  expressed  a  sentiment 
incompatible  with  that  regard  I  professed  for  your  person 
and  character,  and  which.,  whether  I  shall  be  so  happy  as  to 
possess  your  future  good  opinion  or  not,  I  shall  carry  to  my 
grave  with  me. 

"A  late  perusal  of  the  letters  you  .honored  me  with  at 
Cambridge  and  New  York,  last  year  afforded  me  a  melan- 
choly pleasure.  I  cannot  help  acknowledging  myself  deeply 
affected,  in  a  comparison  with  those  which  I  have  since 
received.  I  should  not,  my  dear  sir,  have  trespassed  on 
your  time  and  patience  at  this  juncture  so  long,  but  that  a 
former  letter  upon  this  subject  I  fear  has  miscarried;  and 
whatever  may  be  my  future  destination  and  course  of  life,  I 
could  not  support  the  reflection  of  being  thought  ungrateful 
and  insincere  to  a  friendship  which  was  equally  my  pride 
and  my  pleasure.  May  God  Almighty  crown  your  virtue, 
my  dear  and  much  respected  general,  with  deserved  success, 


306  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLI. 

and  make  yonr  life  as  happy  and  honorable  to  yourself  as  it 
has  been  useful  to  your  country." 

The  heart  of  Washington  was  moved  by  this  appeal,  and 
though  in  the  midst  of  military  preparations,  with  a  hostile 
army  at  hand,  he  detained  Colonel  Reed's  messenger  long 
enough  to  write  a  short  letter  in  reply:  "to  thank  you," 
said  he,  "as  I  do  most  sincerely,  for  tlie  friendly  and  affec- 
tionate sentiments  contained  in  yours  toward  me,  and  to 
assure  you  that  I  am  perfectly  convinced  of  the  sincerity  of 
them. 

"True  it  is,  T  felt  myself  hurt  by  a  certain  letter,  which 
appeared  at  that  time  to  be  the  echo  of  one  from  you;  I  was 
hurt — not  because  I  thought  my  judgment  wronged  by  the 
expressions  contained  in  it,  but  because  the  same  sentiments 
were  not  communicated  immediately  to  myself.  The  favor- 
able manner  in  which  your  opinions,  upon  all  occasions,  had 
been  received,  the  impressions  they  made,  and  the  unreserved 
manner  in  which  I  wished  and  required  them  to  be  given, 
entitled  ine,  I  thought,  to  your  advice  upon  any  point  in 
which  I  appeared  to  be  wanting.  To  meet  with  anything, 
then,  that  carried  with  it  a  complexion  of  withholding  that 
advice  from  me,  and  censuring  my  conduct  to  another,  was 
such  an  argument  of  disingenuity,  that  I  was  not  a  little 
mortified  at  it.  However,  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  that 
matters  were  not  as  they  appeared  from  the  letter  alluded 
to." 

Washington  was  not  of  a  distrustful  spirit.  From  this 
moment,  we  arc  told,  that  all  estrangement  disappeared,  and 
the  ancient  relations  of  friendly  confidence  between  him  and 
Colonel  Reed  were  restored.*  His  whole  conduct  throughout 
the  affair  bears  evidence  of  his  candor  and  magnanimity. 

*  Life  of  Keed  by  his  grandson. 


1777.]  FEIGNED  MOVEMENTS  OF  HOWE.  307 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

Feigned  Movements  of  Sir  William  Howe — Baffling  Caution  of  Wash- 
ington— Rumored  Inroads  from  the  North — Schuyler  Applies  for 
Reinforcements — Renewed  Schemes  of  Howe  to  Draw  Washington 
from  his  Stronghold — Skirmish  between  Cornwallis  and  Lord 
Stirling — The  Enemy  Evacuate  the  Jerseys — Perplexity  as  to  their 
next  Movement — A  Hostile  Fleet  on  Lake  Champlain — Burgoyne 
Approaching  Ticonderoga — Speculations  of  Washington — His  Pur- 
pose of  keeping  Sir  William  Howe  from  Ascending  the  Hudson — 
Orders  George  Clinton  to  Call  Out  Militia  from  Ulster  and  Orange 
Counties — Sends  Sullivan  toward  the  Highlands — Moves  his  own 
Camp  back  to  Morristown — Stir  among  the  Shipping — Their 
Destination  Surmised  to  l>e  Philadelphia — A  Dinner  at  Head- 
quarters— Alexander  Hamilton — Graydon's  Rueful  Description  of 
the  Army — His  Character  of  Wayne. 

THE  American  and  British  armies,  strongly  posted,  as  we 
have  shown,  the  former  along  the  heights  of  Middlebrook, 
the  other  beyond  the  Raritan,  remained  four  days  grimly 
regarding  each  other;  both  waiting  to  be  attacked.  The 
Jersey  militia,  which  now  turned  out  with  alacrity,  repaired, 
some  to  Washington's  camp,  others  to  that  of  Sullivan. 
The  latter  had  fallen  back  from  Princeton,  and  taken  a 
position  behind  the  Sourland  Hills. 

Howe  pushed  out  detachments,  and  made  several  feints 
as  if  to  pass  by  the  American  camp  and  march  to  the  Dela- 
ware; but  Washington  was  not  to  be  deceived.  "The  enemy 
will  not  move  that  way,"  said  he,  "until  they  have  given 
this  army  a  severe  blow.  The  risk  would  be  too  great  to 
attempt  to  cross  a  river  where  they  must  expect  to  meet  a 
formidable  opposition  in  front,  and  would  have  such  a  force 
as  ours  in  their  rear."  He  kept  on  the  heights,  therefore, 
auti  strengthened  his  intrenchments. 

Baffled  in  these  attempts  to  draw  his  cautious  adversary 
into  a  general  action,  Howe,  on  the  19th,  suddenly  broke  up 
his  camp,  and  pretended  to  return  with  some  precipitation 
to  Brunswick,  burning  as  he  went  several  valuable  dwelling 
houses.  Washington's  light  troops  hovered  round  the  enemy 
as  far  as  the  Raritan  and  Millstone,  which  secured  their 
flanks,  would  permit;  but  the  main  army  kept  to  its  strong- 
hold on  the  heights. 

On   the  next  day  came  warlike  news  from  the  North. 


308  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLIl. 

Amesbury,  A  Britisli  spy,  had  been  seized  and  examined  by 
Schuyler.  Burgoyne  was  stated  as  being  arrived  at  Quebec 
to  command  the  forces  in  an  invasion  from  Canada.  While 
he  advanced  with  his  main  force  by  Lake  Champlain,  a 
detachment  of  British  troops,  Canadians  and  Indians,  led  by 
Sir  John  Johnson,  was  to  penetrate  by  Oswego  to  the 
Mohawk  Kiver,  and  place  itself  between  Fort  Stauwix  and 
Fort  Edward. 

If  this  information  was  correct,  Ticonderoga  would  soon 
be  attacked.  The  force  there  might  be  sufficient  for  its 
defence,  but  Schuyler  would  have  no  troops  to  oppose  the 
inroad  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  he  urged  a  reinforcement. 
Washington  forthwith  sent  orders  to  Putnam  to  procure 
sloops  and  hold  four  Massachusetts  regiments  in  readiness  to 
go  up  the  river  at  a  moment's  warning.  Still,  if  the 
information  of  the  spy  Avas  correct,  he  doubted  the  ability  of 
the  enemy  to  carry  the  reported  plan  into  effect.  It  did  not 
appear  that  Burgoyne  had  brought  any  reinforcements  from 
Europe.  If  so,  he  could  not  move  with  a  greater  force  than 
five  thousand  men.  The  garrison  at  Ticonderoga  was  suffi- 
ciently strong,  accordingly  to  former  accounts,  to  hold  it 
against  an  attack.  Burgoyne  certainly  would  never  leave  it 
in  his  rear,  and  if  he  invested  it,  he  would  not  have  a 
sufficient  number  left  to  send  one  body  to  Oswego  and 
another  to  cut  off  the  communications  between  Fort  Edward 
and  Fort  George.  Such  was  Washington's  reasoning  in  a 
reply  to  Schuyler.  In  the  mean  time,  he  retained  his  mind 
unflurried  by  these  new  rumor?;  keeping  from  his  heights  a 
vigilant  eye  upon  General  Howe. 

On  the  22d,  Sir  William  again  marched  out  of  Brunswick, 
but  this  time  proceeded  toward  Amboy,  again  burning 
several  houses  on  the  way;  hoping  perhaps,  that  the  sight  of 
columns  of  smoke  rising  from  a  ravaged  country  would 
irritate  the  Americans  and  provoke  an  attack.  Washington 
sent  out  three  brigades  under  General  Greene  to  fall  upon 
the  rear  of  the  enemy,  while  Morgan  hung  upon  their  skirts 
with  his  riflemen.  At  the  same  time  the  army  remained 
paraded  on  the  heights  ready  to  yield  support,  if  necessary. 

Finding  that  Howe  had  actually  sent  his  heavy  baggage 
and  part  of  his  troops  over  to  Staten  Island  b}^  a  bridge  of 
boats  which  he  had  thrown  across,  Washington,  on  the  24th, 
left  the  heights  and  descended  to  Quibble  town  (now  New 
Market),  six  or  seven  miles  on  the  road  to  Amboy,  to  be 
nearer  at  hand  for  the  protection  of  his  advanced  parties; 
while  Lord  Stirling,  with  his  division  and  some  light  troops, 


1777.]  CORNWALL!*   ATTACKS   STlfcLtKG.  309 

was  at  Matouchin  church,  closer  to  the  enemy's  lines,  to 
watch  their  motions,  and  be  ready  to  harass  them  while 
crossing  to  the  island. 

(General  Howe  now  thought  lie  had  gained  his  point. 
Recalling  those  who  had  crossed,  he  formed  his  troops  into 
two  columns,  the  right  led  by  Cornwallis,  the  left  by  Imnself, 
and  marched  back  rapidly  by  different  routes  from  Amboy. 
He  had  three  objects  in  view:  to  cut  off  the  principal 
advanced  parties  of  the  Americans;  to  come  up  with  and 
bring  the  main  body  into  an  engagement  near  Quibbletown; 
or  that  Lord  Cornwallis,  making  a  considerable  circuit  tp 
the  right,  should  turn  the  left  of  Washington's  position,  get 
to  the  heights,  take  possession  of  the  passes,  and  oblige  him 
to  abandon  that  stronghold  where  he  had  hitherto  been  so 
secure.* 

Washington,  however,  had  timely  notice  of  his  movements, 
and  penetrating  his  design,  regained  his  fortified  camp  at 
Miildlebrook,.  and  secured  the  passes  of  the  mountains.  He 
then  detached  a  body  of  light  troops  under  Brigadier- 
General  Scott,  together  with  Morgan's  riflemen,  to  hang  on 
the  flank  of  the  enemy  and  watch  their  motions. 

Cornwallis,  in  his  circuitous  march,  dispersed  the  light 
parties  of  the  advance,  but  fell  in  with  Lord  Stirling's 
division,  strongly  posted  in  a  woody  country,  and  well 
covered  by  artillery  judiciously  disposed.  A  sharp  skirmish 
ensued,  when  the  Americans  gave  way  and  retreated  to  the 
hills,  with  the  loss  of  a  few  men  and  three  field-pieces;  while 
the  British  halted  at  Westfield,  disappointed  in  the  main 
objects  of  their  enterprise.  They  remained  at  Westfield 
until  the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  when  they  moved  toward 
Spanktown  (now  Rah  way),  plundering  all  before  them,  and, 
it  is  said,  burning  several  houses;  but  pursued  and  harassed 
the  whole  way  by  the  American  light  troops,  f 

Perceiving  that  every  scheme  of  bringing  the  Americans  to 
a  general  action,  or  at  least  of  withdrawing  them  from  their 
strongholds,  was  rendered  abortive  by  the  caution  and 
prudence  of  Washington,  and  aware  of  the  madness  of 
attempting  to  march  to  the  Delaware,  through  a  hostile 
country,  with  such  a  force  in  his  rear,  Sir  William  Ho\ve 
broke  up  his  head-quarters  St  Amboy  on  the  last  of  June, 
and  crossed  over  to  Staten  Island  on  the  floating  bridge;  his 
troops  that  were  encamped  opposite  to  Amboy  struck  their 
tents  on  the  following  day,  and  marched  off  to  the  old 

•  Civil  War  in  America,  v.  i.,  p.  247. 

f  Letter  to.the  President  of  Cong.,  28th  June,  1777. 


310  LIFE  OF  WASHIKGTOtf.  [CH.  XLri. 

camping  ground  on  the  Bay  of  New  York;  the  ships  got 
underway,  and  moved  down  round  the  island;  and  it  was 
soon  apparent,  that  at  length  the  enemy  had  really  evacuated 
the  Jerseys. 

The  question  now  was,  what  would  be  their  next  move? 
A  great  stir  among  the  shipping  seemed  to  indicate  an 
expedition  by  water.  But  whither?  Circumstances  occurred 
to  perplex  the  question. 

Scarce  had  the  last  tent  been  struck  and  the  last  transport 
disappeared  from  before  Arnboy,  when  intelligence  arrived 
from  General  St.  Clair,  announcing  the  appearance  of  a 
hostile  fleet  on  Lake  Champlain,  and  that  General  Burgoyne 
with  the  whole  Canada  army  was  approaching  Ticonderoga. 
The  judgment  and  circumspection  of  Washington  were 
never  more  severely  put  to  the  proof.  Was  this  merely  a 
diversion  with  a  small  force  of  light  troops  and  Indians, 
intended  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  American  forces  in 
that  quarter,  while  the  main  body  of  the  army  in  Canada 
should  come  round  by  sea,  and  form  a  junction  with  the 
army  under  Howe?  But  General  Burgoyne,  in  Washington's 
opinion,  was  a  man  of  too  much  spirit  and  enterprise  to 
return  from  England  merely  to  execute  a  plan  from  which 
no  honor  was  to  be  derived.  Did  he  really  intend  to  break 
through  by  the  way  of  Ticonderoga?  In  that  case  it  must 
be  Howe's  plan  to  co-operate  with  him.  Had  all  the  recent 
maneuvers  of  the  enemy  in  the  Jerseys,  which  had  appeared 
so  enigmatical  to  Washington,  been  merely  a  stratagem  to 
amuse  him  until  they  should  receive  intelligence  of  the 
movements  of  Burgoyne?  If  so,  Sir  William  must  soon 
throw  off  the  mask.  His  next  move,  in  such  case,  would  be 
to  ascend  the  Hudson,  seize  on  the  Highland  passes  before 
Washington  could  form  a  union  with  the  troops  stationed 
there,  and  thus  open  the  way  for  the  junction  with 
Burgoyne.  Should  Washington,  however,  on  such  a  presump- 
tion, hasten  with  his  troops  to  Peekskill,  leaving  General 
Howe  on  Staten  Island,  what  would  prevent  the  latter  from 
pushing  to  Philadelphia  by  South  Amboy  or  any  other  route? 

Such  were  the  perplexities  and  difficulties  presenting 
themselves  under  every  aspect  of  the  case,  and  discussed  by 
Washington  in  his  correspondence  with  his  accustomed  clear- 
ness. In  this  dilemma  he  sent  Generals  Parsons  and 
Varnum  with  a  couple  of  brigades  in  all  haste  to  Peekskill; 
and  wrote  to  Generals  George  Clinton  and  Putnam;  the 
former  to  call  out  the  New  York  militia  from  Orange  and 
Ulster  counties;  the  latter  to  summon  the  militia  from 


1777.]  ORAYDOX'S   DESCRIPTION   OF  THE   ARMY.  311 

Connecticut;  and  as  soon  as  such  reinforcements  should  be 
tit  hand,  to  dispatch  four  of  the  strongest  Massachusetts 
regiments  to  the  aid  of  Ticonderoga;  at  the  same  time  the 
expediency  was  suggested  to  General  Sclmyler,  of  having  all 
the  cattle  and  vehicles  removed  from  such  parts  of  the 
country  which  he  might  think  the  enemy  intended  to 
penetrate. 

General  Sullivan,  moreover,  was  ordered  to  advance  with 
his  division  toward  the  Highlands  as  far  as  Pomptou,  while 
\Vashington  moved  his  own  camp  back  to  Morristown,  to  be 
ready  either  to  push  on  to  the  Highlands,  or  fall  back  upon 
his  recent  position  at  Middlebrook,  according  to  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy.  "If  I  can  keep  General  Howe  below 
the  Highlands,"  said  he,  "I  think  their  schemes  will  be 
entirely  baffled." 

Deserters  from  Staten  Island  and  New  York  soon  brought 
word  to  the  camp  that  transports  were  being  fitted  up  with 
berths  for  horses,  and  taking  in  three  weeks'  supply  of  water 
and  provender.  All  this  indicated  some  other  destination 
than  that  of  the  Hudson.  Lest  an  attempt  on  the  eastern 
States  should  be  intended,  Washington  sent  a  circular  to 
their  governors  to  put  them  on  their  guard. 

In  the  midst  of  his  various  cares,  his  yeoman  soldiery,  the 
Jersey  militia,  were  not  forgotten.  It  was  their  harvest 
time;  and  the  State  being  evacuated,  there  was  no  immediate 
call  for  their  services;  he  dismissed,  therefore,  almost  the 
whole  of  them  to  their  homes. 

Captain  Graydon,  whose  memoirs  we  have  heretofore  had 
occasion  to  quote,  paid  a  visit  to  the  camp  at  this  juncture, 
in  company  with  Colonel  Miles  and  Major  West,  all  Ameri- 
can prisoners  on  Long  Island,  but  who  had  been  liberated  on 
parole.  Graydon  remarks  that,  to  their  great  surprise,  they 
saw  no  military  parade  upon  their  journey,  nor  any  indica- 
tion of  martial  vigor  on  the  part  of  the  country.  Here  and 
there  a  militia  man  with  his  contrasted  colored  cape  and 
facings;  doubtless  some  one  who  had  received  his  furlough, 
and  was  bound  home  to  his  farm.  Captains,  majors,  and 
colonels  abounded  in  the  land,  but  were  not  to  be  found  at 
the  head  of  their  men. 

When  he  arrived  at  the  camp,  he  could  see  nothing  which 
deserved  the  name  of  army.  "I  was  told,  indeed,"  remarks 
he,  "that  it  was  much  weakened  by  detachments,  and  I  was 
glad  to  find  there  was  some  cause  for  the  present  paucity  of 
soldiers.  I  could  not  doubt,  however,  that  things  were 
going  on  well.  The  commander-in-chief  and  all  about  him. 


312  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XLII. 

were  in  excellent  spirits."  The  three  officers  waited  on 
Washington  at  his  marquee  in  the  evening.  In  the  conrse 
of  conversation,  he  asked  them  what  they  conceived  to  be 
the  objects  of  General  Howe.  Colonel  Miles  replied,  a  co- 
operation with  the  Northern  army  by  means  of  the  Hudson. 
Washington  acknowledged  that  indications  and  probabilities 
tended  to  that  conclusion;  nevertheless,  he  had  little  doubt 
the  object  of  Howe  was  Philadelphia. 

Graydon  and  his  companions  dined  the  next  day  at  head- 
quarters; there  was  a  large  party,  in  which  were  several 
ladies.  Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton,  who,  in  the  preceding 
month  of  April,  had  been  received  into  Washington's  family 
as  aide-de-camp,  presided  at  the  head  of  the  table,  and 
"acquitted  himself,"  writes  Gray  don,  ''with  an  ease,  pro- 
priety, and  vivacity  which  gave  me  the  most  favorable 
impression  of  his  talents  and  accomplishments." 

We  may  here  observe  that  the  energy,  skill,  and  intelli- 
gence displayed  by  Hamilton  throughout  the  last  year's 
campaign,  whenever  his  limited  command  gave  him  oppor- 
tunity of  evincing  them,  had  won  his  entrance  to  head- 
quarters; where  his  quick  discernment  and  precocious 
judgment  were  soon  fully  appreciated.  Strangers  were  sur- 
prised to  see  a  youth,  scarce  twenty  years  of  age,  received 
into  the  implicit  confidence,  and  admitted  into  the  gravest 
counsels,  of  a  man  like  Washington.  While  his  uncommon 
talents  thus  commanded  respect,  rarely  inspired  by  one  of 
his  years,  his  juvenile  appearance  and  buoyant  spirit  made 
him  a  universal  favorite.  Harrison,  the  "old  secretary," 
much  his  senior,  looked  upon  him  with  an  almost  paternal 
eye,  and  regarding  his  diminutive  size  and  towering  spirit, 
used  to  call  him  "the  little  lion;"  while  Washington  would 
now  and  then  speak  of  him  by  the  cherishing  appellation  of 
"my  boy."* 

The  following  is  Graydon's  amusing  account  of  Wayne, 
whom  he  visited  at  his  quarters.  "He  entertained  the  most 
sovereign  contempt  for  the  enemy.  In  his  confident  way,  he 
affirmed  that  the  two  armies  had  interchanged  their  original 
modes  of  warfare.  That  for  our  parts,  we  had  thrown  away 
the  shovel,  and  the  British  had  taken  it  up;  as  they  dared 
not  face  us  without  the  cover  of  an  entrenchment.  I  made 
some  allowance  for  the  fervid  manner  of  the  general,  who, 
though  unquestionably  as  brave  a  mail  as  any  in  the  army, 
was  nevertheless  somewhat  addicted  to  the  vaunting  style  of 

*  Communicated  to  the  author  by  the  late  Mrs.  Hamilton. 


1777.J  WASHINGTON   AT  MORRISTOWN.  313 

Marshal  Villars,  a  man  who.  like  himself,  could  fight  as 
well  :is  brag." 

Graydon  speaks  of  the  motley,  shabby  clothing  of  the 
troops.  ''Even  in  General  Wayne  himself,  there  was  in  this 
particular  a  considerable  falling  off.  His  quondam  regimen- 
tals as  colonel  of  the  4th  battalion  were,  I  think,  blue  and 
white,  in  which  he  had  been  accustomed  to  appear  with 
exemplary  neatness;  whereas  he  was  now  dressed  in  character 
for  Maeheath  or  Captain  Gibbet,  in  a  dingy  red  coat,  with  a 
black  rusty  cravat  and  tarnished  hat."  Wayne  was  doubtless 
still  rusty  from  his  campaigning  in  the  north. 

<Jraydon,  during  his  recent  captivity,  had  been  accustomed 
to  the  sight  of  British  troops  in  the  completeness  of  martial 
army,  and  looked  with  a  rueful  eye  on  patriotism  in  rags. 
From  all  that  he  saw  at  the  camp,  he  suspected  affairs  were 
not  in  a  prosperous  train,  notwithstanding  the  cheerful 
countenances  at  head-quarters.  There  appeared  to  be  a 
want  of  animated  co-operation,  both  on  the  part  of  the 
government  and  the  people.  "General  Washington,  with, 
the  little  remnant  of  his  army  at  Morristown,  seemed  left  to 
sen  file  for  liberty,  like  another  Cato  at  Utica."* 

We  will  now  turn  to  the  North,  and  lift  the  curtain  for  a 
moment,  to  give  the  reader  a  glance  at  affairs  in  that  quarter, 
about  which  there  were  such  dubious  rumors. 

XOTV. — A  veteran  officer  nf  the  Revolution  need  to  speak  in  hie  old  days  of  the 
orr.-i-ion  on  which  he  first  caw  Hamilton.  It  was  during  the  memorable  retreat 
throuijh  the  Jerseys.  "I  noticed,"  said  he,  "  a  youth,  a  mere  stripling,  small, 
slender,  almost  deficato  in  frame,  inarching  beside  a  piece  of  artillery  with  a  cocked 
hat  pulled  down  over  his  eyes,  apparently  lost  in  thon<»ht,  with  his  hand  resting  on 
tin  i-:uiinm.  and  every  now  and  then  patting  it  as  he  mused,  ae  if  it  were  a  favorite 
horse,  or  a  pet  plaything." 

*  Graydon's  Memoirs,  282. 


314  LI-FE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLIII. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

British  Invasion  from  Canada  —  The  Plan—  Composition  of  the  Invading 
Army  —  Schuyler  on  the  Alert  —  His  Speculations  as  to  the  Enemy's 


Designs  —  Burgoyne  on  Lake  Champlain  —  His  War-Speech  to  his 
Indian  Allies—  Signs  of  his  Approach  Descried  from  Ticonderoga  — 
Correspondence  on  the  Subject  between  St.  Clair,  Major  Livings- 
ton, and  Schuyler  —  Burgoyne  Intrenches  near  Ticonderoga  —  His 
Proclamation—  Schuyler's  Extrtions  at  Albany  to  Forward  Rein- 
forcements —  Hears  that  Ticonderoga  is  Evacuated  —  Mysterious 
Disappearance  of  St.  Clair  and  his  Troops  —  Amazement  and  Con- 
cern of  Washington  -  Orders  Reinforcements  to  Schuyler  at 
Fort  Edward,  and  to  Putnam  at  Peekskill—  Advances  with  his 
Main  Army  to  the  Clover  —  His  Hopeful  Spirit  Manifested. 

THE  armament  advancing  against  Ticonderoga,  of  which 
General  St.  Clair  had  given  intelligence,  was  not  a  mere 
diversion,  but  a  regular  invasion;  the  plan  of  which  had  been 
devised  by  the  king,  Lord  George  Germain,  and  General 
Burgoyne,  the  latter  having  returned  to  England  from 
Canada  in  the  preceding  year.  The  junction  of  the  two 
armies  —  that  in  Canada  and  that  under  General  Howe  in 
New  York  —  was  considered  the  speediest  mode  of  quelling 
the  rebellion;  and  as  the  security  and  good  government  of 
Canada  required  the  presence  of  Governor  Sir  Guy  Carleton, 
three  thousand  men  were  to  remain  there  with  him;  the 
residue  of  the  army  was  to  be  employed  upon  two  expeditions: 
the  one  under  General  Burgoyne,  who  was  to  force  his  way 
to  Albany,  the  other  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  St.  Leger. 
who  was  to  make  a  diversion  on  the  Mohawk  River. 

The  invading  army  was  composed  of  three  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  twenty-four  British  rank  and  file,  three 
thousand  and  sixteen  GermaYis,  mostly  Brunswickers,  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  Canadians,  and  four  hundred  Indians;  besides 
these  there  were  four  hundred  and  seventy-three  artillery 
men,  in  all  nearly  eight  thousand  men.  The  army  was 
admirably  appointed.  Its  brass  train  of  artillery  was  extolled 
as  perhaps  the  finest  ever  allotted  to  an  army  of  the  size. 
General  Phillips,  who  commanded  the  artillery,  had  gained 
great  reputation  in  the  wars  in  Germany.  ,  Brigadier-General 
Eraser,  Powel,  and  Hamilton,  were  also  officers  of  distin- 
guished merit.  So  was  Major-General  the  Baron  Riedesel,  a 
Brunswicker,  who  commanded  the  Qerman  troops. 


THE  BURGOYKB 

CAMPAIGN 

1777. 

rihsktfap  utj 

.     / 


1777.]  FORCES   AND   PLANS   OF   BPRGOYNE.  315 

While  Burgoyne  with  the  main  force  proceeded  from  St. 
Johns,  Colonel  St.  Legerr  with  a  detachment  of  regulars  and 
Canadians  about  seven  hundred  strong,  was  to  land  at 
Oswego  and,  guided  by  Sir  John  Johnson  at  the  head  of  his 
loyalist  volunteers,  tory  refugees  from  his  former  neighbor- 
hood, and  a  body  of  Indians,  was  to  enter  the  Mohawk 
country,  draw  the  attention  of  General  Schuyler  in  that 
direction,  attack  Fort  Stanwix,  and,  having  ravaged  the 
valley  of  the  Mohawk,  rejoin  Burgoyne  at  Albany;  where  it 
was  expected  they  would  make  a  triumphant  junction  with 
the  army  of  Sir  William  Howe. 

General  Burgoyne  left  St.  Johns  on  the  16th  of  June. 
Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  his  buoyant  anticipation  of  a 
triumphant  progress  through  the  country,  by  the  manifold 
and  lumbering  appurtenances  of  a  European  camp  with 
which  his  army  was  encumbered.  In  this  respect  he  had 
committed  the  same  error  in  his  campaign  through  a  wilder- 
ness of  lakes  and  forests,  that  had  once  embarrassed  the 
unfortunate  Braddock  in  his  march  across  the  mountains  of 
Virginia. 

Schuyler  was  uncertain  as  to  the  plans  and  force  of  the 
enemy.  If  information  gathered  from  scouts  and  a  caphired 
spy  might  be  relied  on,  Ticonderoga  would  soon  be  attacked; 
but  he  trusted  the  garrison  was  sufficient  to  maintain  it. 
This  information  he  transmitted  to  Washington  from  Fort 
Edward  on  the  16th,  the  very  day  that  Burgoyne  embarked 
at  St.  Johns. 

On  the  following  day  Schuyler  was  at  Ticonderoga.  The 
works  were  not  in  such  a  state  of  forwardness  as  he  had 
anticipated,  owing  to  the  tardy  arrival  of  troops,  and  the 
want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  artificers.  The  works  in 
question  related  chiefly  to  Mount  Independence,  a  high 
circular  hill  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake,  immediately 
opposite  to  the  old  fort,  and  considered  the  most  defensible. 
A  star  fort  with  pickets  crowned  the  summit  of  the  hill, 
which  was  table  land;  half  way  down  the  side  of  a  hill  was  a 
battery,  and  at  its  foot  were  strongly  intrenched  works  well 
mounted  with  cannon.  Here  the  French  General  de 
Fermois,  who  had  charge  of  this  fort,  was  posted. 

As  this  part  of  Lake  Champlain  is  narrow,  a  connection 
was  kept  up  between  the  two  forts  by  a  floating  bridge, 
supported  on  twenty-two  sunken  piers  in  caissons,  formed 
of  very  strong  timber.  Between  the  piers  were  separate 
floats,  fifty  feet  long  and  twelve  feet  wide,  strongly  connected 
by  iron  chains  and  rivets.  On  the  north  side  of  the  bridgo 


316  LIFE   OP   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLIII 

was  a  boom,  composed  of  large  pieces  of  timber,  secured  by 
riveted  bolts,  and  besides  this  was  a  double  iron  chain  with 
links  an  inch  and  a  half  square.  The  bridge,  boom,  and 
chain  were  four  hundred  yards  in  length.  This  immense 
work,  the  labor  of  months/ on  which  no  expense  had  been 
spared,  was  intended,  while  it  afforded  a  communication 
between  the  two  forts,  to  protect  the  upper  part  of  the  lake, 
presenting,  under  cover  of  their  guns,  a  barrier,  which  it 
was  presumed  no  hostile  ship  would  be  able  to  break  through. 

Having  noted  the  state  of  affairs  and  the  wants  of  the 
garrison,  Schuyler  hastened  to  Fort  George,  whence  he  sent 
on  provisions  for  upward  of  sixty  days;  and  from  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson  additional  carpenters  and  Avorking  cattle. 
"Business  will  now  go  on  in  better  train,  and  I  hope  with 
much  more  spirit,"  writes  he  to  Congress;  "and  I  trust  we 
shall  still  be  able  to  put  everything  in  such  order  as  to  give  the 
enemy  a  good  reception,  and,  I  hope  a  repulse,  should  they 
attempt  a  real  attack,  which  I  conjecture  will  not  be  soon,  if 
at  all;  although  I  expect  they  will  approach  with  their  fleet 
to  keep  us  in  alarm  and  to  draw  our  attention  from  other 
quarters  where  they  may  mean  a  real  attack." 

His  idea  was  that,  while  their  fleet  and  a  small  body  of 
troops  might  appear  before  Ticonderoga,  and  keep  up  con- 
tinual alarms,  the  main  army  might  march  from  St.  Francois 
or  St.  Johns  toward  the  Connecticut  River,  and  make  an 
attempt  on  the  Eastern  States.  "A  maneuver  of  this  kind," 
observes  he,  "would  be  in  General  Burgoyne's  way,  and,  if 
successful,  would  be  attended  with  much  honor  to  him. 
*  *  *  *  I  am  the  more  confirmed  in  this  conjecture,  as 
the  enemy  cannot  be  ignorant  how  very  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  it  will  be  for  them  to  penetrate  to  Albany,  unless 
in  losing  Ticonderoga  we  should  lose  not  only  all  our 
cannon,  but  most  of  the  army  designed  for  this  department." 

In  the  mean  time,  Burgoyne,  with  his  amphibious  and 
semi-barbarous  armament,  was  advancing  up  the  lake.  On 
the  21st  of  June  he  encamped  at  the  river  Boqnet,  several 
miles  north  of  Crown  Point;  here  he  gave  a  war  feast  to  his 
savage  allies,  and  made  them  a  speech  in  that  pompous  and 
half  poetical  vein  in  which  it  is  the  absurd  practice  to 
address  our  savages,  and  which  is  commonly  reduced  to  flat 
prose  by  their  interpreters.  At  the  same  time  he  was 
strenuous  in  enjoining  humanity  toward  prisoners,  dwelling 
on  the  differences  between  ordinary  wars  carried  on  against 
a  common  enemy,  and  this  against  a  country  in  rebellion, 
where  the  hostile  parties  were  of  the  same  blood,  and  loyal 


1777.]  THICKENING   ALARMS.  317 

subjects  of  the  crown  might  be  -confounded  with  the  rebel- 
lious. It  was  a  speech  intended  to  excite  their  ardor,  but 
restrain  their  cruelty;  a  difficult  medium  to  attain  with 
Indian  warriors. 

The  garrison  at  Ticonderoga,  meanwhile,  were  anxiously 
on  the  look-out.  Their  fortress,  built  on  a  hill,  commanded 
an  extensive  prospect  over  the  bright  and  beautiful  lake  and 
its  surrounding  forests,  but  there  were  long  points  and 
promontories  at  a  distance  to  intercept  the  view. 

By  the  24th,  scouts  began  to  bring  in  word  of  the 
approaching  foe.  Bark  canoes  had  been  seen  filled  with  white 
men  and  savages.  Then  three  vessels  under  sail,  and  one  at 
anchor,  above  Split  Rock,  and  behind  it  the  radeau  Thun- 
derer, noted  in  the  last  year's  naval  fight.  Anon  came  word 
of  encampments  sufficient  for  a  large  body  of  troops,  on  both 
sides  of  Gilliland's  Creek,  with  bateaux  plying  about  its 
waters,  and  painted  warriors  gliding  about  in  canoes;  while 
a  number  of  smokes  rising  out  of  the  forest  at  a  distance 
beyond  gave  signs  of  an  Indian  camp. 

St.  Clair  wrote  word  of  all  this  to  Schuyler,  and  that  it 
was  supposed  the  enemy  were  waiting  the  arrival  of  more 
force;  he  did  not,  however,  think  they  intended  to  attack, 
but  to  harass,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  confidence  to  the 
Indians. 

s.-lmyler  transmitted  a  copy  of  St.  Glair's  letter  to 
Washington:  "If  the  enemy's  object  is  not  to  attack  Ticon- 
deroga," writes  he,  "I  suspect  their  movement  is  intended 
to  cover  an  attempt  on  £<ew  Hampshire,  or  the  Mohawk 
River,  or  to  cut  off  the  communication  between  Fort  Edward 
and  Fort  George,  or  perhaps  all  three,  the  more  to  distract 
us  and  divide  our  force."  He  urged  Washington  for  rein- 
forcements as  soon  as  possible.  At  the  same  time  he  wrote 
to  St.  Clair,  to  keep  scouts  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake  near 
the  road  leading  from  St.  Johns  to  New  Hampshire,  and 
on  the  west,  on  the  road  leading  to  the  north  branch  of  the 
Hudson.  This  done  he  hastened  to  Albany  to  forward  rein- 
forcements and  bring  up  the  militia. 

While  there,  he  received  word  from  St.  Clair,1  that  the 
enemy's  fleet  and  army  were  arrived  at  Crown  Point,  and 
had  sent  off  detachments,  one  up  Otter  Creek  to  cut  off  the 
communication  by  Skenesborough;  and  another  on  the  west 
side  of  the  lake  to  cut  off  Fort  George.  It  was  evident  a 
real  attack  on  Ticonderoga  was  intended.  Claims  for  assist- 
ance came  hurrying  on  from  other  quarters.  A  large  force 
(St.  Leger's)  was  said  to  be  arrived  at  Oswego,  and  Sir  John 


318  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLIIL 

Johnson  with  his  myrmidons  on  his  way  to  attack  Fort 
Schuyler,  the  garrison  of  which  was  weak  and  poorly  supplied 
with  cannon. 

Schuyler  bestirs  himself  with  his  usual  zeal  amid  the 
thickening  alarms.  He  writes  urgent  letters  to  the  committee 
of  safety  of  New  York,  to  General  Putnam  at  Peekskill,  to 
the  Governor  of  Connecticut,  to  the  President  of  Massa- 
chusetts, to  the  committee  of  Berkshire,  and  lastly  to  Wash- 
ington, stating  the  impending  dangers  and  imploring  rein- 
forcements. He  exhorts  General  Herkimer  to  keep  the 
militia  of  Tryon  County  in  readiness  to  protect  the  western 
frontier  and  to  check  the  inroad  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  and 
he  assures  St.  Clair  that  he  will  move  to  his  aid  with  the 
militia  of  New  York,  as  soon  as  he  can  collect  them. 

Dangers  accumulate  at  Ticonderoga  according  to  advices 
from  St.  Clair  (28th).  Seven  of  the  enemy's  vessels  are 
lying  at  Crown  Point;  the  rest  of  their  fleet  is  probably  but 
a  little  lower  down.  Morning  guns  are  heard  distinctly  at 
various  places.  Some  troops  have  debarked  and  encamped 
at  Chimney  Point.  There  is  no  prospect,  he  sa}rs,  of  being 
able  to  defend  Ticonderoga  unless  militia  come  in,  and  he 
has  thought  of  calling  in  those  from  Berksbire.  "Should 
the  enemy  invest  and  blockade  us,"  writes  he,  "we  are 
infallibly  ruined;  we  shall  be  obliged  to  abandon  this  side 
(of  the  lake),  and  then  they  will  soon  force  the  other  from 
us,  nor  do  I  see  that  a  retreat  will  in  any  shape  be  practic- 
able. Everything,  however,  shall  be  done  that  is  practicable 
to  frustrate  the  enemy's  designs,  but  what  can  be  expected 
from  troops  ill  armed,  naked,  and  unaccoutered?" 

Schuyler's  aide-de-camp,  Major  Livingston,*  who  had 
been  detained  at  Ticonderoga  by  indisposition,  writes  to  him 
(June  30th)  in  a  different  vein,  and  presents  a  young  man's 
view  of  affairs. 

"The  enemy,  after  giving  us  several  alarms,  made  their 
appearance  early  this  morning  off  Three  Mile  Point,  in 
eighteen  gunboats,  and  about  nine  landed  a  party  of  two  or 
tbree  hundred  Indians  and  Canadians.  These  soon  fell  in 
with  a  scout  from  us,  but  being  superior  in  number,  obliged 
them  to  retreat,  though  without  any  loss  on  our  side.  The 
Indians  then  marched  to  the  front  of  the  French  lines, 
drove  in  a  picket  guard,  and  came  so  near  as  to  wound  two 


*  Henry  Brockholst  Livingston :    in  after  years  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States. 


1777.]  ADVANCE  OP  THE  ENEMY.  319 

men  who  were  standing  behind  the  works.  They  have 
stopped  the  communication  between  this  and  Lake  George. 

"We  have  a  fair  view  of  their  boats,  but  cannot  see  that 
they  have  brought  many  regulars  with  them.  At  least  the 
number  of  red  coats  in  them  is  very  small.  The  wind 
having  been  contrary  for  several  days,  has  prevented  their 
fleet  from  coming  up.  The  first  fair  breeze  I  shall  expect  to 
see  them.  Many  bets  are  depending  that  we  shall  be 
attacked  in  the  course  of  this  week.  Our  troops  are  deter- 
mined, and  in  great  spirits.  They  wish  to  be  permitted  to 
drive  the  savages  from  Three  Mile  Point,  but  General  St. 
Clair  chooses  to  act  on  the  sure  side,  and  risk  nothing.  The 
few  alarms  we  have  had  have  been  of  great  service  in  making 
the  men  alert  and  vigilant;  but  I  am  afraid  the  enemy  will 
repeat  them  so  frequently  as  to  throw  them  into  their  former 
indolence  and  inattention.  General  St.  Clair  has  taken  the 
precaution  to  move  most  of  the  stores  to  the  mount  [Independ- 
ence]. This  moment  two  ships  and  as  many  sloops  have 
hove  in  sight.  The  spirits  of  the  men  seem  to  increase  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  the  enemy. 

"I  cannot  but  esteem  myself  fortunate  that  indisposition 
prevented  my  returning  with  you,  as  it  has  given  me  an 
opportunity  of  being  present  at  a  battle,  in  which  I  promise 
myself  the  pleasure  of  seeing  our  army  flushed  with  victory."* 

The  enemy  came  advancing  up  the  lake  on  the  30th,  their 
main  body  under  Burgoyne  on  the  west  side,  the  German 
reserve  under  Baron  Riedesel  on  the  east;  communication 
being  maintained  by  frigates  and  gunboats,  which,  in  a 
manner,  kept  pace  between  them.  It  was  a  magnificent 
array  of  warlike  means;  and  the  sound  of  drum  and  trumpet 
along  the  shores,  and  now  and  then  the  thundering  of  a 
cannon  from  the  ships,  were  singularly  in  contrast  with  the 
usual  silence  of  a  region  little  better  than  a  wilderness. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  Burgoyne  encamped  four  miles  north 
of  Ticonderoga,  and  began  to  intrench,  and  to  throw  a  boom 
across  the  lake.  His  advanced  guard  under  General  Fraser 
took  post  at  Three  Mile  Point,  and  the  ships  anchored  just 
out  of  gunshot  of  the  fort. 

Here  he  issued  a  proclamation  still  mere  magniloquent 
than  his  speech  to  the  Indians,  denouncing  woe  to  all  who 
should  persist  in  rebellion,  and  laving  particular  stress  upon 
his  means,  with  the  aid  of  the  Indians,  to  overtake  the  hard- 

*  Letter  of  Major  Livingston  to  Genl.  Schuyler,  MS. 


320  MFE  OF  WASHINGTON,  [CH.  XLffl. 

iest  enemies  of  Great  Britain  and  America  wherever  they 
might  lurk. 

General  St.  Glair  was  a  gallant  Scotchman,  who  had  seen 
service  in  the  old  French  war  as  well  as  in  this,  and  beheld 
the  force  arrayed  against  him  without  dismay.  It  is  true 
his  garrison  was  not  so  numerous  as  it  had  been  represented 
to  Washington,  not  exceeding  three  thousand  five  hundred 
men,  of  whom  nine  hundred  were  militia.  They  were  badly 
equipped  also,  and  few  had  bayonets;  yet,  as  Major  Living- 
ston reported,  they  were  in  good  heart.  St.  Glair  confided, 
however,  in  the  strength  of  his  position  and  the  works  which 
had  been  constructed  in  connection  with  it,  and  trusted  he 
should  be  able  to  resist  any  attempt  to  take  it  by  storm. 

Schuyler  at  this  time  was  at  Albany,  sending  up  reinforce- 
ments of  Continental  troops  and  militia,  and  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  further  reinforcements,  for  which  sloops  had  been 
sent  down  to  Peekskill. 

He  was  endeavoring  also  to  provide  for  the  security  of  the 
department  in  other  quarters.  The  savages  had  been  scalp- 
ing in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Schuyler;  a  set  of  renegade 
Indians  were  harassing  the  settlements  on  the  Susquehanna; 
and  the  threatenings  of  Brant,  the  famous  Indian  chief,  and 
the  prospect  of  a  British  inroad  by  the  way  of  Oswego,  had 
spread  terror  through  Tryon  Gounty,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  called  upon  him  for  support. 

"The  enemy  are  harassing  us  in  every  quarter  of  this 
department,"  writes  he.  "I  am,  however,  happily,  thank 
God,  in  full  health  and  spirits  to  enable  me  to  extend  my 
attention  to  those  various  quarters,  and  hope  we  shall  all  do 
well."* 

The  enemy's  maneuver  of  intrenching  themselves  and 
throwing  a  boom  across  the  lake,  of  which  St.  Glair  informed 
him,  made  him  doubt  of  their  being  in  great  force,  or  intend- 
ing a  serious  attack.  "I  shall  have  great  hopes,"  writes  he 
to  St.  Glair,  "if  General  Burgoyne  continues  in  the  vicinity 
of  your  post  until  we  get  up,  and  dares  risk  an  engagement, 
we  shall  give  a  good  account  of  him."f 

To  General  llerkimer,  who  commanded  the  militia  in 
Tryon  Gounty,  he  writes  in  the  same  encouraging  strain. 
"From  intelligence  which  I  have  just  now  received  from 
Ticonderoga,  I  am  not  very  apprehensive  that  any  great  effort 
will  be  made  against  the  Mohawk  River.  I  shall,  however,  keep 
a  watchful  eye  to  the  preservation  of  the  western  quarter, 

*  Letter  to  the  Hon.  George  Clyruer.  f  Schuyler's  Letter  Book. 


w 


3- 


W 

« 

^ 
o 

H 


C 

o 


1777.]  A   MILITARY   ENIGMA.  3*1 

and  have  therefore  directed  Colonel  Van  Schaick  to  remain 
in  Tryon  County  with  the  [Continental]  troops  under  his 
command. 

"If  we  act  with  vigor  and  spirit,  we  have  nothing  to 
fear;  but  if  once  despondency  takes  place,  the  worst  con- 
sequences are  to  be  apprehended.  It  is,  therefore,  incum- 
bent on  you  to  labor  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  people." 

In  the  mean  time  he  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  troops 
from  Peekskill  with  impatience.  On  the  5th  they  had  nut 
appeared.  ''The  moment  they  do,"  writes  he,  "I  shalf 
move  with  them.  If  they  do  not  arrive  by  to-morrow,  I  go 
without  them,  and  Avill  do  the  best  I  can  with  the  militia." 
He  actually  did  set  out  at  8  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the 
7th. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  north,  of  which  Wash- 
ington from  time  to  time  had  been  informed.  An  attack  on 
Ticonderoga  appeared  to  be  impending;  but  as  the  garrison 
was  in  good  heart,  the  commander  resolute,  and  troops  were 
on  the  way  to  reinforce  him,  a  spirited,  and  perhaps  success- 
ful resistance  was  anticipated  by  Washington.  His  surprise 
may  therefore  be  imagined,  on  receiving  a  letter  from 
Schuyler  dated  July  7th,  conveying  the  astounding  intelli- 
gence that  Ticonderoga  was  evacuated ! 

Schuyler  had  just  received  the  news  at  Stillwater  on  the 
Hudson  when  on  his  way  with  reinforcements  for  the  fortress. 
The  first  account  was  so  vague  that  Washington  hoped  it 
might  prove  incorrect.  It  was  confirmed  by  another  letter 
from  Schuyler,  dated  on  the  9th  at  Fort  Edward.  A  part 
of  the  garrison  had  been  pursued  by  a  detachment  of  the 
enemy  as  far  as  Fort  Anne  in  that  neighborhood,  where  the 
latter  had  been  repulsed;  as  to  St.  Clair  himself  and  the 
main  part  of  his  forces,  they  had  thrown  themselves  into  the 
forest,  and  nothing  was  known  what  had  becoine  of  them! 

"I  am  here,"  writes  Schuyler,  "at  the  head  of  a  handful 
of  men,  not  above  fifteen  hundred,  with  little  ammunition, 
not  above  five  rounds  to  a  man,  having  neither  balls,  nor 
lead  to  make  any.  The  country  is  in  the  deepest  consterna- 
tion; no  carriages  to  remove  the  stores  from  Fort  George, 
which  I  expect  every  moment  to  hear  is  attacked;  and  what 
adds  to  my  distress  is,  that  a  report  prevails  that  I  had  given 
orders  for  the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga." 

Washington  was  totally  at  a  loss  to  account  for  St.  Clair's 

movement.     To  abandon  a  fortress  which  he  had  recently 

pronounced  so  defensible;    and   to  abandon   it  apparently 

without  firing  a  gun!  and  then  the  strange  uncertainty  as  to 

11 


322  £IFE   OF  WASHIKGTOJST.  [cH.  XLIII. 

his  subsequent  fortunes,  and  the  whereabouts  of  himself  and 
the  main  body  of  his  troops!  "The  affair/'  writes  Wash- 
ington, "is  so  mysterious  that  it  baffles  even  conjecture." 

His  first  attention  was  to  supply  the  wants  of  General 
Schuyler.  An  express  was  sent  to  Springfield  for  musket 
cartridges,  gunpowder,  lead,  and  cartridge  papers.  Ten 
pieces  of  artillery  with  harness  and  proper  officers  were  to  be 
forwarded  from  Peekskill,  as  well  as  intrenching  tools.  Of 
tents  he  had  none  to  furnish,  neither  could  heavy  cannon  be 
spared  from  the  defence  of  the  Highlands. 

Six  hundred  recruits,  on  their  march  from  Massachusetts 
to  Peekskill,  were  ordered  to  repair  to  the  reinforcement  of 
Schuyler;  this  was  all  the  force  that  Washington  could 
venture  at  this  moment  to  send  to  his  aid;  but  this  addition 
to  his  troops,  supposing  those  under  St.  Clair  should  have 
come  in,  and  any  number  of  militia  have  turned  out,  would 
probably  form  an  army  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  that  said 
to  be  under  Burgoyne.  Besides,  it  was  Washington's  idea 
that  the  latter  would  suspend  his  operations  until  General 
Howe  should  make  a  movement  in  concert.  Supposing  that 
movement  would  be  an  immediate  attempt  against  the  High- 
lands, he  ordered  Sullivan  with  his  division  to  Peekskill  to 
reinforce  General  Putnam.  At  the  same  time  he  advanced 
with  his  main  army  to  Pompton,  and  thence  to  the  Clove, 
a  rugged  defile  through  the  Highlands  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Hudson.  Here  he  encamped  within  eighteen  miles  of 
the  river,  to  watch,  and  be  at  Viand  to  oppose  the  designs  of 
Sir  William  Howe,  whatever  might  be  their  direction. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th  came  another  letter  from 
Schuyler,  dated  Fort  Edward,  July  10th.  He  had  that 
morning  received  the  first  tidings  of  St.  Clair  and  his 
missing  troops,  and  of  their  being  fifty  miles  east  of  him. 

Washington  hailed  the  intelligence  with  that  hopeful 
spirit  which  improved  every  ray  of  light  in  the  darkest 
moments.  "I  am  happy  to  hear,"  writes  he,  "that  General 
St.  Clair  and  his  army  are  not  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
I  really  feared  they  had  become  prisoners.  The  evacuation 
of  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence  is  an  event  of 
chagrin  and  surprise  not  apprehended,  nor  within  the 
compass  of  my  reasoning.  *  *  *  This  stroke  is  severe 
indeed,  and  has  distressed  us  much.  But,  notwithstanding 
things  at  present  have  a  dark  and  gloomy  aspect,  I  hope  a 
spirited  opposition  will  check  the  progress  of  General 
Burgoyne's  army,  and  that  the  confidence  derived  from  his 
success  will  hurry  him  into  measures  that  will  in  their 


1777.J  WASHINGTON  ON  ST.   CLA1H.  3£3 

consequences  be  favorable  to  us.  We  should  never  despair. 
Our  situation  before  has  been  unpromising  and  has  changed 
for  the  better,  so  I  trust  it  will  again.  If  new  difficulties 
arise,  we  must  only  put  forth  new  exertions,  and  proportion 
our  efforts  to  the  exigency  of  the  times." 

His  spirit  of  candor  and  moderation  is  evinced  in  another 
letter.  "I  will  not  condemn  or  even  pass  censure  upon  any 
officer  unheard,  but  T  think  it  a  duty  which  General  St.  Glair 
owes  to  his  own  character,  to  insist  upon  an  opportunity 
of  giving  his  reasons  for  his  sudden  evacuation  of  a  post, 
which,  but  a  fe\v  d»iys  before,  he,  by  his  own  letters,  thought 
tenable,  at  least  for  a  while.  People  at  a  distance  are  apt  to 
form  wrong  conjectures,  and  if  General  St.  Clair  has  good 
reasons  for  the  step  he  has  taken,  I  think  the  sooner  he 
justities  himself  the  better.  I  have  mentioned  these  matters, 
because  he  may  not  know  that  his  conduct  is  looked  upon  as 
very  unaccountable  by  all  ranks  of  people  in  this  part  of  the 
country.  If  he  is  reprehensible,  the  public  have  an 
undoubted  right  to  call  for  that  justice  which  is  due  from  an 
officer,  who  betrays  or  gives  up  his  post  in  an  unwarrantable 
manner."* 

Having  stated  the  various  measures  adopted  by  Washington 
for  the  aid  of  the  Northern  army  at  this  critical  juncture,  we 
will  leave  him  at  his  encampment  in  the  Clove,  anxiously 
watching  the  movements  of  the  fleet  and  the  lower  army, 
while  we  turn  to  the  north,  to  explain  the  mysterious  retreat 
of  General  St.  Clair. 

•  Letter  to  Schuyler,  18th  July,  1777. 


324  UFU  Off  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLIV. 


CHAPTEE  XLIV. 

Particulars  of  the  Evacuation — Indian  Scouts  in  the  Vicinity  of  the 
Fort — Outposts  Abandoned  by  St.  Clair — Burgoyne  Secures  Mount 
Hope — Invests  the  Fortress — Seizes  and  Occupies  Sugar  Hill — 
The  Forts  Overlooked  and  in  Imminent  Peril — Determination  to 
Evacuate— Plan  of  Retreat— Part  of  the  Garrison  Depart  for  Skenes- 
borough  in  the  Flotilla— St.  Clair  Crosses  with  the  Rest  to  Fort 
Independence— A  Conflagration  Reveals  his  Retreat — The  British 
Camp  Aroused  —  Fraser  Pursues  St.  Clair — Burgoyne  with  his 
Squadron  makes  after  the  Flotilla — Part  of  the  Fugitives  Over- 
taken— Flight  of  the  Remainder  to  Fort  Anne — Skirmish  of  Col- 
onel Long — Retreat  to  Fort  Edward — St.  Clair  at  Castleton — At- 
tack of  liis  Rear-Guard — Fall  of  Colonel  Francis — Desertion  of 
Colonel  Hale — St.  Clair  Reaches  Fort  Edward — Consternation  of 
the  Country— Exultation  of  the  British. 

IN  the  accounts  given  in  the  preceding  chapter  of  the 
approach  of  Burgoyne  to  Ticonderoga,  it  was  stated  that  he 
had  encamped  four  miles  north  of  the  fortress,  and 
intrenched  himself.  On  the  2d  of  July,  Indian  scouts  made 
their  appearance  in  the  vicinity  of  a  block-house  and  some 
outworks  about  the  strait  or  channel  leading  to  Lake 
George.  As  General  St.  Clair  did  not  think  the  garrison 
sufficient  to  defend  all  the  outposts,  these  works  with  some 
adjacent  saw-mills  were  set  on  fire  and  abandoned.  The 
extreme  left  of  Ticonderoga  was  weak,  and  might  easily  be 
turned;  a  post  had  therefore  been  established  in  the  preced- 
ing year,  nearly  half  a  mile  in  advance  of  the  old  French 
lines,  on  an  eminence  to  the  north  of  them.  General  St. 
Clair,  through  singular  remissness,  had  neglected  to  secure 
it.  Burgoyne  soon  discovered  this  neglect,  and  hastened  to 
detach  Generals  Phillips  and  Fraser  with  a  body  of  infantry 
and  light  artillery,  to  take  possession  of  this  post.  They 
did  so  without  opposition.  Heavy  guns  were  mounted  upon 
it;  Eraser's  whole  corps  was  stationed  there;  the  post  com- 
manded the  communication  by  land  and  water  with  Lake 
George,  so  as  to  cut  off  all  supplies  from  that  quarter.  In 
fact,  such  were  the  advantages  expected  from  this  post,  thus 
neglected  by  St.  Clair,  that  the  British  gave  it  the  significant 
name  of  Mount  Hope. 

The  enemy  now  proceeded  gradually  to  invest  Ticonderoga. 
A  line  of  troops  was  drawn  from  the  western  part  of  Mount 


1777.  j  TICONDEROGA    INVESTED.  325 

Hope  round  to  Three  Mile  Point,  where  General  Eraser  was 
posted  with  the  advance  guard,  while  General  Riedesel 
encamped  with  the  German  reserve  in  a  parallel  line,  on  the 
opposite  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  at  the  foot  of  Mount 
Independence.  For  two  days  the  enemy  occupied  themselves 
in  making  their  advances  and  securing  these  positions, 
regardless  of  a  cannonade  kept  up  by  the  American  hatteries. 

St.  Clair  began  to  apprehend  that  a  regular  siege  was 
intended,  which  would  be  more  difficult  to  withstand  th&n  a 
direct  assault;  he  kept  up  a  resolute  aspect,  however,  and 
went  about  among  his  troops,  encouraging  them  with  the 
hope  of  a  successful  resistance,  but  enjoining  incessant 
vigilance,  and  punctual  attendance  at  the  alarm  posts  at 
morning  and  evening  roll-call. 

With  all  the  pains  and  expense  lavished  by  the  Americans 
to  render  these  works  impregnable,  they  had  strangely 
neglected  the  master  key  by  which  they  were  all  commanded. 
This  was  Sugar  Hill,  a  rugged  height,  the  termination  of  a 
mountain  ridge  which  separates  Lake  Champlain  from  Lake 
George.  It  stood  to  the  south  of  Ticonderoga,  beyond  the 
narrow  channel  which  connected  the  two  lakes,  and  rose 
precipitously  from  the  waters  of  Champlain  to  the  height  of 
six  hundred  feet.  It  had  been  pronounced  by  the  Americans 
too  distant  to  be  dangerous.  Colonel  Trumbull,  some  time 
an  aide-de-camp  to  Washington,  and  subsequently  an 
adjutant,  had  proved  the  contrary  in  the  preceding  year,  by 
throwing  a  shot  from  a  six-pounder  in  the  fort  nearly  to  the 
summit.  It  was  then  pronounced  inaccessible  to  an  enemy. 
This  Trumbull  had  likewise  proved  to  be  an  error,  by  clam- 
bering with  Arnold  and  Wayne  to  the  top,  whence  they 
perceived  that  a  practicable  road  for  artillery  might  easily 
and  readily  be  made.  Trumbull  had  insisted  that  this  was 
the  true  point  for  the  fort,  commanding  the  neighboring 
heights,  the  narrow  parts  of  both  lakes,  and  the  communica- 
tion between.  A  small,  but  strong  fort  here,  with  twenty- 
live  heavy  guns  and  five  hundred  men,  would  be  as  efficient 
as  one  hundred  guns  and  ten  thousand  men  on  the  extensive 
works  of  Ticonderoga.*  His  suggestions  were  disregarded. 
Their  wisdom  was  now  to  be  proved. 

The  British  General  Phillips,  on  taking  his  position,  had 
regarded  the  hill  with  a  practiced  eye.  He  caused  it  to  be 
reconnoitered  by  a  skillful  engineer.  The  report  was,  that  it 
overlooked,  andliad  the  entire  command  of  Fort  Ticonderoga 

•  TrumbuH's  Autobiography,  p.  32. 


326  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLIV. 

and  Fort  Independence;  being  about  fourteen  hundred  yards 
from  the  former,  and  fifteen  hundred  from  the  latter;  that 
the  ground  could  be  leveled  for  cannon,  and  a  road  cut  up 
the  defiles  of  the  mountain  in  four  and  twenty  hours. 

Measures  were  instantly  taken  to  plant  a  battery  on  that 
height.  While  the  American  garrisons  were  entirely  engaged 
in  a  different  direction,  cannonading  Mount  Hope  and  the 
British  lines  without  material  effect,  and  without  provoking 
a  reply;  the  British  troops  were  busy  throughout  the  day 
and  night  cutting  a  road  through  rocks  and  trees  and  up 
rugged  defiles.  Guns,  ammunition,  and  stores,  all  were 
carried  up  the  hill  in  the  night;  the  cannon  were  hauled  up 
from  tree  to  tree,  and  before  morning  the  ground  was  leveled 
for  the  battery  on  which  they  were  to  be  mounted.  To  this 
work,  thus  achieved  by  a  coup  de  main,  they  gave  the  name 
of  Fort  Defiance. 

On  the  fifth  of  July,  to  their  astonishment  and  consterna- 
tion, the  garrison  beheld  a  legion  of  red-coats  on  the  summit 
of  this  hill,  constructing  works  which  must  soon  lay  the 
fortress  at  their  mercy. 

In  this  sudden  and  appalling  emergency,  General  St.  Clair 
called  a  council  of  war.  What  was  to  be  done?  The 
batteries  from  this  new  fort  would  probably  be  open  the  next 
day:  by  that  time  Ticonderoga  might  be  completely  invested, 
and  the  whole  garrison  exposed  to  capture.  They  had  not 
force  sufficient  for  one  half  the  works,  and  General  Schuyler, 
supposed  to  be  at  Albany,  could  afford  them  no  relief.  The 
danger  was  imminent;  delay  might  prove  fatal.  It  was 
unanimously  determined  to  evacuate  both  Ticonderoga  and 
Mount  Independence  that  very  night,  and  retreat  to  Skenes- 
borough  (now  Whitehall),  at  the  upper  part  of  the  lake, 
about  thirty  miles  distant,  where  there  was  a  stockaded  fort. 
The  main  body  of  the  army,  led  by  General  St.  Clair,  were 
to  cross  to  Mount  Independence  and  push  for  Skenesborough 
by  land,  taking  a  circuitous  route  through  the  woods  on  the 
east  side  of  the  lake,  by  the  way  of  Castleton.  The  cannon, 
stores  and  provisions,  together  with  the  wounded  and  the 
women,  were  to  be  embarked  on  board  of  two  hundred 
bateaux,  and  conducted  to  the  upper  extremity  of  the  lake, 
by  Colonel  Long  with  six  hundred  men;  two  hundred  of 
whom  in  five  armed  galleys  were  to  form  a  rear-guard. 

It  was  now  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon;  yet  all  the 
preparations  were  to  be  made  for  the  coming  night,  and  that 
with  as  little  bustle  and  movement  as  possible;  for  they  were 
overlooked  by  Fort  Defiance,  and  their  intentions  might  be 


1777.J  THE  BRITISH  IN  PURSUIT.  327 

suspected.  Everything,  therefore,  was  done  quietly,  but 
alertly;  in  the  mean  time,  to  amuse  the  enemy,  a  cannonade 
was  kept  up  every  half  hour  toward  the  new  battery  on  the 
hill.  As  soon  as  the  evening  closed,  and  their  movements 
could  not  be  discovered,  they  began  in  all  haste  to  load  the 
boats.  Such  of  the  cannon  as  could  not  be  taken  were 
ordered  to  be  spiked.  It  would  not  do  to  knock  off  their 
trunnions,  lest  the  noise  should  awaken  suspicions.  In  the 
hurry  several  were  left  uninjured.  The  lights  in  the  garrison 
being  previously  extinguished,  their  tents  were  struck  and 
put  on  board  of  tlie  bouts,  and  the  women  and  the  sick 
embarked.  Everything  was  conducted  with  such  silence 
and  address,  that,  although  it  was  a  moonlight  night,  the 
flotilla  departed  undiscovered;  and  was  soon  under  the 
shadows  of  mountains  and  overhanging  forests. 

The  retreat  by  land  was  not  conducted  with  equal  dis- 
cretion and  mystery.  General  St.  Clair  had  crossed  over  the 
bridge  to  the  Vermont  side  of  the  lake  by  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  and  set  forward  with  his  advance  through  the 
woods  toward  Iltibbardton;  but,  before  the  rear-guard  under 
Colonel  Francis  got  in  motion,  the  house  at  Fort  Independ- 
ence, which  had  been  occupied  by  the  French  General  de 
Fermois,  was  set  on  fire — by  his  orders,  it  is  said,  though 
we  are  loth  to  charge  him  with  such  indiscretion;  such  gross 
and  wanton  violation  of  the  plan  of  retreat.  The  con- 
sequences were  disastrous.  The  British  sentries  at  Mount 
Hope  were  astonished  by  a  conflagration  suddenly  lighting 
up  Mount  Independence,  and  revealing  the  American  troops 
in  full  retreat;  for  the  rear-guard,  disconcerted  by  this 
sudden  exposure,  pressed  forward  for  the  woods  in  the 
utmost  haste  and  confusion. 

The  drums  beat  to  arms  in  the  British  camp.  Alarm 
guns  were  fired  from  Mount  Hope:  General  Fraser  dashed 
into  Ticonderoga  with  his  pickets,  giving  orders  for  his 
brigade  to  arm  in  all  haste  and  follow.  By  daybreak  he  had 
hoisted  the  British  flag  over  the  deserted  fortress;  before 
sunrise  he  had  passed  the  bridge,  and  was  in  full  pursuit  of 
the  American  rear-guard.  Burgoyne  was  roused  from  his 
morning  slumbers  on  board  of  the  frigate  Royal  George,  by 
the  alarm  guns  from  Fort  Hope,  and  a  message  from  General 
Fraser,  announcing  the  double  retreat  of  the  Americans  by 
land  and  water.  From  the  quarter-deck  of  the  frigate  he 
soon  had  confirmation  of  the  news.  The  British  colors  were 
flying  on  Fort  Ticonderoga,  and  Eraser's  troops  were 
glittering  on  the  opposite  shore. 


328  WFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLIV. 

Burgoyne's  measures  were  prompt.  General  Riedesel  was 
ordered  to  follow  and  support  Fraser  with  a  part  of  the 
German  troops;  garrisons  were  thrown  into  Ticonderoga  and 
Mount  Independence;  the  main  part  of  the  army  was 
embarked  on  board  of  the  frigates  and  gunboats;  the  floating 
bridge  with  its  boom  and  chain,  which  had  cost  months  to 
construct,  was  broken  through  by  nine  o'clock;  when  Bur- 
goyne  set  out  with  his  squadron  in  pursuit  of  the  flotilla. 

We  left  the  latter  making  its  retreat  on  the  preceding 
evening  toward  Skenesborough,  The  lake  above  Ticonderoga 
becomes  so  narrow  that,  in  those  times,  it  was  frequently 
called  South  River.  Its  beautiful  waters  wound  among 
mountains  covered  with  primeval  forests.  The  bateaux, 
deeply  laden,  made  their  way  slowly  in  a  lengthened  line; 
sometimes  under  the  shadows  of  the  mountains,  sometimes 
in  the  gleam  of  moonlight.  The  rear-guard  of  armed  galleys 
followed  at  wary  distance.  No  immediate  pursuit,  however, 
was  apprehended.  The  floating  bridge  was  considered  an 
effectual  impediment  to  the  enemy's  fleet.  Gayety,  there- 
fore, prevailed  among  the  fugitives.  They  exulted  in  the 
secrecy  and  dexterity  with  which  they  had  managed  their 
retreat,  and  amused  themselves  with  the  idea  of  what  would 
be  the  astonishment  of  the  enemy  at  daybreak.  The  officers 
regaled  merrily  on  the  stores  saved  from  Ticouderoga,  and 
knocking  off  the  necks  of  bottles  of  wine,  drank  a  pleasant 
reveille  to  General  Burgoyne. 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  succeeding 
day,  the  heavily  laden  bateaux  arrived  at  Skenesborough. 
The  disembarkation  had  scarcely  commenced  when  the 
thundering  of  artillery  was  heard  from  below.  Could  the 
enemy  be  at  hand?  It  was  even  so.  The  British  gunboats 
having  pushed  on  in  advance  of  the  frigates,  had  overtaken 
and  were  tiring  upon  the  galleys.  The  latter  defended 
themselves  for  a  while,  but  at  length  two  struck,  and  three 
were  blown  up.  The  fugitives  from  them  brought  word 
that  the  British  ships  not  being  able  to  come  up,  troops  and 
Indians  were  landing  from  them  and  scrambling  up  the  hills; 
intending  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the  fort  and  cut  off  all  retreat. 

All  now  was  consternation  and  confusion.  The  bateaux, 
the  storehouses,  the  fort,  the  mill  were  all  set  on  fire,  and  a 
general  flight  took  place  toward  Fort  Anne,  about  twelve 
miles  distant.  Some  made  their  way  in  boats  up  Wood 
Creek,  a  winding  stream.  The  main  body,  under  Colonel 
Long,  retreated  by  a  narrow  defile  cut  through  the  woods; 
harassed  all  night  by  alarms  that  the  Indians  were  close  in 


1777.]      THE   FIGHT   AT   WOOD   CREEK,    AND    RETREAT.          329 

pursuit.  Both  parties  reached  Fort  Anne  by  daybreak.  It 
was  a  small  picketed  fort,  near  the  junction  of  Wood  Creek 
and  East  Creek,  about  sixteen  miles  from  Fort  Edward. 
General  Schuyler  arrived  at  the  latter  place  on  the  following 
day.  The  number  of  troops  with  him  was  inconsiderable, 
but,  hearing  of  Colonel  Lang's  situation,  he  immediately 
sent  him  a  small  reinforcement,  with  provisions  and  ammu- 
nition, and  urged  him  to  maintain  his  post  resolutely. 

On  the  same  day  Colonel  Long's  scouts  brought  in  word 
that  there  were  British  red  coats  approaching.  They  were 
in  fact  a  regiment  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hill,  detached 
from  Skenesborough  by  Burgoyue  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives. 
Long  sallied  forth  to  meet  them;  posting  himself  at  a  rocky 
delile,  where  there  was  a  narrow  pathway  along  the  border 
of  Wood  Creek.  As  the  enemy  advanced  he  opened  a  heavy 
lire  upon  them  in  front,  while  a  part  of  his  troops  crossing 
and  recrossing  the  creek,  and  availing  themselves  of  their 
knowledge  of  the  ground,  kept  up  a  shifting  attack  from  the 
woods  in  flank  and  rear.  Apprehensive  of  being  surrounded, 
the  British  took  post  upon  a  high  hill  to  their  right,  where 
they  were  warmly  besieged  for  nearly  two  hours,  and,  accord- 
ing to  their  own  account,  would  certainly  have  been  forced 
had  not  some  of  their  Indian  allies  arrived  and  set  up  the 
much-dreaded  war-whoop.  It  was  answered  with  three 
cheers  by  the  British  upon  the  hill.  This  changed  the 
fortune  of  the  day.  The  Americans  had  nearly  expended 
their  ammunition,  and  had  not  enough  left  to  cope  with  this 
new  enemy.  They  retreated,  therefore,  to  Fort  Anne,  carry- 
ing with  them  a  number  of  prisoners,  among  whom  were  a 
captain  and  surgeon.  Supposing  the  troops  under  Colonel 
Hill  an  advance  guard  of  Burgoyne's  army,  they  set  fire  to 
the  fort  and  pushed  on  to  l<ort  Edward;  where  they  gave 
the  alarm  that  the  main  force  of  the  enemy  was  close  after 
them,  and  that  no  one  knew  what  had  become  of  General 
St.  Clair  and  the  troops  who  had  retreated  with  him.  We 
shall  now  clear  up  the  mystery  of  his  movements. 

His  retreat  through  the  woods  from  Mount  Independence 
continued  the  first"  day  until  night,  when  he  arrived  at 
Gastleton,  thirty  miles  from  Ticonderoga.  His  rear-guard 
halted  about  six  miles  short,  at  Hubbardton,  to  await  the 
arrival  of  stragglers.  It  was  composed  of  three  regiments, 
under  Colonels  Seth  Warner,  Francis  and  Hale;  in  all  about 
thirteen  hundred  men. 

Early  the  next  morning,  a  sultry  morning  of  July,  while 
they  were  taking  their  breakfast,  they  were  startled  by  the 


330  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XLIV. 

report  of  fire-arms.  Their  sentries  had  discharged  their 
muskets,  and  came  running  in  with  word  that  the  enemy 
were  at  hand. 

It  was  General  Fraser,  with  his  advance  of  eight  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  who  had  pressed  forward  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  night,  and  now  attacked  the  Americans  with  great  spirit, 
notwithstanding  their  superiority  in  numbers;  in  fact,  he 
expected  to  be  promptly  reinforced  by  Riedesel  and  his 
Germans.  The  Americans  met  the  British  with  great  spirit; 
but  at  the  very  commencement  of  the  action,  Colonel  Hale, 
with  a  detachment  placed  under  his  command  to  protect  the 
rear,  gave  way,  leaving  Warner  and  Francis  \vith  but  seven 
hundred  men  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  battle.  These  posted 
themselves  behind  logs  and  trees  in  "backwood'"' style,  whence 
they  kept  up  a  destructive  fire  and  were  evidently  gaining 
the  advantage,  when  General  Riedesel  came  pressing  into 
the  action  with  his  German  troops;  drums  beating  and  colors 
flying.  There  was  now  an  impetuous  charge  with  the 
bayonet.  Colonel  Francis  was  among  the  first  who  fell, 
gallantly  fighting  at  the  head  of  his  men.  The  Americans, 
thinking  the  whole  German  force  upon  them,  gave  way  and 
fled,  leaving  the  ground  covered  Avith  their  dead  and 
Avounded.  Many  others  Avho  had  been  Avounded  perished  in 
the  woods,  Avhere  they  had  taken  refuge.  Their  whole  loss 
in  killed,  wounded  and  taken,  Avas  npAvard  of  three  hundred; 
that  of  the  enemy  one  hundred  and  eighty-three.  Several 
officers  A\7ere  lost  on  both  sides.  Among  those  Avouuded  of 
the  British  Avas  Major  Ackland  of  the  grenadiers,  of  whose 
further  fortunes  in  the  Avar  AVB  shall  have  to  speak  hereafter. 

The  noise  of  the  firing  Avheii  the  action  commenced  had 
reached  General  St.  Clair  at  Castleton.  He  immediately 
sent  orders  to  tAvo  militia  regiments  which  were  in  his  rear, 
and  Avithin  two  miles  of  the  battle  ground,  to  hasten  to  the 
assistance  of  his  rear-guard.  They  refused  to  obey,  and 
hurried  forward  to  Castleton.  At  this  juncture  St.  Clair 
received  information  of  Burgoyne's  arrival  at  Skenesborough, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  American  Avorks  there:  fearing 
to  be  intercepted  at  Fort  Anne,  he  immediately  changed  his 
route,  struck  into  the  woods  on  his  left,  and  directed  his 
march  to  Rutland,  leaving  word  for  Warner  to  folloAV  him. 
The  latter  OArertook  him  tAvo  days  afterward,  with  his  shat- 
tered force  reduced  to  ninety  men.  As  to  Colonel  Hale,  Avho 
had  pressed  toAvard  Castleton  at  the  beginning  of  the  action, 
he  and  his  men  Avere  OA'ertaken  the  same  day  by  the  enemy, 
and  the  whole  party  captured.,  without  making  any  fight. 


1777.]  EFFECTS  OF  THE   EVACUATION.  331 

It  lias  been  alleged  in  his  excuse,  with  apparent  justice,  that 
he  and  a  large  portion  of  his  men  were  in  feeble  health,  and 
unfit  for  action;  for  his  own  part,  he  died  while  yet  a 
prisoner,  and  never  had  the  opportunity  which  he  sought,  to 
vindicate  himself  before  a  court-martial. 

On  the  12th  St.  Clair  reached  Fort  Edward,  his  troops 
haggard  and  exhausted  by  their  long  retreat  through  the 
woods.  Such  is  the  story  of  the  catastrophe  at  Fort  Ticon- 
deroga,  which  caused  so  much  surprise  and  concern  to  Wash- 
ington, and  of  the  seven  days'  mysterious  disappearance  of 
St.  Clair,  which  kept  every  one  in  the  most  painful  suspense. 

The  loss  of  artillery,  ammunition,  provisions  and  stores, 
in  consequence  of  the  evacuation  of  these  northern  posts, 
was  prodigious;  but  the  worst  effect  was  the  consternation 
spread  throughout  the  country.  A  panic  prevailed  at 
Albany,  the  people  running  about  as  if  distracted,  sending 
off  their  goods  and  furniture.*  The  great  barriers  of  the 
North,  it  was  said,  were  broken  through,  and  there  was 
nothing  to  check  the  triumphant  career  of  the  enemy. 

The  invading  army,  both  officers  and  men,  according  to  a 
British  writer  of  the  time,  "were  highly  elated  with  their 
fortune,  and  deemed  that  and  their  prowess  to  be  irresistible. 
They  regarded  their  enemy  with  the  greatest  contempt,  and 
considered  their  own  toils  to  be  nearly  at  an  end,  and  Albany 
already  in  their  hands." 

In  England,  too,  according  to  the  same  author,  the  joy  and 
exultation  were  extreme;  not  only  at  court,  but  with  all 
those  who  hoped  or  wished  the  unqualified  subjugation  and 
unconditional  submission  of  the  colonies.  ''The  loss  in 
reputation  was  greater  to  the  Americans,"  adds  he,  "and 
capable  of  more  fatal  consequences,  than  that  of  ground,  of 
!"»%  of  artillery,  or  of  men.  All  the  contemptuous  and 
most  degrading  charges  which  had  been  made  by  their 
enemies,  of  their  wanting  the  resolution  and  abilities  of  men, 
even  in  defence  of  what  was  dear  to  them,  were  now  repeated 
and  believed."  *  *  *  "It  was  not  difficult  to  diffuse  an 
opinion  that  the  war,  in  effect,  was  over,  and  that  any 
further  resistance  would  render  the  terms  of  their  submission 
worse.  Such,"  he  concludes,  "were  some  of  the  immediate 
effects  of  the  loss  of  those  grand  keys  of  North  America, 
Ticonderoga  and  the  lakes,  "f 

*  MS.  Letter  of  Richard  Varick  to  Schuyler. 
f  Hist.  Civil  War  in  America,  vol.  i.,  p.  283. 


332  UFE  OP  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLT. 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

Capture  of  General  Prescott— Proffered  in  Exchange  for  Lee— Rein- 
forcements to  Schuyler — Arnold  Sent  to  the  North—  Eastern  Militia 
to  Repair  to  Saratoga — Further  Reinforcements — Generals  Lincoln 
and  Arnold  Recommended  for  Particular  Services — Washington's 
Measures  and  Suggestions  for  the  Northern  Campaign— British 
Fleet  Puts  to  Sea— Conjectures  as  to  its  Destination — A  Feigned 
Letter — Appearance  and  Disappearance  of  the  Fleet — Orders  and 
Counter  Orders  of  Washington  —  Encamps  at  Germantown  — 
Anxiety  for  the  Security  of  the  Highlands  —  George  Clinton  on 
Guard — Call  on  Connecticut. 

A  SPIRITED  exploit  to  the  eastward  was  performed  during 
the  prevalence  of  adverse  news  from  the  North.  General 
Prescott  had  command  of  the  British  forces  in  Rhode  Island. 
His  harsh  treatment  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  and  his 
haughty  and  arrogant  conduct  on  various  occasions,  had 
rendered  him  peculiarly  odious  to  the  Americaiis.  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Barton,  who  was  stationed  with  a  force  of  Rhode 
Island  militia  on  the  mainland,  received  word  that  Prescott 
was  quartered  at  a  country  house  near  the  western  shore  of 
the  island,  about  four  miles  from  Newport,  totally  uncon- 
scious of  danger,  though  in  a  very  exposed  situation.  He 
determined,  if  possible,  to  surprise  and  capture  him.  Forty 
resolute  men  joined  him  in  the  enterprise.  Embarking  at 
night  in  two  boats  at  Warwick  Neck,  they  pulled  quietly  across 
the  bay  with  muffled  oars,  undiscovered  by  the  ships  of  war 
and  guard-boats;  landed  in  -silence;  eluded  the  vigilance  of 
the  guard  stationed  near  the  house;  captured  the  sentry  at 
the  door,  and  surprised  the  general  in  his  bed.  His  aide-de- 
camp leaped  from  the  window,  but  was  likewise  taken. 
Colonel  Barton  returned  with  equal  silence  and  address,  and 
arrived  safe  at  Warwick  with  his  prisoners.  A  sword  was 
voted  to  him  by  Congress,  and  he  received  a  colonel's  com- 
mission in  the  regular  army. 

Washington  hailed  the  capture  of  Prescott  as  a  peculiarly 
fortunate  circumstance,  furnishing  him  with  an  equivalent 
for  General  Lee.  He  accordingly  wrote  to  Sir  William 
Howe,  proposing  the  exchange.  "This  proposition,"  writes 
he  "being  agreeable  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  agreement 
subsisting  between  us,  will,  I  hope,  have  your  approbation. 


1777.]  CAPTURE   OF   GENERAL   PRESCOTT.  333 

I  am  the  more  induced  to  expect  it,  as  it  will  not  only 
remove  one  ground  of  controversy  between  us.  but  in  its 
consequences  effect  the  exchanges  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Campbell  and  the  Hessian  officers,  for  a  like  number  of  ours 
of  equal  rank  in  your  possession." 

No  immediate  reply  was  received  to  this  letter,  Sir  William 
Howe  being  at  sea;  in  the  mean  time  Prescott  remained  in 
durance.  "I  would  have  him  genteelly  accommodated,  but 
strongly  guarded,"  writes  Washington.  "I  would  not  admit 
him  to  parole,  as  General  Howe  has  not  thought  proper  to 
grant  General  Lee  that  indulgence."* 

Washington  continued  his  anxious  exertions  to  counteract 
the  operations  of  the  enemy;  forwarding  artillery  and  ammu- 
nition to  Schuyler,  with  all  the  camp  furniture  that  could 
be  spared  from  his  own  encamprneiit  and  from  Peekskill.  A 
part  of  Nixon's  brigade  was  all  the  reinforcement  he  could 
afford  in  his  present  situation.  "To  weaken  this  army  more 
than  is  prudent,"  writes  he,  "would  perhaps  bring  destruc- 
tion upon  it,  and  I  look  upon  the  keeping  it  upon  a  respect- 
able footing  as  the  only  means  of  preventing  a  junction  of 
Howe's  and  Burgoyne's  armies,  which,  if  effected,  may  have 
the  most  fatal  consequences." 

Schuyler  had  earnestly  desired  the  assistance  of  an  active 
officer  well  acquainted  with  the  country.  Washington  sent 
him  Arnold.  "I  need  not,"  writes  he,  "enlarge  upon  his 
well-known  activity,  conduct  and  bravery.  The  proofs  he 
has  given  of  all  these  have  gained  him  the  confidence  of  the 
public  and  of  the  army,  the  Eastern  troops  in  particular." 

The  question  of  rank,  about  which  Arnold  was  so  tena- 
cious, was  yet  unsettled,  and  though,  had  his  promotion 
been  regular,  he  would  have  been  superior  in  command  to 
General  St.  Clair,  he  assured  Washington  that,  on  the 
piv.-L-nt  occasion,  his  claim  should  create  no  dispute. 

Schuyler,  in  the  mean  time,  aided  by  Kosciuszko  the  Pole, 
who  was  engineer  in  his  department,  had  selected  two 
positions  on  Moses  Creek,  four  miles  below  Fort  Edward; 
where  the  troops  which  had  retreated  from  Ticonderoga, 
and  part  of  the  militia,  were  throwing  up  works. 

To  impede  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  he  had  caused  trees 
to  be  felled  into  Wrood  Creek,  so  as  to  render  it  un navigable, 
and  the  roads  between  Fort  Edward  and  Fort  Anne  to  be 
broken  up;  the  cattle  in  that  direction  to  be  brought  away, 

*  Letter  to  Governor  Trumbull.     Correspondence    of    the  Revolution,  vol.  i. 
Sparks, 


334  LIFE   OF   WASHIKGTOJST.  [CH.  XLV. 

and  the  forage  destroyed.  He  had  drawn  off  the  garrison 
from  Fort  George,  who  left  the  buildings  in  flames. 
"Strengthened  by  that  garrison,  who  are  in  good  health," 
writes  he,  "and  if  the  militia,  who  are  here,  or  an  equal 
number,  can  be  prevailed  on  to  stay,  and  the  enemy  give  me 
a  few  days  more,  which  I  think  they  will  be  obliged  to  do, 
I  shall  not  be  apprehensive  that  they  will  be  able  to  force 
the  posts  I  am  about  to  occupy." 

Washington  cheered  on  his  faithful  coadjutor.  His  reply 
to  Schuyler  (July  22d)  was  full  of  that  confident  hope, 
founded  "on  sagacious  forecast,  with  which  he  Avas  prone  to 
animate  his  generals  in  times  of  doubt  and  difficulty. 
"Though  our  affairs  for  some  days  past  have  worn  a  dark 
and  gloomy  aspect,  I  yet  look  forward  to  a  fortunate  and 
happy  change.  I  trust  General  Burgoyne's  army  will  meet 
soone"r  or  later  an  effectual  check,  and,  as  I  suggested  before, 
that  the  success  he  has  had  will  precipitate  his  ruin.  From 
your  accounts,  he  appears  to  be  pursuing  that  line  of  conduct, 
which,  of  all  others,  is  most  favorable  to  us;  I  mean  acting 
in  detachment.  This  conduct  will  certainly  give  room  for 
enterprise  on  our  part,  and  expose  his  parties  to  great  hazard. 
Could  we  be  so  happy  as  to  cut  one  of  them  off,  supposing 
it  should  not  exceed  four,  five,  or  six  hundred  men,  it 
would  inspirit  the  people,  and  do  away  much  of  their  present 
anxiety.  In  such  an  event  they  would  lose  sight  of  past 
misfortunes,  and,  urged  at  the  same  time  by  a  regard  to 
their  own  security,  they  would  fly  to  arms  and  afford  every 
aid  in  their  power." 

While  he  thus  suggested  bold  enterprises,  he  cautioned 
Schuyler  not  to  repose  too  much  confidence  in  the  works  he 
was  projecting,  so  as  to  collect  in  them  a  large  quantity  of 
stores.  "I  begin  to  consider  lines  as  a  kind  of  trap;"  writes 
he,  "and  not  to  answer  the  valuable  purposes  expected  from 
them,  unless  they  are  in  passes  which  cannot  be  avoided  by 
the  enemy." 

In  circulars  addressed  to  the  brigadier-generals  of  militia 
in  the  western  parts  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  he 
warned  them  that  the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  had  opened 
a  door  by  which  the  enemy,  unless  vigorously  opposed,  might 
penetrate  the  northern  part  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and 
the  western  parts  of  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts,  and, 
forming  a  junction  with  General  Howe,  cut  off  the  commu- 
nication between  the  Eastern  and  Northern  States.  "It 
cannot  be  supposed,"  adds  he,  "that  the  small  number  of 
Continental  troops  assembled  at  Fort  Edward,  is  alone 


1777.]  PLANS  TO  HARASS  BURG02NE.  335 

sufficient  to  check  the  progress  of  the  enemy.  To  the  militia, 
therefore,  must  we  look  for  support  in  this  time  of  trial; 
ami  I  trust  that  you  will,  immediately  upon  receipt  of 
this,  if  you  have  not  done  it  already,  march  with  at  least  one 
third  of  the  militia  under  your  command,  and  rendezvous 
at  Saratoga,  unless  directed  to  some  other  place  by  General 
Srhuyler  or  General  Arnold." 

Washington  now  ordered  that  all  the  vessels  and  river 
craft,  not  required  at  Albany,  should  be  sent  down  to  New 
Windsor  and  Fishkill,  and  kept  in  readiness;  for  he  knew 
not  how  soon  the  movements  of  General  Howe  might  render 
it  suddenly  necessary  to  transport  part  of  his  forces  up  the 
Hudson. 

Further  letters  from  Schuyler  urged  the  increasing 
exigencies  of  his  situation.  It  was  harvest  time.  The 
militia,  impatient  at  being  detained  from  their  rural  labors, 
were  leaving  him  in  great  numbers.  In  a  council  of  general 
officers,  it  had  been  thought  advisable  to  give  leave  of 
absence  to  half,  lest  the  wnole  should  depart.  He  feared 
those  who  remained  would  do  so  but  a  few  days.  The 
enemy  were  steadily  employed  cutting  a  road  toward  him 
from  Skenesbo rough.  From  the  number  of  horse  they  were 
reported  to  have,  and  to  expect,  they  might  intend  to  bring 
their  provisions  on  horseback.  If  so,  they  would  be  able  to 
move  with  expedition.  In  this  position  of  affairs,  he  urged 
to  be  reinforced  as  speedily  as  possible. 

Washington,  in  reply,  informed  him  that  he  had  ordered 
a  further  reinforcement  of  General  Glover's  brigade,  which 
was  all  he  could  possibly  furnish  in  his  own  exigencies.  He 
trusted  affairs  with  Schuyler  would  soon  wear  a  more  smiling 
aspect,  that  the  Eastern  States,  who  were  so  deeply  concerned 
in  the  matter,  would  exert  themselves,  by  effectual  succors, 
to  enable  him  to  check  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  and  repel 
a  danger  by  which  they  were  immediately  threatened. 
From  the  information  he  had  received,  he  supposed  the 
force  of  the  enemy  to  be  little  more  than  five  thousand. 
"They  seem,"  said  he,  "to  be  unprovided  with  wagons  to 
transport  the  immense  quantity  of  baggage  and  warlike 
apparatus,  without  which  they  cannot  pretend  to  penetrate 
the  country.  You  mention  their  having  a  great  number  of 
horses,  but  they  must  nevertheless  require  a  considerable 
number  of  wagons,  as  there  are  many  things  which  cannot 
be  transported  on  horses.  They  can  never  think  of  advanc- 
ing without  securing  their  rear,  and  the  force  with  which 
they  can  act  against  you  will  be  greatly  reduced  by  detach- 


336  LIFE   OP   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLV. 

ments  necessary  for  that  purpose;  and  as  they  have  to  cut 
out  their  passage,  and  to  remove  the  impediments  you  have 
thrown  in  their  way,  before  they  can  proceed,  this  circum- 
stance, with  the  encumbrance  they  must  feel  in  their 
baggage,  stores,  &c.,  will  inevitably  retard  their  march,  and 
give  you  leisure  and  opportunity  to  prepare  a  good  reception 
for  them.  *  *  *  *  I  have  directed  General  Lincoln  to 
repair  to  you  as  speedily  as  the  state  of  his  health,  which  is 
not  very  perfect,  will  permit;  this  gentleman  has  always 
supported  the  character  of  a  judicious,  brave,  active  officer, 
and  he  is  exceedingly  popular  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts, 
to  which  he  belongs;  he  will  have  a  degree  of  influence  over 
the  militia  which  cannot  fail  of  being  highly  advantageous. 
I  have  intended  him  more  particularly  for  the  command  of 
the  militia,  and  I  promise  myself  it  will  have  a  powerful 
tendency  to  make  them  turn  out  with  more  cheerfulness, 
and  to  inspire  them  with  perseverance  to  remain  in  the  field, 
and  with  fortitude  and  spirit  to  do  their  duty  while  in  it."* 

Washington  highly  approved  of  a  measure  suggested  by 
Schuyler,  of  stationing  a  body  of  troops  somewhere  about 
the  Hampshire  Grants  (Vermont),  so  as  to  be  in  the  rear  or 
on  the  flank  of  Burgoyne,  should  he  advance.  It  would 
make  the  latter,  he  said,  very  circumspect  in  his  advances,  if 
it  did  not  entirely  prevent  them.  It  would  keep  him  in 
continual  anxiety  for  his  rear,  and  oblige  him  to  leave  the 
posts  behind  him  much  stronger  than  he  would  otherwise  do. 
He  advised  that  General  Lincoln  should  have  the  command 
of  the  corps  thus  posted,  "as  no  person  could  be  more  proper 
for  it." 

He  recommended,  moreover,  that  in  case  the  enemy  should 
make  any  formidable  movement  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort 
Schuyler  (Stanwix),  on  the  Mohawk  River,  General  Arnold, 
or  some  other  sensible,  spirited  officer,  .should  be  sent  to  take 
charge  of  that  post,  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  cultivate  and  improve  the  favorable  disposition  of  the 
Indians. 

The  reader  Avill  find  in  the  sequel  what  a  propitious  effect 
all  these  measures  had  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  Northern 
campaign,  and  with  what  admirable  foresight  Washington 
calculated  all  its  chances.  Due  credit  must  also  be  given  to 
the  sagacious  counsels  and  executive  energy  of  Schuyler; 
who  suggested  some  of  the  best  moves  in  the  campaign,  and 

*  Schuyler's  Letter  Book. 


1777.]  A   DELUSIVE  LETTER.  337 

carried  them  vigorously  into  action.  Never  was  Washington 
more  ably  and  loyally  seconded  by  any  of  his  generals. 

But  now  the  attention  of  the  commander-in-chief  is  called 
to  the  seaboard.  On  the  23d  of  July,  the  fleet,  so  long  the 
object  of  watchful  solicitude,  actually  put  to  sea.  The  force 
embarked,  according  to  subsequent  accounts,  consisted  of 
thirty-six  British  and  Hessian  battalions,  including  the  light 
infantry  and  grenadiers,  with  a  powerful  artillery;  a  New 
York  corps  of  provincials,  or  royalists,  called  the  Queen's 
Rangers,  and  a  regiment  of  light-horse;  between  fifteen  and 
eighteen  thousand  men  in  all.  The  force  left  with  General 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  for  the  protection  of  New  York  consisted 
of  seventeen  battalions,  a  regiment  of  light-horse,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  provincial  corps.* 

The  destination  of  the  fleet  was  still  a  matter  of  conjecture. 
Just  after  it  had  sailed,  a  young  man  presented  himself  at 
one  of  General  Putnam's  outposts.  He  had  been  a  prisoner 
in  Xew  York,  he  said,  but  had  received  his  liberty  and  a 
large  reward  on  undertaking  to  be  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from 
General  Howe  to  Burgoyne.  This  letter  his  feelings  of 
patriotism  prompted  him  to  deliver  up  to  General  Putnam. 
Tlu-  letter  was  immediately  transmitted  by  the  general  to 
Washington.  It  was  in  the  handwriting  of  Howe,  and  bore 
his  signature.  In  it  he  informed  Burgoyne,  that,  instead  of 
any  designs  up  the  Hudson  he  was  bound  to  the  east  against 
Boston..  "If,"  said  he,  "according  to  my  expectations,  we 
may  succeed  in  getting  possession  of  it,  I  shall,  without  loss 
of  time,  proceed  to  co-operate  with  you  in  the  defeat  of  the 
rebel  army  opposed  to  you.  Clinton  is  sufficiently  strong  to 
amuse  Washington  and  Putnam.  I  am  now  making  demon- 
strations to  the  southward,  which  I  think  will  have  the  full 
effect  in  carrying  our  plan  into  execution." 

Washington  at  once  pronounced  the  letter  a  feint.  "No 
stronger  proof  could  be  given,"  said  he,  "that  Howe  is  not 
going  to  the  eastward.  The  letter  was  evidently  intended  to 
fall  into  our  hands.  If  there  were  not  too  great  a  risk  of 
the  dispersion  of  their  fleet,  I  should  think  their  putting  to 
sea  a  mere  maneuver  to  deceive,  and  the  North  River  still 
their  object.  I  am  persuaded,  more  than  ever,  that  Phila- 
delphia is  the  place  of  destination." 

lie  now  set  out  with  his  army  for  the  Delaware,  ordering 
Sullivan  and  Stirling  with  their  divisions  to  cross  the  Hudson 
from  Peekskill,  and  proceed  toward  Philadelphia.  Every 

*  Civil  War  in  America,  vol.  i.,  p.  250. 


338  MFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLV. 

movement  and  order  showed  his  doubt  and  perplexity,  and 
the  circumspection  with  which  he  had  to  proceed.  On  the 
30th,  he  writes  from  CoryelPs  Ferry,  about  thirty  miles 
from  Philadelphia,  to  General  Gates,  who  was  in  that  city: 
"As  we  are  yet  uncertain  as  to  the  real  destination  of  the 
enemy,  though  the  Delaware  seems  the  most  probable,  I 
have  thought  it  prudent  to  halt  the  army  at  this  place, 
Hovvell's  Ferry,  and  Trenton,  at  least  till  the  fleet  actually 
enters  the  bay  and  puts  the  matter  beyond  a  doubt.  From 
hence  we  can  be  on  the  proper  ground  to  oppose  them  before 
they  can  possibly  make  their  arrangements  and  dispositions 
for  an  attack.  *  *  *  That  the  post  in  the  Highlands 
may  not  be  left  too  much  exposed,  I  have  ordered  General 
Sullivan's  division  to  halt  at  Morristown,  whence  it  will 
march  southward  if  there  should  be  occasion,  or  northward 
upon  the  first  advice  that  the  enemy  should  be  throwing  any 
force  up  the  North  River.  General  Howe's  in  a  manner 
abandoning  General  Burgoyne,  is  so  unaccountable  a  matter, 
that,  till  I  am  fully  assured  it  is  so,  /  cannot  help  canting 
my  eyes  continually  behind  me.  As  I  shall  pay  no  regard  to 
any  flying  reports  of  the  appearance  of  the  fleet,  I  shall 
expect  an  account  of  it  from  you,  the  moment  you  have 
ascertained  it  to  your  satisfaction." 

On  the  31st,  he  was  informed  that  the  enemy's  fleet  of 
two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  sail  had  arrived  the  day 
previous  at  the  Capes  of  Delaware,  He  instantly  wrote  to 
Putnam  to  hurry  on  two  brigades,  which  had  crossed  the  river, 
and  to  let  Schuyler  and  the  commanders  in  the  Eastern 
States  know  that  they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  Howe,  and 
might  bend  all  their  forces,  Continental  and  militia,  against 
Burgoyne.  In  the  mean  time  he  moved  his  camp  to 
Germantown,  about  six  miles  from  Philadelphia,  to  be  at 
hand  for  the  defence  of  that  city. 

The  very  next  day  came  word,  by  express,  that  the  fleet 
had  again  sailed  out  of  the  Capes,  and  apparently  shaped  its 
course  eastward.  "This  surprising  event  gives  me  the 
greatest  anxiety,"  writes  he  to  Putnam  (Aug.  1),  "and 
unless  every  possible  exertion  is  made,  may  be  productive  of 
the  happiest  consequences  to  the  enemy  and  the  most 
injurious  to  us.  *  *  *  The  importance  of  preventing 
Mr.  Howe's  getting  possession  of  the  Highlands  by  a  coup  de 
main,  is  infinite  to  America;  and,  in  the  present  situation  of 
things,  every  effort 'that  can  be  thought  of  must  be  used. 
The  probability  of  his  going  to  the  eastward  is  exceedingly 
small,  and  the  ill  effects  that  might  attend  such  a  step 


1777.]  CALL  ON  CONNECTICUT.  339 

inconsiderable,  in  comparison  with  those  that  would  inevi- 
tably attend  a  successful  stroke  on  the  Highlands." 

Under  this  impression  Washington  sent  orders  to  Sullivan 
to  hasten  back  with  his  division  and  the  two  brigades  which 
had  recently  left  Peekskill  and  to  recross  the  Hudson  to  that 
post  as  speedily  as  possible,  intending  to  forward  the  rest  of 
the  army  with  all  the  expedition  in  his  power.  He  wrote, 
also,  to  General  George  Clinton,  to  reinforce  Putnam  with 
as  many  of  the  New  York  militia  as  could  be  collected. 
Clinton,  be  it  observed,  had  just  been  installed  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  York;  the  first  person  elevated  to  that 
office  under  the  Constitution.  He  still  continued  in  actual 
command  of  the  militia  of  the  State,  and  it  was  with  great 
satisfaction  that  Washington  subsequently  learned  he  had 
determined  to  resumed  the  command  of  Fort  Montgomery  in 
the  Highlands:  "There  cannot  be  a  more  proper  man," 
writes  he,  "on  every  account." 

Washington,  moreover,  requested  Putnam  to  send  an 
express  to  Governor  Trumbull,  urging  assistance  from  the 
militia  of  his  State  without  a  moment's  loss  of  time.  "Con- 
necticut cannot  be  in  more  danger  through  any  channel  than 
this,  and  every  motive  of  its  own  interest  and  the  general 
good  demands  its  utmost  endeavors  to  give  you  effectual 
assistance.  Governor  Trumbull  will,  I  trust,  be  sensible  of 
this." 

And  here  we  take  occasion  to  observe,  that  there  could  be 
no  surer  reliance  for  aid  in  time  of  danger  than  the  patriot- 
ism of  Governor  Trumbull;  nor  were  there  men  more  ready 
to  obey  a  sudden  appeal  to  arms  than  the  yeomanry  of 
Connecticut;  however  much  their  hearts  might  subsequently 
yearn  toward  the  farms  and  firesides  they  had  so  promptly 
abandoned.  No  portion  of  the  Union  was  more  severely 
tasked,  throughout  the  Revolution,  for  military  services;  and 
Washington  avowed,  when  the  great  struggle  was  over,  that, 
"if  all  the  States  had  done  their  duty  as  well  as  the  little 
State  of  Connecticut,  the  war  would  have  been  ended  long 
ago."* 

•  Communicated  by  Professor  B.  Silliman. 


340  LIFE  01?   \VASHIXGTOtf.  [CH.  XLVL 


CHAPTER    XLVL 

Gates  on  the  Alert  for  a  Command — Schuyler  Undermined  in  Congress 
— Put  on  his  Guard — Courts  a  Scrutiny,  but  not  before  an  Ex- 
pected Engagement — Summoned  with  St.  Glair  to  Head -quarters 
— Gates  Appointed  to  the  Northern  Department — Washington's 
Speculations  on  the  Successes  of  Burgoyne — Ill-judged  Meddlings 
of  Congress  with  the  Commissariat — Colonel  Trumbull  Resigns  in 
Consequence. 

WE  have  cited  in  a  preceding  page  a  letter  from  Washing- 
ton to  Gates  at  Philadelphia,  requiring  his  vigilant  attention 
to  the  movements  of  the  enemy's  fleet;  that  ambitious  officer, 
however,  was  engrossed  at  the  time  by  matters  more  impor- 
tant to  his  individual  interests.  The  command  of  the 
Northern  department  seemed  again  within  his  reach.  The 
evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  had  been  imputed  by  many  either 
to  cowardice  or  treachery  on  the  part  of  General  St.  Clair, 
and  the  enemies  of  Schuyler  had,  for  some  time  past,  been 
endeavoring  to  involve  him  in  the  disgrace  of  the  transaction. 
It  is  true  he  Avas  absent  from  the  fortress  at  the  time,  zeal- 
ously engaged,  as  we  have  shown,  in  procuring  and  forward- 
ing reinforcements  and  supplies;  but  it  was  alleged  that  the 
fort  had  been  evacuated  by  his  order,  and  that,  while  there, 
he  had  made  such  dispositions  as  plainly  indicated  an  inten- 
tion to  deliver  it  to  the  enemy.  In  the  eagerness  to  excite 
popular  feeling  against  him,  old  slanders  were  revived,  and 
the  failure  of  the  invasion  of  Canada,  and  all  the  subsequent 
disasters  in  that  quarter,  were  again  laid  to  his  charge  as 
commanding-general  of  the  Northern  department.  "In 
short,"  writes  Schuyler  in  one  of  his  letters,  "every  art  is 
made  use  of  to  destroy  that  confidence  which  it  is  so  essential 
the  army  should  have  in  its  general  officers,  and  this  too  by 
people  pretending  to  be  friends  to  the  country."* 

These  charges,  which  for  some  time  existed  merely  in 
popular  clamor,  had  recently  been  taken  up  in  Congress, 
and  a  strong  demonstration  had  been  made  against  him  by 
some  of  the  New  England  delegates.  "Your  enemies  in  this 
quarter,"  writes  his  friend,  the  Hon.  William  Duer  (July 
29th),  "are  leaving  no  means  uuessayed  to  blast  your  char- 

*  Schuyler  to  Gov.  Trumbull.     Letter  Book. 


1777.]  SCHTJYLER  SUPERSEDED.  341 

acter,  and  to  impute  to  your  appointment  in  that  department 
a  loss  which,  rightly  investigated,  can  be  imputed  to  very 
different  causes. 

''Be  not  surprised  if  you  should  be  desired  to  attend 
Congress,  to  give  an  account  of  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga. 
With  respect  to  the  result  of  the  inquiry  I  am  under  no 
apprehensions.  Like  gold  tried  in  the  tire,  I  trust  that  you, 
my  dear  friend,  will  be  found  more  pure  and  bright  than 
ever.  *****  From  the  nature  of  your  depart- 
ment, and  other  unavoidrble  causes,  you  have  not  had  an 
opportunity,  during  the  course  of  this  war,  of  evincing  that 
spirit  which  /  and  your  more  intimate  friends  know  you  to 
possess;  of  this  circumstance  prejudice  takes  a  cruel  advan- 
tage, and  malice  lends  an  easy  ear  to  her  dictates.  A  hint 
on  this  subject  is  sufficient.  You  will  not,  I  am  sure,  see 
this  place  till  your  conduct  gives  the  lie  to  this  insinuation, 
as  it  has  done  before  to  every  other  which  your  enemies  have 
so  industriously  circulated."* 

Schuyler,  in  reply,  expressed  the  most  ardent  wish  that 
Congress  would  order  him  to  attend  and  give  an  account  of 
his  conduct.  He  wished  his  friends  to  push  for  the  closest 
scrutiny,  confident  that  it  would  redound  to  his  honor.  "I 
would  not,  however,  wish  the  scrutiny  to  take  place  immedi- 
ately," adds  he,  "as  we  shall  probably  soon  have  an  engage- 
ment, if  we  are  so  reinforced  with  militia  as  to  give  us  a 
Erobable  chance  of  success.  *  *  *  Be  assured,  my  dear 
'iend,  if  a  general  engagement  takes  place,  whatever  may 
be  the  event,  you  will  not  have  occasion  to  blush  for  your 
friend,  "f 

It  seemed  to  be  the  object  of  Mr.  Schuyler's  enemies  to 
forestall  his  having  such  a  chance  of  distinguishing  himself. 
The  business  was  pushed  in  Congress  more  urgently  than 
even  Mr.  Duer  had  anticipated.  Beside  the  allegations 
against  him  in  regard  to  Ticonderoga,  his  unpopularity  in 
the  Eastern  States  was  urged  as  a  sufficient  reason  for 
discontinuing  him  in  his  present  command,  as  the  troops 
from  that  quarter  were  unwilling  to  serve  under  him.  This 
had  a  great  effect  in  the  present  time  of  peril,  with  several 
of  the  delegates  from  the  East,  who  discredited  the  other 
charges  against  him.  The  consequence  was,  that  after  long 
and  ardent  debates,  in  which  some  of  the  most  eminent 
delegates  from  New  York,  who  intimately  knew  his  worth, 

*  Schuyler's  Papers. 

f  Schuyler'a  Letter  Book. 


342  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  fen.  XLVI. 

stood  up  in  his  favor,  it  was  resolved  (Aug.  1st)  that  both 
General  Schuyler  and  General  St.  Glair  should  be  summoned 
to  head-quarters  to  account  for  the  misfortunes  in  the  North, 
and  that  Washington  should  be  directed  to  order  such 
general  officer  as  he  should  think  proper  to  succeed  General 
Schuyler  in  the  command  of  the  Northern  department. 

The  very  next  day  a  letter  was  addressed  to  Washington  by 
several  of  the  leading  Eastern  members,  men  of  unquestion- 
able good  faith,  such  as  Samuel  and  John  Adams,  urging 
the  appointment  of  Gates.  "No  man,  in  our  opinion,"  said 
they,  "will  be  more  likely  to  restore  harmony,  order  and  dis- 
cipline, and  retrieve  our  affairs  in  that  quarter.  He  has,  on 
experience,  acquired  the  confidence  and  stands  high  in  the 
esteem  of  the  Eastern  troops. ' ' 

Washington  excused  himself  from  making  any  nomination, 
alleging  that  the  Northern  department  had,  in  a  great 
measure,  been  considered  a  separate  one;  that,  moreover,  the 
situation  of  the  department  was  delicate,  and  might  involve 
interesting  and  delicate  consequences.  The  nomination, 
therefore,  was  made  by  Gongress;  the  Eastern  influence 
prevailed,  and  Gates  received  the  appointment,  so  long  the 
object  of  his  aspirations,  if  not  intrigues. 

Washington  deeply  regretted  the  removal  of  a  noble- 
hearted  man,  with  whom  he  had  acted  so  harmoniously, 
whose  exertions  had  been  so  energetic  and  unwearied,  and 
who  was  so  peculiarly  fitted  for  the  varied  duties  of  the 
department.  He  consoled  himself,  however,  with  the 
thought  that  the  excuse  of  want  of  confidence  in  the  general 
officers,  hitherto  alleged  by  the  Eastern  States  for  withhold- 
ing reinforcements,  would  be  obviated  by  the  presence  of 
this  man  of  their  choice. 

With  the  prevalent  wisdom  of  his  pen,  he  endeavored  to 
allay  the  distrusts  and  apprehensions  awakened  by  the  mis- 
fortune at  Ticonderoga,  which  he  considered  the  worst 
consequence  of  that  event.  "If  the  matter  were  coolly  and 
dispassionately  considered,"  writes  he  to  the  council  of 
safety  of  the  State  of  New  York,  "there  would  be  nothing 
found  so  formidable  in  General  Burgoyne  and  the  force 
under  him,  with  all  his  successes,  to  countenance  the  least 
degree  of  despondency;  and  experience  would  show,  that 
even  the  moderate  exertions  of  the  State  more  immediately 
interested,  would  be  sufficient  to  check  his  career,  and, 
perhaps,  convert  the  advantages  he  has  gained  to  his  ruin. 
*  *  *  If  I  do  not  give  so  effectual  aid  as  I  could 
wish  to  the  Northern  army,  it  is  not  from  want  of  inclina- 


1777.]  PBEJUDICE   AGAINST  SCHUYLER.  343 

tion,  nor  from  being  too  little  impressed  with  the  importance 
of  doing  it;  but  because  the  state  of  affairs  in  this  quarter 
will  not  possibly  admit  of  it.  It  would  be  the  height  of 
impolicy  to  weaken  ourselves  too  much  here,  in  order  to 
increase  our  strength  there;  and  it  must  certainly  be  con- 
sidered more  difficult,  as  well  as  of  greater  moment,  to 
control  the  main  army  of  the  enemy,  than  an  inferior,  and, 
I  may  sav,  dependent  one;  for  it  is  pretty  obvious  that  if 
General  flowe  can  be  kept  at  bay,  and  prevented  from  effect- 
ing his  purposes,  the  successes  of  General  Burgovne,  what- 
ever they  may  be,  must  be  partial  and  temporary.  '* 

The  sagacity  and  foresight  of  this  policy  will  be  manifested 
by  after  events. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  above  letter  was  written, 
he  officially  announced  to  Gates  his  appointment,  and  desired 
him  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  place  of  his  destination: 
wishing  him  success,  and  that  he  ''might  speedily  be  able  to 
restore  the  face  of  affairs  in  that  quarter." 

About  this  time  took  effect  a  measure  of  Congress,  making 
a  complete  change  in  the  commissariat.  This  important 
and  complicated  department  had  hitherto  been  under  the 
management  of  one  commissary-general,  Colonel  Joseph 
Trumbull  of  Connecticut.  By  the  new  arrangement  there 
were  to  be  two  commissaries-general,  one  of  purchases,  the 
other  of  issues;  each  to  be  appointed  by  Congress.  They 
were  to  have  several  deputy  commissaries  under  them,  but 
accountable  to  Congress,  and  to  be  appointed  and  removed 
by  that  body.  These,  and  many  subordinate  arrangements, 
had  been  adopted  in  opposition  to  the  opinion  of  Washing- 
ton, and,  most  unfortunately,  were  brought  into  operation 
in  the  midst  of  this  perplexed  and  critical  campaign. 

Their  first  effect  was  to  cause  the  resignation  of  Colonel 
Trumbull,  who  had  been  nominated  commissary  of  purchases; 
and  the  entrance  into  office  of  a  number  of  inexperienced 
men.  The  ultimate  effect  was  to  paralyze  the  organization 
of  this  vital  department;  to  cause  delay  and  confusion  in 
furnishing  and  forwarding  supplies;  and  to  retard  and 
embarrass  the  operations  of  the  different  armies  throughout 
the  year.  Washington  had  many  dangers  and  difficulties  to 
harass  and  perplex  him  throughout  this  complicated  cam- 
paign, and  not  among  the  least  may  be  classed  the  ''stum- 
blings of  Congress." 


NOTE.— An  author,  eminent  for  his  historical  researches,  expresses  himself  at  a 
988  to  explain  the  prrj i 
the  New  England  State* 


loss  to  explain  the  prejudice  existing  against  General  Schtiyler  among  the  people  of 
'  England  States.     "There  was  not  an  individual  connected  with  the  Kevo- 


344  LIFE  OF  BASHING-ION".  [en. 

lution,"  observed  he,  "concerning  whom  there  is  more  abundant  evidence  of  his 


cordiiv  to  Wilkinson,  the  parties  were  distinguished  by  the  designations  of  Yankee 
and  Yorker  The  zealous  exertions  of  SchuylT  on  behalf  of  New  York,  gained 
him  the  ill  will  of  the  Hampshire  grantees,  and  of  Eastern  men  of  the  lirst  rank 
with  whom  he  came  in  collision.  This  feeling  survived  the  controversy,  and  existed 
among  the  militia  from  those  parts.  On  the  other  hand,  Wilkinson  observes,  "It 
was  General  Gates's  policy  to  favor  the  views  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Hampshire 
Grants,  which  made  him  popular  with  these  people." 
Somewhat  of  the  prejudice  against  Schuyler  Wilkinson  ascribes  to  social  habits 


carriage  and  decorum  in  an  aristocratic  school ;  all  this  rendered  him  impatient  at 
times  of  the  deficiencies  in  these  respects  among  the  raw  militia  officers,  and  made 
the  latter  consider  him  haughty  and  reserved. 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

Washington's  Perplexities  about  the  British  Fleet — Putnam  and  Gov- 
ernor Clinton  Put  on  the  Alert  in  the  Highlands — Morgan  and  his 
Riflemen  Sent  to  the  North — Washington  at  Philadelphia  —  His 
First  Interview  with  Lafayette — Intelligence  about  the  Fleet — Ex- 
planations of  its  Movements — Review  of  the  Army — Lafayette 
Mistakes  the  Nature  of  his  Commission — His  Alliance  with  Wash- 
ington— March  of  the  Army  through  Philadelphia — Encampment 
at  Wilmington. 

Foil  several  days  Washington  remained  at  Germantown  in 
painful  uncertainty  about  the  British  fleet;  whether  gone  to 
the  south  or  to  the  east.  The  intense  heat  of  the  weather 
made  him  unwilling  again  to  move  his  army,  already  exces- 
sively harassed  by  marchings  and  counter-marchings.  Con- 
cluding at  length,  that  the  fleet  had  actually  gone  to  the  east, 
he  was  once  more  on  the  way  to  recross  the  Delaware,  when 
an  express  overtook  him  on  the  10th  of  August,  with  tidings 
that  three  days  before  it  had  been  seen  off  Sinepuxent  Inlet, 
about  sixteen  leagues  south  of  the  Capes  of  Delaware. 

Again  he  came  to  a  halt,  and  waited  for  further  intelli- 
gence. Danger  suggested  itself  from  a  different  quarter. 
Might  it  not  be  Howe's  plan,  by  thus  appearing  with  his 
ships  at  different  places,  to  lure  the  army  after  him,  and 
thereby  leave  the  country  open  for  Sir  Henry  Clinton  with 
the  troops  at  New  York  to  form  a  junction  with  Burgoyne? 


1777.]  PUTNAM   OX   THE   ALERT.  345 

With  this  idea  Washington  wrote  forthwith  to  the  veteran 
Putnam  to  be  on  the  alert;  collect  all  the  force  he  could  to 
strengthen  his  post  at  Peekskill,  and  send  down  spies  to 
ascertain  whether  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  actually  at  New 
York,  and  what  troops  he  had  there.  ''If  he  has  the 
number  of  men  with  him  that  is  reported,"  observes  Wash- 
ington, ''it  is  probably  with  the  intention  to  attack  you 
from  below,  while  Burgoyne  comes  down  upon  you  from 
above." 

The  old  general,  whose  boast  it  was  that  he  never  slept 
but  with  one  eye,  was  already  on  the  alert.  A  circumstance 
had  given  him  proof  positive  that  Sir  Henry  was  in  New 
York,  and  had  roused  his  military  ire.  A  spy,  sent  by  that 
commander,  had  been  detected  furtively  collecting  informa- 
tion of  the  force  and  condition  of  the  post  at  Peekskill,  and 
had  undergone  a  military  trial.  A  vessel  of  war  came  up 
the  Hudson  in  all  haste,  and  landed  a  flag  of  truce  at 
"Verplanck's  Point,  by  which  a  message  was  transmitted  to 
Putnam  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  claiming  Edmund  Palmer 
as  a  lieutenant  in  the  British  service. 

The  reply  of  the  old  general  was  brief  but  emphatic. 

"HEAD-QUARTERS,  7th  Aug.,  1777. 

"Edmund  Palmer,  an  officer  in  the  enemy's  service,  was 
taken  as  a  spy  lurking  within  our  lines;  he  has  been  tried  as 
a  spy,  condemned  as  a  spy,  and  shall  be  executed  as  a  spy; 
and  the  flag  is  ordered  to  depart  immediately. 

"ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 
"P.  S. — He  has,  accordingly,  been  executed.'* 

Governor  Clinton,  the  other  guardian  of  the  Highlands, 
and  actually  at  his  post  at  Fort  Montgomery,  was  equally  on 
the  alert.  He  had  faithfully  followed  Washington's  direc- 
tions, in  ordering  out  militia  from  different  counties  to 
reinforce  his  own  garrison  and  the  army  under  Schuyler. 
"I  never  knew  the  militia  come  out  with  greater  alacrity," 
writes  he;  "but,  as  many  of  them  have  yet  a  great  part  of 
their  harvests  in  the  field,  I  fear  it  will  be  difficult  to  detain 
them  long,  unless  the  enemy  will  make  some  movements 
that  indicate  a  design  of  coming  this  way  suddenly,  and  so 
obvious  as  to  be  believed  by  the  militia." 

At  the  same  time,  the  worthy  governor  expressed  his 
surprise  that  the  Northern  army  had  not  been  reinforced 
from  the  eastward.  "The  want  of  confidence  in  the  general 
officers  to  the  northward,"  adds  he,  "is  the  specious  reason. 


346  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLVII. 

To  me  it  appears  a  very  weak  one.  Common  gratitude  to  a 
sister  State,  as  well  as  duty  to  the  continent  at  large, 
conspire  in  calling  on  our  eastern  neighbors  to  step  forth  on 
this  occasion." 

One  measure  more  was  taken  by  Washington,,  during  this 
interval,  in  aid  of  the  Northern  department.  The  Indians 
who  accompanied  Burgoyne  were  objects  of  great  dread  to 
the  American  troops,  especially  the  militia.  As  a  counter- 
poise to  them,  he  now  sent  up  Colonel  Morgan  with  five 
hundred  riflemen,  to  fight  them  in  their  own  way.  "They 
are  all  chosen  men,"  said  he,  "selected  from  the  army  at 
large,  and  well  acquainted  with  the  use  of  rifles  and  with 
that  mode  of  fighting.  I  expect  the  most  eminent  services 
from  them,  and  I  shall  be  mistaken  if  their  presence  does 
not  go  far  toward  producing  a  general  desertion  among  the 
savages."  It  was,  indeed,  an  arm  of  strength,  which  he 
could  but  ill  spare  from  his  own  army. 

Putnam  was  directed  to  have  sloops  ready  to  transport 
them  up  the  Hudson,  and  Gates  was  informed  of  their  being 
on  the  way,  and  about  what  time  he  might  expect  them,  as 
well  as  two  regiments  from  Peekskill,  under  Colonels  Van 
Courtlandt  and  Livingston. 

"With  these  reinforcements,  besides  the  militia  under 
General  Lincoln,"  writes  Washington  to  Gates,  "I  am  in 
hopes  you  will  find  yourself  at  least  equal  to  stop  the  progress 
of  Mr.  Burgoyne,  and,  by  cutting  off  his  supplies  of  provis- 
ions, to  render  his  situation  very  ineligible."  Washington 
was  thus,  in  a  manner,  carrying  on  two  games  at  once,  with 
Howe  on  the  seaboard  and  with  Burgoyne  on  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Hudson,  and  endeavoring  by  skillful  movements 
to  give  check  to  both.  It  was  an  arduous  and  complicated 
task,  especially  with  his  scanty  and  fluctuating  means,  and 
the  wide  extent  of  country  and  great  distances  over  which 
he  had  to  move  his  men. 

His  measures  to  throw  a  force  in  the  rear  of  Burgoyne 
were  now  in  a  fair  way  of  being  carried  into  effect.  Lincoln 
was  at  Bennington.  Stark  had  joined  him  with  a  body  of 
New  Hampshire  militia,  and  a  corps  of  Massachusetts  militia 
was  arriving.  "Such  a  force  in  his  rear,"  observed  Wash- 
ington, "will  oblige  Burgoyne  to  leave  such  strong  posts 
behind  as  must  make  his  main  body  very  weak,  and 
extremely  capable  of  being  repulsed  by  the  force  we  have  in 
front." 

During  his  encampment  in  the  neighborhood  of  Phila- 
delphia, Washington  was  repeatedly  at  that  city,  making 


1777.]  LAFAYETTE.  347 

himself  acquainted  with  the  military  capabilities  of  the 
place  and  its  surrounding  country,  and  directing  the  con- 
strucfion  of  fortifications  on  the  river.  In  one  of  these  visits 
he  became  acquainted  with  the  young  Marquis  de  Lafayette, 
who  had  recently  arrived  from  France,  in  company  with  a 
number  of  French,  Polish,  and  German  officers,  among 
whom  was  the  Baron  de  Kalb.  The  marquis  was  not  quite 
twenty  years  of  age,  yet  had  already  been  married  nearly 
three  years  to  a  lady  of  rank  and  fortune.  Full  of  the 
romance  of  liberty,  he  had  torn  himself  from  his  youthful 
bride,  turned  his  back  upon  the  gayeties  and  splendors  of 
a  court,  and  in  defiance  of  impediments  and  difficulties 
multiplied  in  his  path,  had  made  his  way  to  America  to  join 
its  hazardous  fortunes. 

He  sent  in  his  letters  of  recommendation  to  Mr.  Lovell, 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs;  and  applied 
the  next  day  at  the  door  of  Congress  to  know  his  success. 
Mr.  Lovell  came  forth,  and  gave  him  but  little  encourage- 
ment; Congress,  in  fact,  was  embarrassed  by  the  number  of 
foreign  applications,  many  without  merit.  Lafayette 
immediately  sent  in  the  following  note:  "After  my  sacri- 
fices, I  have  the  right  to  ask  two  favors;  one  is  to  serve  at 
my  own  expense;  the  other,  to  commence  by  serving  as  a 
volunteer.  * 

This  simple  appeal  had  its  effect:  it  called  attention  to  his 
peculiar  case,  and  Congress  resolved  on  the  31st  of  July,  that 
in  consideration  of  his  zeal,  his  illustrious  family  and  connec- 
tions he  should  have  the  rank  of  major-general  in  the  army 
of  the  United  States. 

It  was  at  a  public  dinner,  where  a  number  of  members  of 
Congress  were  present,  that  Lafayette  first  saw  Washington. 
He  immediately  knew  him,  he  said,  from  the  officers  who 
surrounded  him,  by  his  commanding  air  and  person.  When 
the  party  was  breaking  up,  Washington  took  him  aside, 
complimented  him  in  a  gracious  manner  on  his  disinterested 
zeal  and  the  generosity  of  his  conduct,  and  invited  him  to 
make  head-quarters  his  home.  "I  cannot  promise  you  the 
luxuries  of  a  court,"  said  he,  "but  as  you  have  become  an 
American  soldier,  you  will,  doubtless,  accommodate  yourself 
to  the  fare  of  an  American  army." 

Many  days  had  now  elapsed  without  further  tidings  of  the 
fleet.  What  had  become  of  it?  Had  Howe  gone  against 
Charleston?  If  so,  the  distance  was  too  great  to  think  of 

*  Memoir?  do  Gen.  Lafayette,  torn,  i.,  p.  19, 


348  MI'E   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLVH. 

following  him.  Before  the  army,  debilitated  and  wasted  by 
a  long  march,  under  a  summer  sun,  in  an  unhealthy  climate, 
could  reach  there,  he  might  accomplish  every  purpose  he 
had  in  view,  and  re-embark  his  troops  to  turn  his  arms 
against  Philadelphia,  or  any  other  point,  without  the  army 
being  at  hand  to  oppose  him^ 

What,  under  these  uncertainties,  was  to  be  done?  remain 
inactive,  in  the  remote  probability  of  Howe's  returning  this 
way;  or  proceed  to  the  Hudson  with  a  view  either  to  oppose 
Burgoyne,  or  make  an  attempt  upon  New  York?  A 
successful  stroke  with  respect  to  either,  might  make  up  for 
any  losses  sustained  in  the  South.  The  latter  Avas  unan- 
imously determined  in  a  council  of  war,  in  which  the 
Marquis  Lafayette  took  part.  As  it  was,  however,  a  move- 
ment that  might  involve  the  most  important  consequences,, 
Washington  sent  his  aide-de-camp,  Colonel  Alexander 
Hamilton,  with  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  re- 
questing the  opinion  of  that  body.  Congress  approved  the 
decision  of  the  council,  and  the  army  was  about  to  be  put  in 
march,  when  all  these  tormenting  uncertainties  were  brought 
to  an  end  by  intelligence  that  the  fleet  had  actually  entered 
the  Chesapeake,  and  anchored  at  Swan  Point,  at  least  two 
hundred  miles  within  the  capes.  "By  General  Howe's 
coming  so  far  up  the  Chesapeake,"  writes  Washington,  "he 
must  mean  to  reach  Philadelphia  by  that  route,  though  to  be 
sure  it  is  a  strange  one." 

The  mystery  of  these  various  appearances  and  vanishings, 
which  had  caused  so  much  wonder  and  perplexity,  is  easily 
explained.  Shortly  before  putting  to  sea  with  the  ships  of 
war,  Howe  had  sent  a  number  of  transports,  and  a  ship  cut 
down  as  a  floating  battery,  up  the  Hudson,  whioh  had 
induced  Washington  to  dispatch  troops  to  the  Highlands. 
After  putting  to  sea,  the  fleet  was  a  week  in  reaching  the 
Capes  of  Delaware.  When  there,  the  commanders  were 
deterred  from  entering  the  river  by  reports  of  measures  taken 
to  obstruct  its  navigation.  It  was  then  determined  to  make 
for  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  approach,  in  that  way,  as  near  as 
possible  to  Philadelphia.  Contrary  winds,  however,  kept 
them  for  a  long  time  from  getting  into  the  bay. 

Lafayette,  in  his  memoirs,  describes  a  review  of  Washing- 
ton's army  which  he  witnessed  about  this  time.  "Eleven 
thousand  men,  but  tolerably  armed,  and  still  worse  clad, 
presented,"  he  said,  "a  singular  spectacle;  in  this  parti- 
colored and  often  naked  state,  the  best  dresses  were  hunting 
shirts  of  brown  linen.  Their  tactics  were  equally  irregular. 


1777.]          LAFAYETTE'S  COMMISSION  HONORARY.  349 

They  were  arranged  without  regard  to  size,  excepting  that 
the  smallest  men  were  the  front  rank;  with  all  this,  there 
were  good-looking  soldiers  conducted  by  zealous  officers." 

"We  ought  to  feel  embarrassed,"  said  Washington  to  him, 
"in  presenting  ourselves  before  an  officer  just  from  the 
French  army." 

"It  is  to  learn,  and  not  to  instruct,  that  I  come  here,"  was 
Lafayette's  :vpt  and  modest  reply;  and  it  gained  him  imme- 
diate popularity. 

The  marquis,  however,  had  misconceived  the  nature  of  his 
appointment;  his  com  mission  was  merely  honorary,  but  he  had 
supposed  it  given  with  a  view  to  the  command  of  a  division 
of  the  army.  This  misconception  on  his  part  caused  Wash- 
ington some  embarrassment.  The  marquis,  with  his  charac- 
teristic vivacity  and  ardor,  was  eager  for  immediate  employ. 
He  admitted  that  he  was  young  and  inexperienced,  but 
always  accompanied  the  admission  with  the  assurance  that, 
so  soon  as  Washington  should  think  him  fit  for  the  command 
of  a  division,  he  would  be  ready  to  enter  upon  the  duties  of 
it,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  offered  his  services  for  a  smaller 
command.  "What  the  designs  of  Congress  respecting  this 
gentleman  are,  and  what  line  of  conduct  I  am  to  pursue  to 
comply  with  their  design  and  his  expectations,"  writes 
Washington,  "I  know  not,  and  beg  to  be  instructed." 

"The  numberless  applications  for  employment  by  foreign- 
ers under  their  respective  appointments,"  continues  he, 
";i<ld  no  small  embarrassment  to  a  command,  which,  without 
it,  is  abundantly  perplexed  by  the  different  tempers  I  have 
to  do  with,  and  the  different  modes  which  the  respective 
States  have  pursued  in  nominating  and  arranging  their 
officers;  the  combination  of  all  which  is  but  too  just  a  repre- 
sentation of  a  great  chaos,  from  whence  we  are  endeavoring, 
him'  succexafully  time  only  can  show,  to  draw  some  regularity 
and  order/'*  How  truly  is  here  depicted  one  of  the  great 
difficulties  of  his  command,  continually  tasking  his  equity 
and  equanimity.  In  the  present  instance  it  was  intimated 
to  Washington,  that  he  was  not  bound  by  the  tenor  of  Lafay- 
ette's commission  to  give  him  a  command;  but  was  at  liberty 
to  follow  his  own  judgment  in  the  matter.  This  still  left 
him  in  a  delicate  situation  with  respect  to  the  marquis, 
whose  prepossessing  manners  and  self-sacrificing  zeal  inspired 
regard;  but  whose  extreme  youth  and  inexperience  necessi- 
tated caution.  Lafayette,  however,  from  the  first  attached 

*  Washington  to  Benj.  Harrison.    Sparks,  v.,  85. 


350  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLVII0 

himself  to  "Washington  with  an  affectionate  reverence,  the 
sincerity  of  which  could  not  be  mistaken,  and  soon  won  his 
way  into  a  heart,  which,  with  all  its  apparent  coldness,  was 
naturally  confiding,  and  required  sympathy  and  _ friendship; 
and  it  is  a  picture  well  worthy  to  be  hung  up  in  history — 
this  cordial  and  enduring  alliance  of  the  calm,  dignified, 
sedate  Washington,  mature  in  years  and  wisdom,  and  the 
young,  buoyant,  enthusiastic  Lafayette. 

The  several  divisions  of  the  army  had  been  summoned  to 
the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  militia 
of  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  the  northern  parts  of 
Virginia  were  called  out.  Many  of  the  militia,  with  Colonel 
Proctor's  corps  of  artillery,  had  been  ordered  to  rendezvous 
at  Chester  on  the  Delaware,  about  twelve  miles  below 
Philadelphia;  and  by  Washington's  orders,  General  Wayne 
left  his  brigade  under  the  next  in  command,  and  repaired  to 
Chester,  to  arrange  the  troops  assembling  there. 

As  there  had  been  much  disaffection  to  the  cause  evinced 
in  Philadelphia,  Washington,  in  order  to  encourage  its 
friends  and  dishearten  its  enemies,  marched  with  the  whole 
army  through  the  city,  down  Front  and  up  Chestnut  street. 
Great  pains  were  taken  to  make  the  display  as  imposing  as 
possible.  All  were  charged  to  keep  to  their  ranks,  carry 
their  arms  well,  and  step  in  time  to  the  music  of  the  drums 
and  fifes,  collected  in  the  center  of  each  brigade.  "Though 
indifferently  dressed,"  says  a  spectator,  "they  held  well- 
burnished  arms,  and  carried  them  like  soldiers,  and  looked, 
in  short,  as  if  they  might  have  faced  an  equal  number  with 
a  reasonable  prospect  of  success."  To  -give  them  something 
of  a  uniform  appearance,  they  had  sprigs  of  green  in  their 
hats. 

Washington  rode  at  the  head  of  the  troops  attended  by  his 
numerous  staff,  with  the  Marquis  Lafayette  by  his  side. 
The  long  column  of  the  army,  broken  into  divisions  and 
brigades,  the  pioneers  with  their  axes,  the  squadrons  of 
horse,  the  extended  trains  of  artillery,  the  tramp  of  steed, 
the  bray  of  trumpet,  and  the  spirit-stirring  sound  of  drum 
and  fife,  all  had  an  imposing  effect  on  a  peaceful  city  unused 
to  the  sight  of  marshaled  armies.  The  disaffected,  who  had 
been  taught  to  believe  the  American  forces  much  less  than 
they  were  in  reality,  were  astonished  as  they  gazed  on  the 
lengthening  procession  of  a  host,  which,  to  their  unpracticed 
eyes,  appeared  innumerable;  while  the  whigs,  gaining  fresh 
hope  and  animation  from  the  sight,  cheered  the  patriot 
squadrons  as  they  passed. 


1777.J  BUKGOYKE  AT  SKENESBOROUGH.  351 

Having  marchecTthrough  Philadelphia,  the  army  continued 
on  to  Wilmington,  at  the  confluence  of  Christiana  Creek 
and  the  Brandywine,  where  Washington  set  up  his  head- 
quarters, his  troops  being  encamped  on  the  neighboring 
heights. 

We  will  now  revert  to  the  other  object  of  Washington's 
care  and  solicitude,  the  invading  army  of  Burgoyne  in  the 
North;  and  will  see  how  far  his  precautionary  measures 
were  effective. 


CHAPTER   XLVIII. 

Burgoyne  at  Skenesborougb— Prepares  to  Move  toward  the  Hudson — 
Major  Skcne  the  Royalist — Slow  March  to  Fort  Anne — Schuyler  at 
Fort  Miller — Painted  Warriors — Langlade — St.  Luc — Honor  of  the 
Tomahawk — Tragical  History  of  Miss  McCrea — Its  Results — Bur- 
goyne Advances  to  Fort  Edward — Schuyler  at  Stillwater — Joined 
by  Lincoln — Burgoyne  Deserted  by  his  Indian  Allies. 


IN  a  preceding  chapter  we  left  Burgoyne,  early  in  July, 
at  Skenesborough,  of  which  he  had  just  gained  possession. 
He  remained  there  nearly  three  weeks,  awaiting  the  arrival 
of  the  residue  of  his  troops,  with  tents,  baggage  and  provis- 
ions, and  preparing  for  his  grand  move  toward  the  Hudson 
Kiver.  Many  royalists  flocked  to  his  standard.  One  of  the 
most  important  was  Major  Skene,  from  whom  the  place  was 
named,  being  its  founder,  and  the  owner  of  much  land  in 
its  neighborhood.  Ho  had  served  in  the  French  war,  but 
retired  on  half  pay;  bought  "soldiers'  grants"  of  land  lying 
within  this  township,  at  a  trifling  price,  had  their  titles 
secured  by  royal  patent,  and  thus  made  a  fortune.  Burgoyne 
considered  him  a  valuable  adjunct  and  counselor,  and 
frequently  took  advice  from  him  in  his  campaign  through 
this  part  of  the  country. 

The  progress  of  the  army  toward  the  Hudson  was  slow 
and  difficult,  in  consequence  of  the  impediments  which 
Schuyler  had  multiplied  in  his  way  during  his  long  halt  at 
Skenesborough.  Bridges  broken  down  had  to  be  rebuilt; 
great  trees  to  be  removed  which  had  been  felled  across  the 
roads  and  into  Wood  Creek,  which  stream  was  completely 
choked.  It  was  not  until  the  latter  part  of  July  that  Bur- 
goyne reached  Fort  Anne.  At  his  approach,  General 


352  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  XLVHI. 

Schuyler  retired  from  Fort  Edward  and  took  post  at  Fort 
Miller,  a  few  miles  lower  down  the  Hudson. 

The  Indian  allies  who  had  hitherto  accompanied  the 
British  army,  had  been  more  troublesome  than  useful. 
Neither  Burgoyne  nor  his  officers  understood  their  language, 
but  were  obliged  to  communicate  with  them  through 
Canadian  interpreters;  too  often  designing  knaves,  who 
played  false  to  both  parties.  The  Indians,  too,  were  of  the 
tribes  of  Lower  Canada,  corrupted  and  debased  by  inter- 
course with  white  men.  It  had  been  found  difficult  to  draw 
them  from  the  plunder  of  Ticonderoga,  or  to  restrain  their 
murderous  propensities. 

A  party  had  recently  arrived  of  a  different  stamp. 
Braves  of  the  Ottawa  and  other  tribes  from  the  upper 
country;  painted  and  decorated  with  savage  magnificence, 
and  bearing  trophies  of  former  triumphs.  They  were,  in 
fact,  according  to  Burgoyne,  the  very  Indians  who  had  aided 
the  French  in  the  defeat  of  Brad  dock,  and  were  under  the 
conduct  of  two  French  leaders;  one,  named  Langlade,  had 
command  of  them  on  that  very  occasion;  the  other,  named 
St.  Luc,  is  described  by  Burgoyne  as  a  Canadian  gentleman 
of  honor  and  abilities,  and  one  of  the  best  partisans  of  the 
French  in  the  war  of  1756. 

Burgoyne  trusted  to  his  newly  arrived  Indians  to  give  a 
check  to  the  operations  of  Schuyler,  knowing  the  terror  they 
inspired  throughout  the  country.  He  thought  also  to 
employ  them  in  a  wild  foray  to  the  Connecticut  River,  to 
force  a  supply  of  provisions,  intercept  reinforcements  to  the 
American  army,  and  confirm  the  jealousy  which  he  had,  in 
many  ways,  endeavored  to  excite  in  the  New  England  prov- 
inces. He  was  naturally  a  humane  man,  and  disliked 
Indian  allies,  but  these  had  hitherto  served  in  company 
with  civilized  troops,  and  he  trusted  to  the  influence 
possessed  over  them  by  St.  Luc  and  Langlade,  to  keep  them 
within  the  usages  of  war.  A  circumstance  occurred,  how- 
ever, which  showed  how  little  the  "wild  honor"  of  these 
warriors  of  the  tomahawk  is  to  be  depended  upon. 

In  General  Eraser's  division  was  a  young  officer,  Lieuten- 
ant David  Jones,  an  American  loyalist.  His  family  had 
their  home  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Edward  before  the 
Revolution.  A  mutual  attachment  had  taken  place  between 
the  youth  and  a  beautiful  girl,  Jane  McCrea.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  a  Scotch  Presbyterian  clergyman  of  the  Jerseys, 
some  time  deceased,  and  resided  with  her  brother  on  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson  a  few  miles  below  Fort  Edward.  The 


I'm.]  MURDER  OF   MISS  McCREA.  353 

lovers  were  engaged  to  be  married,  when  the  breaking  out 
of  the  war  severed  families  and  disturbed  all  the  relations  of 
life.  The  Joneses  were  royalists;  the  brother  of  Miss  McCrea 
was  a  stanch  whig.  The  former  removed  to  Canada,  where 
David  Jones  was  among  the  most  respectable  of  those  who 
joined  the  royal  standard,  and  received  a  lieutenant's 
commission. 

The  attachment  between  the  lovers  continued,  and  it  is 
probable  that  a  correspondence  was  kept  up  between  them. 
Lieutenant  Jones  was  now  in  Fraser's  camp;  in  his  old 
neighborhood.  Miss  McCrea  was  on  a  visit  to  a  widow  lady, 
Mrs.  O'Niel,  residing  at  Fort  Edward.  The  approach  of 
Burgoyne's  army  had  spread  an  alarm  through  the  country; 
the  inhabitants  were  flying  from  their  homes.  The  brother 
of  Miss  McCrea  determined  to  remove  to  Albany,  and  sent 
for  his  sister  to  return  home  and  make  ready  to  accompany 
him.  She  hesitated  to  obey.  He  sent  a  more  urgent 
message,  representing  the  danger  of  lingering  near  the  fort, 
which  must  inevitably  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
Still  she  lingered.  The  lady  with  whom  she  was  a  guest 
was  a  royalist,  a  friend  of  General  Fraser;  her  roof  would  be 
respected.  Even  should  Fort  Edward  be  captured,  what 
had  Jane  to  feur?  Her  lover  was  in  the  British  camp;  the 
capture  of  the  fort  would  reunite  them. 

Her  brother's  messages  now  became  peremptory.  She 
1' iv pared,  reluctantly,  to  obey,  and  was  to  embark  in  a  large 
mtean  which  was  to  convey  several  families  down  the  river. 
Tln»  very  morning  when  the  embarkation  was  to  take  place, 
the  neighborhood  was  a  scene  of  terror.  A  marauding  party 
of  Indians,  sent  out  by  Burgoyne  to  annoy  General  Schuyler, 
were  harassing  the  country.  Several  of  them  burst  into  the 
house  of  Mrs.  O'Niel,  sacked  and  plundered  it,  and  carried 
off  her  and  Miss  McCrea  prisoners.  In  her  fright  the  latter 
promised  the  savages  a  large  reward,  if  they  would  spare  her 
life  and  take  her  in  safety  to  the  British  camp.  It  was  a 
fatal  promise.  Halting  at  a  spring,  a  quarrel  arose  among 
the  savages,  inflamed  most  probably  with  drink,  as  to  whose 
prize  she  was,  and  who  was  entitled  to  the  reward.  The 
dispute  became  furious,  and  one,  in  a  paroxysm  of  rage, 
killed  her  on  the  spot.  He  completed  the  savage  act  by 
bearing  off  her  scalp  as  a  trophy. 

General  Burgoyne  was  struck  with  horror  when  he  heard 

of  this  bloody  deed.     What  at  first  heightened  the  atrocity 

was  a  report  that  the  Indians  had  been  sent  by  Lieutenant 

Jones  to  bring  Miss  McCrea  to  the  camp.     This  he  positively 

12 


354  LIFE  OF   WASHIJSTGTOK.  [CH.  XLVIH. 

denied,  and  his  denial  was  believed.  Burgoyne  summoned  a 
council  of  the  Indian  chiefs,  in  which  lie  insisted  that  the 
murderer  of  Miss  McCrea  should  be  given  up  to  receive  the 
reward  of  his  crime.  The  demand  produced  a  violent  agita- 
tion. The  culprit  was  a  great  warrior,  a  chief,  and  the 
"wild  honor"  of  his  brother  sachems  was  roused  in  his 
behalf.  St.  Luc  took  Burgoyne  aside,  and  entreated  him  not 
to  push  the  matter  to  extremities;  assuring  him  that,  from 
what  was  passing  among  the  chiefs,  he  was  sure  they  and 
their  warriors  would  all  abandon  the  army,  should  the 
delinquent  be  executed.  The  British  officers  also  interfered, 
representing  the  danger  that  might  accrue  should  the 
Indians  return  through  Canada,  with  their  savage  resentments 
awakened,  or,  what  was  worse,  should  they  go  over  to  the 
Americans. 

Burgoyne  was  thus  reluctantly  brought  to  spare  the 
offender,  but  thenceforth  made  it  a  rule  that  no  party  of 
Indians  should  be  permitted  to  go  forth  on  a  foray  unless 
under  the  conduct  of  a  British  officer,  or  some  other  com- 
petent person,  who  should  be  responsible  for  their  behavior. 

The  mischief  to  the  British  cause,  however,  had  been 
effected.  The  murder  of  Miss  McCrea  resounded  throughout 
the  land,  counteracting  all  the  benefit  anticipated  from  the 
terror  of  Indian  hostilities.  Those  people  of  the  frontiers, 
who  had  hitherto  remained  quiet,  now  flew  to  arms  to  clef  end 
their  families  and  firesides.  In  their  exasperation  they  looked 
beyond  the  savages  to  their  employers.  They  abhorred  an 
army,  which,  professing  to  be  civilized,  could  league  itself 
with  such  barbarians;  and  they  execrated  a  government, 
which,  pretending  to  reclaim  them  as  subjects,  could  let 
loose  such  fiends  to  desolate  their  homes. 

The  blood  of  this  unfortunate  girl,  therefore,  was  not  shed 
in  vain.  Annies  sprang  up  from  it.  Her  name  passed  as  a 
note  of  alarm,  along  the  banks  of  the  Hudson;  it  was  a 
rallying  word  among  the  Green  Mountains  of  Vermont,  and 
brought  down  all  their  hardy  yeomanry.* 

*  The  sad  story  of  Miss  McCrea,  like  many  other  incidents  of  the  Revolution,  has 
been  related  in  such  a  variety  of  ways,  and  so  wrought  up  by  tradition,  that  it  is 
difficult  now  to  get  at  the  simple  truth.  Some  of  the  above  circumstances  were  de- 
rived from  a  niece  of  Miss  McOrea,  whom  the  author  met  upward  of  lifty  years 
since,  at  her  residence  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  A  stone,  with  hi  r  name 
cut  on  it,  still  marks  the  grave  of  Miss  McCrea  near  the  rnins  of  Fort  Edward  :  and 
a  tree  is  pointed  out  near  which  she  was  murdered.  Lieutenant  Jones  is  said  to 
have  been  completely  broken  in  spirit  by  the  shock  of  her  death.  Procuring  her 
scalp,  with  its  long  silken  tresses,  he  brooded  over  it  in  anguish,  and  preserved  it  as 
a  sa-i,  but  precious  relic.  Disgusted  with  the  service,  he  threw  up  his  commission, 
and  retired  to  Canada  ;  never  marrying,  but  living  to  be  an  old  man  ;  taciturn  and 
melancholy,  and  haunted  by  painful  recollections. 


1777.]  BURGOYNE  AT  £ORT   EDWARD.  355 

As  Burgoyne  advanced  to  Fort  Edward,  Schuyler  fell  still 
further  back,  and  took  post  at  Saratoga,  or  rather  Stillwater, 
about  thirty  miles  from  Albany.  He  had  been  joined  by 
Major-General  Lincoln,  who,  according  to  Washington's 
directions,  had  hastened  to  his  assistance.  In  pursuance  of 
Washington's  plans,  Lincoln  proceeded  to  Manchester  in 
Vermont,  to  take  command  of  the  militia  forces  collecting  at 
that  point.  His  presence  inspired  new  confidence  in  the 
country  people,  who  were  abandoning  their  homes,  leaving 
their  crops  ungathered,  and  taking  refuge  with  their  families 
in  the  lower  towns.  He  found  about  five  hundred  militia 
assembled  at  Manchester,  under  Colonel  Seth  Warner; 
others  were  coming  on  from  New  Hampshire  and  Massachu- 
setts, to  protect  their  uncovered  frontier.  His  letters  dated 
the  4th  of  August,  expressed  the  expectation  of  being,  in  a 
few  days,  at  the  head  of  at  least  two  thousand  men.  With 
these,  according  to  Washington's  plan,  he  was  to  hang  on 
the  flunk  and  rear  of  Burgoyne's  army,  cramp  its  movements, 
and  watch  for  an  opportunity  to  strike  a  blow. 

Burgoyne  was  now  at  Fort  Edward.  "The  enthusiasm 
of  the  army,  as  well  as  of  the  general,  upon  their  arrival  on 
the  Hudson  River,  which  had  been  so  long  the  object  of 
their  hopes  and  wishes,  may  be  better  conceived  than 
described,"  says  a  British  writer  of  the  day.  The  enthusiasm 
of  the  general  was  soon  checked,  however,  by  symptoms  of 
ill-humor  among  his  Indian  allies.  They  resented  his 
conduct  in  regard  to  the  affair  of  Miss  McCrea,  and  were 
impatient  under  the  restraint  to  which  they  were  subjected. 
He  suspected  the  Canadian  interpreters  of  fomenting  this 
discontent;  they  being  accustomed  to  profit  by  the  rapine  of 
the  Indians.  At  the  earnest  request  of  St.  Luc,  in  whom  he 
still  had  confidence,  he  called  a  council  of  the  chiefs;  when, 
to  his  astonishment,  the  tribe  for  whom  that  gentleman 
acted  as  interpreter,  declared  their  "intention  of  returning 
home,  and  demanded  his  concurrence  and  assistance. 

Burgoyne  was  greatly  embarrassed.  Should  he  acquiesce, 
it  would  be  to  relinquish  the  aid  of  a  force  obtained  at  an 
immense  expense,  esteemed  in  England  of  great  importance, 
and  which  really  was  serviceable  in  furnishing  scouts  and 
outposts;  yet  he  saw  that  a  cordial  reconciliation  with  them 
could  only  be  effected  by  revoking  his  prohibitions,  and 
indulging  their  propensities  to  blood  and  rapine. 

To  his  credit  be  it  recorded,  he  adhered  to  what  was  right, 
and  rejected  what  might  be  deemed  expedient.  He  refused 
their  proposition,  and  persisted  in  the  restraints  he  had 


356  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON?.  [CH.  XLIX. 

imposed  upon  them,  but  appealed  to  the  wild  honor,  of 
which  he  yet  considered  them  capable,  by  urging  the  ties  of 
faith,  of  generosity,  of  everything  that  has  an  influence 
with  civilized  man.  His  speech  appeared  to  have  a  good 
effect.  Some  of  the  remote  tribes  made  zealous  professions 
of  loyalty  and  adhesion.  Others,  of  Lower  Canada,  only 
asked  furloughs  for  parties  to  return  home  and  gather  in  their 
harvests.  These  were  readily  granted,  and  perfect  harmony 
seemed  restored.  The  next  day,  however,  the  chivalry  of 
the  wilderness  deserted  by  scores,  laden  with  such  spoil  as 
they  had  collected  in  their  maraudings.  These  desertions 
continued  from  day  to  day,  until  there  remained  in  the 
camp  scarce  a  vestige  of  the  savage  warriors  that  had  joined 
the  army  at  Skenesbourgh. 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

Difficulties  of  Burgoyne — Plans  an  Expedition  to  Bennington — St. 
Leger  before  Fort  Stanwix — General  Herkimer  at  Oriskany — High 
Words  with  his  Officers — A  Dogged  March — An  Ambuscade — 
Battle  of  Oriskany — Johnson's  Greens — Death  of-  Herkimer — 
Spirited  Sortie  of  Colonel  Willett — Sir  John  Johnson  Driven  to  the 
River — Flight  of  the  Indians — Sacking  of  Sir  John's  Camp — 
Colonel  Gansevoort  Maintains  his  Post — Colonel  Willett  Sent  in 
Quest  of  Aid — Arrives  at  Schuyler's  Camp. 

NEW  difficulties  beset  Burgoyne  at  Fort  Edward.  The 
horses  which  had  been  contracted  for  in  Canada,  for  draft, 
burden  and  saddle,  arrived  slowly  and  scantily;  having  to 
come  a  long  distance  through  the  wilderness.  Artillery  and 
munitions,  too,  of  all  kinds,  had  to  be  brought  from  Ticon- 
deroga  by  the  way  of  Lake  George.  These,  with  a  vast 
number  of  boats  for  freight,  or  to  form  bridges,  it  was 
necessary  to  transport  over  the  carrying  places  between  the 
lakes;  and  by  land  from  Fort  George  to  Fort  Edward. 
Unfortunately,  the  army  had  not  the  requisite  suppty  of  horses 
and  oxen.  So  far  from  being  able  to  bring  forward  provisions 
for  a  march;  it  was  with  difficulty  enough  could  be  furnished 
to  feed  the  army  from  day  to  day. 

While  thus  situated,  Burgoyne  received  intelligence  that 
the  part  of  his  army  which  he  had  detached  from  Canada 
under  Colonel  St.  Leger,  to  proceed  by  Lake  Ontario  and 


1777.]  EXPEDITION  TO   BfiNHlNGfOtf.  357 

Oswego  and  make  a  diversion  on  the  Mohawk,  had  penetrated 
to  that  river,  and  were  actually  investing  Fort  Stanwix, 
the  stronghold  of  that  part  of  the  country. 

To  carry  out  the  original  plan  of  his  campaign,  it  now 
behooved  him  to  make  a  rapid  move  down  the  Hudson,  so 
as  to  be  at  hand  to  co-operate  with  St.  Leger  on  his  approach 
to  Albany.  But  how  was  he  to  do  this,  deficient  as  he  was 
in  horses -and  vehicles  for  transportation?  In  this  dilemma 
Colonel  (late  major)  Skene,  the  royalist  of  Skenesbourgh,  to 
whom,  from  his  knowledge  of  all  this  region,  he  had  of  late 
resorted  for  counsel,  informed  him  that'  at  Bennington, 
about  twenty-four  miles  east  of  the  Hudson,  the  Americans 
had  a  great  depot  of  horses,  carriages,  and  supplies  of  all  kinds, 
intended  for  their  Northern  army.  This  place,  he  added, 
might  easily  be  surprised,  being  guarded  by  only  a  small 
militia  force. 

An  expedition  was  immediately  set  on  foot;  not  only  to 
surprise  this  place,  but  to  scour  the  country  from  Rocking- 
ham  to  Otter  Creek;  go  down  the  Connecticut  as  far  as 
Brattleborough,  and  return  by  the  great  road  to  Albany, 
there  to  meet  Burgoyne.  They  were  to  make  prisoners  of 
all  officers,  civil  and  military,  whom  they  might  meet, 
acting  under  Congress;  to  tax  the  towns  where  they  halted 
with  everything  they  stood  in  need  of,  and  bring  off  all 
horses  fit  for  the  dragoons,  or  for  battalion  service,  with  as 
many  saddles  and  bridles  as  could  be  found. 

They  were  everywhere  to  give  out  that  this  was  the 
vanguard  of  the  British  army,  which  would  soon  follow  on 
its  way  to  Boston,  and  would  be  joined  by  the  army  from 
Rhode  Island.  Before  relating  the  events  of  this  expedition, 
we  will  turn  to  notice  those  of  the  detachment  under  St. 
Leger,  with  which  it  was  intended  to  co-operate,  and  which 
was  investing  Fort  Schuyler. 

This  fort,  built  in  1756,  on  the  site  of  an  old  French 
fortification, '  and  formerly  called  Fort  Stanwix,  from  a 
British  general  of  that  name,  was  situated  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Mohawk  River,  at  the  head  of  its  navigation,  and 
commanding  the  carrying-place  between  it  and  Wood  Creek, 
whence  the  boats  passed  to  the  Oneida  Lake,  the  Oswego 
River,  and  Lake  Ontario.  It  was  thus  a  key  to  the  inter- 
course between  Upper  Canada  and  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk. 
The  fort  was  square,  with  four  bastions,  and  was  originally 
a  place  of  strength;  having  bomb-proof  magazines,  a  deep 
moat  and  drawbridge,  a  sally-port,  and  covered  way.  In  the 
long  interval  of  peace  subsequent  to  the  French  war  it  had 


358  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON1.  [CH.  XLIX. 

fallen  to  decay.  Recently  it  had  been  repaired  by  order  of 
General  Schuyler,  and  had  received  his  name.  It  -was 
garrisoned  by  seven  hundred  and  fifty  Continental  troops 
from  New  York  and  Massachusetts,  and  was  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  of  the  New  York  line,  a 
stout-hearted  officer  of  Dutch  descent,  who  had  served  under 
General  Montgomery  in  Canada. 

It  was  a  motley  force  which  appeared  before  it;  British, 
Hessian,  Royalist,  Canadian  and  Indian,  about  seventeen 
hundred  in  all.  Among  them  were  St.  Leger's  rangers  and 
Sir  John  Johnson's  royalist  corps,  called  his  greens.  Many  of 
the  latter  had  followed  Sir  John  into  Canada  from  the  valley 
of  the  Mohawk,  and  were  now  returned  to  bring  the  horrors 
of  war  among  their  former  neighbors.  The  Indians,  their 
worthy  allies,  were  led  by  the  famous  Brant. 

On  the  3d  of  August,,  St.  Leger  sent  in  a  flag  with  a 
summons  to  surrender;  accompanied  by  a  proclamation  in 
style  and  spirit  similar  to  that  recently  issued  by  Burgoyne, 
and  intended  to  operate  on  the  garrison.  Both  his  summons 
and  his  proclamation  were  disregarded.  He  now  set  his 
troops  to  work  to  fortify  his  camp  and  clear  obstructions 
from  Wood  Creek  and  the  roads,  for  the  transportation  of 
artillery  and  provisions,  and  sent  out  scouting  parties  of 
Indians  in  all  directions,  to  cut  off  all  communication  of  the 
garrison  with  the  surrounding  country.  A  few  shells  were 
thrown  into  the  fort.  The  chief  annoyance  of  the  garrison 
was  from  the  Indians  firing  with  their  rifles  from  behind 
trees  on  those  busied  in  repairing  the  parapets.  At  night 
they  seemed  completely  to  surround  the  fort,  filling  the 
woods  with  their  yells  and  howlings. 

On  the  Gth  of  August,  three  men  made  their  way  into  the 
fort  through  a  swamp,  which  the  enemy  had  deemed 
impassable.  They  brought  the  cheering  intelligence  that 
General  Ilerkirner,  the  veteran  commander  of  the  militia  of 
Tryon  County,  was  at  Oriskaiiy,  about  eight  miles  distant, 
with  upward  of  eight  hundred  men.  The  people  of  that 
country  were  many  of  them  of  German  origin;  some  of  them 
Germans  by  birth.  Herkimer  was  among  the  former;  a 
large  and  powerful  man,  about  sixty-five  years  of  age.  He 
requested  Colonel  Gansevoort,  through  his  two  messengers, 
to  fire  three  signal-guns  on  receiving  word  of  his  vicinage; 
upon  hearing  which,  he  would  endeavor  to  force  his  way  to 
the  fort,  depending  upon  the  co-operation  of  the  garrison. 

The  messengers  had  been  dispatched  by  Herkimer  on  the 
evening  of  the  5th,  and  he  had  calculated  that  they  would 


1777.]  BATTLE   OF   ORISKANY.  359 

reach  the  fort  at  a  very  early  hour  in  the  morning.  Through 
some  delay,  they  did  not  reach  it  until  between  ten  and 
eleven  o'clock.  Gansevoort  instantly  complied  with  the 
message.  Three  signal-guns  were  fired,  and  Colonel  Willett, 
of  the  New  York  Continentals,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty 
men  and  an  iron  three-pounder,  was  detached  to  make  a 
diversion,  by  attacking  that  part  of  the  enemy's  camp 
occupied  by  Johnson  and  his  royalists. 

The  delay  of  the  messengers  in  the  night,  however, 
disconcerted  the  plan  of  Herkimer.  He  marshaled  his 
troops  by  daybreak  and  waited  for  the  signal-guns.  Hour 
after  hour  elapsed,  but  no  gun  was  heard.  His  officers 
became  impatient  of  delay,  and  urged  an  immediate  march. 
Herkimer  represented  that  they  were  too  weak  to  force  their 
way  to  the  fort  without  reinforcements,  or  without  being 
sure  of  co  operation  from  the  garrison,  and  was  still  for 
awaiting  the  preconcerted  signals.  High  words  ensued 
between  him  and  two  of  his  officers.  He  had  a  brother  and 
other  relatives  among  the  enemy,  and  hence  there  were  some 
doubts  of  his  fidelity;  though  they  subsequently  proved  to 
be  unmerited.  Colonels  Cox  and  Paris  were  particularly 
'urgent  for  an  advance,  and  suspicious  of  the  motives  for 
holding  back.  Paris  was  a  prominent  man  in  Tryon  County, 
and  member  of  the  committee  of  safety,  and  in  compliance 
with  the  wishes  of  that  committee,  accompanied  Herkimer 
as  his  volunteer  aide.  Losing  his  temper  in  the  dispute,  he 
accused  the  latter  of  b,3ing  either  a  tory  or  a  coward. 
"No,"  replied  the  brave  old  man,  "I  feel  toward  you  all  as 
a  father,  and  will  not  lead  you  into  a  scrape  from  which  I 
cannot  extricate  you."  His  discretion,  however,  was  over- 
powered by  repeated  taunts,  and  he  at  length,  about  nine 
o'clock,  gave  the  word  to  march;  intimating,  however,  that 
those  who  were  the  most  eager  to  advance,  would  be  the  first 
to  run  away. 

The  march  was  rather  dogged  and  irregular.  There  was 
ill-humor  between  the  general  and  his  officers.  Colonels 
Paris  and  Cox  advised  him  to  throw  out  a  reconnoitering 
party  in  the  advance,  but  he  disregarded  their  advice,  and, 
perhaps  in  very  opposition  to  it,  neglected  so  necessary  a 
precaution.  About  ten  o'clock  they  came  to  a  place  where 
the  road  was  carried  on  a  causeway  of  logs  across  a  deep 
marshy  ravine,  between  high  level  banks.  The  main  division 
descended  into  the  ravine,  followed  by  the  baggage-wagons. 
They  had  scarcely  crossed  it,  when  enemies  suddenly  sprang 
up  in  front  and  on  either  side,  with  deadly  volleys  of 


360  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON".  [CH.  XLIX. 

musketry,  and  deafening  yells  and  war- whoops.  In  fact,  St. 
Leger,  apprised  by  his  scouts  of  their  intended  approach, 
had  sent  a  force  to  waylay  them.  This  was  composed  of  a 
division  of  Johnson's  greens,  led  by  his  brother-in-law, 
Major  Watts;  a  company  of  rangers  under  Colonel  Butler,  a 
refugee  from  this  neighborhood,  and  a  strong  body  of  Indians 
under  Brant.  The  troops  were  stationed  in  front  just 
beyond  the  ravine;  the  Indians  along  each  side  of  the  road. 
The  plan  of  the  ambuscade  was  to  let  the  van  of  the  Ameri- 
cans pass  the  ravine  and  advance  betweeen  the  concealed 
parties,  when  the  attack  was  to  be  commenced  by  the  troops 
in  front,  after  which,  the  Indians  were  to  fall  on  the 
Americans  in  rear  and  cut  off  all  retreat. 

The  savages,  however,  could  not  restrain  their  n;<t  iral 
ferocity  and  hold  back  as  ordered,  but  discharged  their  riiles 
simultaneously  with  the  troops,  and  instantly  rushed  forward 
with  spears  and  tomahawks,  yelling  like  demons,  and 
commencing  a  dreadful  butchery.  The  rear-guard,  which 
had  not  entered  the  ravine,  retreated.  The  main  body, 
though  thrown  into  confusion,  defended  themselves  bravely. 
One  of  those  severe  conflicts  ensued,  common  in  Indian 
warfare,  where  the  combatants  take  post  with  their  rifles, 
behind  rock  and  tree,  or  come  to  deadly  struggle  with  knife 
and  tomahawk. 

The  veteran  Herkimer  was  wounded  early  in  the  action. 
A  musket  ball  shattered  his  leg  just  below  the  knee,  killing 
his  horse  at  the  same  time.  He  made  his  men  place  him  on 
his  saddle  at  the  foot  of  a  large  beech  tree,  against  the  trunk 
of  which  he  leaned,  continuing  to  give  his  orders. 

The  regulars  attempted  to  charge  with  the  bayonet;  but 
the  Americans  formed  themselves  in  circles  back  to  back, 
and  repelled  them.  A  heavy  storm  of  thunder  and  rain 
caused  a  temporary  lull  to  the  fight,  during  which  the 
patriots  changed  their  ground.  Some  of  them  stationed 
themselves  in  pairs  behind  trees;  so  that  when  one  had  fired 
the  other  could  cover  him  until  he  had  reloaded;  for  the 
savages  were  apt  to  rush  up  with  knife  and  tomahawk  the 
moment  a  man  had  discharged  his  piece.  Johnson's  greens 
came  up  to  sustain  the  Indians,  who  were  giving  way,  and 
now  was  the  fiercest  part  of  the  fight.  Old  neighbors  met  in 
deadly  feud;  former  intimacy  gave  bitterness  to  present 
hate,  and  war  was  literally  carried  to  the  knife;  for  the 
bodies  of  combatants  were  afterward  found  on  the  field  of 
battle,  grappled  in  death,  with  the  hand  still  grasping  the 
knife  plunged  in  a  neighbor's  heart.  The  very  savages 


1777.J  BATTLE   OF   ORISKANY.  361 

seemed  inspired  with  unusual  ferocity  by  the  confusion  and 
death  struggle  around  them,  and  the  sight  of  their  prime 
warriors  and  favorite  chiefs  shot  down.  In  their  blind  fury 
they  attacked  the  white  men  indiscriminately,  friend  or  foe, 
so  that  in  this  chance-medley  fight  many  of  Sir  John's  greens 
were  slain  by  his  own  Indian  allies. 

A  confusion  reigns  over  the  accounts  of  this  fight;  in  which 
every  one  saw  little  but  what  occurred  in  his  immediate 
vicinity.  The  Indians,  at  length,  having  lost  many  of  their 
bravest  warriors,  gave  the  retreating  cry,  Oonah!  Oonah! 
and  fled  to  the  woods.  The  greens  and  rangers,  hearing  a 
firing  in  the  direction  of  the  fort,  feared  an  attack  upon  their 
camp,  and  hastened  to  its  defence,  carrying  off  with  them 
many  prisoners.  The  Americans  did  not  pursue  them,  but 
placing  their  wounded  on  litters  made  of  branches  of  trees, 
returned  to  Oriskany.  Both  parties  have  claimed  the  vic- 
tory; but  it  does  not  appear  that  either  was  entitled  to  it. 
The  dead  of  both  parties  lay  for  days  unburied  on  the  field 
of  action,  and  a  wounded  officer  of  the  enemy  (Major  Watts) 
remained  there  two  days  unrelieved,  until  found  by  an  Indian 
scout.  It  would  seem  as  if  each  party  gladly  abandoned  this 
scene  of  one  of  the  most  savage  conflicts  of  the  Revolution. 
The  Americans  had  two  hundred  killed,  and  a  number 
wounded.  Several  of  these  were  officers.  The  loss  of  the 
enemy  is  thought  to  have  been  equally  great  as  to  numbers; 
but  then  the  difference  in  value  between  regulars  and  militia! 
the  former  often  the  refuse  of  mankind,  mere  hirelings, 
whereas  among  the  privates  of  the  militia,  called  out  from 
their  homes  to  defend  their  neighborhood,  were  many  of  the 
worthiest  and  most  valuable  of  the  yeomanry.  The  prema- 
ture haste  of  the  Indians  in  attacking,  had  saved  the  Ameri- 
cans from  being  completely  surrounded.  The  rear-guard, 
not  having  entered  the  defile,  turned  and  made  a  rapid 
retreat,  but  were  pursued  by  the  Indians,  and  suffered 
greatly  in  a  running  fight.  We  may  add  that  those  who 
had  been  most  urgent  with  General  Herkimer  for  this  move- 
ment, were  among  the  first  to  suffer  from  it.  Colonel  Cox 
was  shot  down  at  the  first  fire,  so  was  a  son  of  Colonel  Paris; 
the  colonel  himself  was  taken  prisoner,  and  fell  beneath  the 
tomahawk  of  the  famous  Red  Jacket. 

As  to  General  Herkimer,  he  was  conveyed  to  his  residence 
on  the  Mohawk  River,  and  died  nine  days  after  the  battle, 
not  so  much  from  his  wound  as  from  bad  surgery;  sinking 
gradually  through  loss  of  blood  from  an  unskillful  amputa- 
tion. He  died  like  a  philosopher  and  a  Christian,  smoking 


362  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  XLIX. 

his  pipe  and  reading  his  Bible  to  the  last.  His  name  has 
been  given  to  a  county  in  that  part  of  the  State.* 

The  sortie  of  Colonel  Willett  had  been  spirited  and 
successful.  He  attacked  the  encampments  of  Sir  John 
Johnson  and  the  Indians,  which  were  contiguous,  and  strong 
detachments  of  which  were  absent  on  the  ambuscade.  Sir 
John  and  his  men  were  driven  to  the  river;  the  Indians  fled 
to  the  woods.  Willett  sacked  their  camps;  loaded  wagons 
with  camp  equipage,  clothing,  blankets,  and  stores  of  all 
kinds,  seized  the  baggage  and  papers  of  Sir  John  and  of 
several  of  his  officers,  and  retreated  safely  to  the  fort,  just  as 
St.  Leger  was  coming  up  with  a  powerful  reinforcement. 
Five  colors,  which  he  had  brought  away  with  him  as 
trophies,  were  displayed  under  the  flag  of  the  fort,  while  his 
men  gave  three  cheers  from  the  ramparts. 

St.  Leger  now  endeavored  to  operate  on  the  fears  of  the 
garrison.  His  prisoners,  it  is  said,  were  compelled  to  write 
a  letter,  giving  dismal  accounts  of  the  affair  of  Oriskany, 
and  of  the  impossibility  of  getting  any  succor  to  the  garrison; 
of  the  probability  that  Burgoyue  and  his  army  were  then 
before  Albany,  and  advising  surrender  to  prevent  inevitable  de- 
struction. It  is  probable  they  were  persuaded,  rather  than 
compelled,  to  write  the  letter,  which  took  its  tone  from  their 
own  depressed  feelings  and  the  misrepresentations  of  those 
around  them.  St.  Leger  accompanied  the  letter  with  warn- 
ings that,  should  the  garrison  persist  in  resistance,  he  would 
not  be  able  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  savages;  who,  though 
held  in  check  for  the  present,  threatened,  if  further  pro- 
voked, to  revenge  the  deaths  of  their  warriors  and  chiefs  by 
slaughtering  the  garrison,  and  laying  waste  the  whole  valley 
of  the  Mohawk. 

All  this  failing  to  shake  the  resolution  of  Gansevoort,  St. 
Leger  next  issued  an  appeal  to  the  inhabitants  of  Tryon 
County,  signed  by  their  old  neighbors,  Sir  John  Johnson, 
Colonel  Claus  and  Colonel  Butler,  promising  pardon  and 
protection  to  all  who  should  submit  to  ro}Tal  authority,  and 
urging  them  to  send  a  deputation  of  their  principal  men  to 
overcome  the  mulish  obstinacy  of  the  garrison,  and  save  the 
whole  surrounding  country  from  Indian  ravage  and  massacre. 
The  people  of  the  coimty,  however,  were  as  little  to  be 
moved  as  the  garrison. 

St.  Leger  now  began  to  lose  heart.     The  fort  proved  more 


*  Some  of  the  particulars  of  this  action  were  given  to  the  author  by  a  son  of 
Colonel  Paris. 


1777.]  THE    FOET   NOT   SURRENDERED.  363 

capable  of  defence  than  he  had  anticipated.  His  artillery 
was  too  light,  and  the  ramparts,  being  of  sod,  were  not 
easily  battered.  He  was  obliged  reluctantly  to  resort  to  the 
slow  process  of  sapping  and  mining,  and  began  to  make 
regular  approaches. 

Gansevoort,  seeing  the  siege  was  likely  to  be  protracted, 
resolved  to  send  to  General  Schuyler  for  succor.  Colonel 
Willett  volunteered  to  undertake  the  perilous  errand.  He 
was  accompanied  by  Lieutenant  Stockwell,  an  excellent 
woodsman,  who  served  as  a  guide.  They  left  the  fort  on 
the  tOth,  after  dark,  by  a  sally-port,  passed  by  the  British 
sentinels  and  close  by  the  Indian  camp,  without  being 
discovered,  and  made  their  way  through  bog  and  morass  and 
pathless  forests,  and  all  kinds  of  risks  and  hardships,  until 
they  reached  the  German  Flats  on  the  Mohawk.  Here 
Willett  procured  a  couple  of  horses,  and  by  dint  of  hoof 
arrived  at  the  camp  of  General  Schuyler  at  Still  water.  A 
change  had  come  over  the  position  of  that  commander  four 
days  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Willett,  as  we  shall 
relate  in  the  ensuing  chapter. 


CHAPTER  L. 

Schuyler  Hears  of  the  Affair  of  Oriskany — Applies  for  Reinforcements 
— His  Appeal  to  the  Patriotism  of  Stark — Schuyler  Superseded — 
His  Conduct  Thereupon — Relief  Sent  to  Fort  Stauwix — Arnold 
Volunteers  to  Conduct  it — Change  of  Encampment — Patriotic  De- 
termination of  Schuyler — Detachment  of  the  Enemy  against  Ben- 
nington — Germans  and  their  Indian  Allies — Baum.  the  Hessian 
Leader — Stark  in  the  Field— Mustering  of  the  Militia — A  Belligerent 
Parson — Battle  of  Bennington — Brcyman  to  the  Rescue — Routed — 
Reception  of  the  News  in  the  Rival  Camps — Washington  urges 
New  England  to  Fpllow  Up  the  Blow. 

SCHUYLER  was  in  Albany  in  the  early  part  of  August, 
making  stirring  appeals  in  every  direction  for  reinforce- 
ments. Burgoyne  was  advancing  upon  him;  he  had  received 
news  of  the  disastrous  affair  of  Oriskany,  and  the  death  of 
General  Herkimer,  and  Tryon  County  was  crying  to  him  for 
assistance.  One  of  his  appeals  was  to  the  veteran  John 
Stark,  the  comrade  of  Putnam  in  the  French  war  and  the 
battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  He  had  his  farm  in  the  Hampshire 


364  LIFE   OF   AVASHIXGTOX.  [CH.  L. 

Grants,  and  his  name  was  a  towev  of  strength  among  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys.  But  Stark  was  soured  with  govern- 
ment, and  had  retired  from  service,  his  name  having  been 
omitted  in  the  list  of  promotions.  Hearing  that  he  was  on 
a  visit  to  Lincoln's  camp  at  Manchester,  Schuyler  wrote  to 
that  general,  "Assure  General  Stark  that  I  have  acquainted 
Congress  of  his  situation,  and  that  I  trust  and  enti'eat  he 
will,  in  the  present  alarming  crisis,  waive  his  right;  the 
greater  the  sacrifice  he  makes  to  his  feelings,  the  greater  will 
be  the  honor  due  to  him  for  not  having  suffered  any  con- 
sideration whatever  to  come  in  competition  with  the  weal  of 
his  country:  entreat  him  to  march  immediately  to  our  army." 

Schuyler  had  instant  call  to  practice  the  very  virtue  he 
was  inculcating.  He  was  about  to  mount  his  horse  on  the 
10th,  to  return  to  the  camp  at  Stillwater,  when  a  dispatch 
from  Congress  was  put  into  his  hand  containing  the  resolves 
which  recalled  him  to  attend  a  court  of  inquiry  about  the 
affair  of  Ticonderoga,  and  requested  Washington  to  appoint 
an  officer  to  succeed  him. 

Schuyler  felt  deeply  the  indignity  of  being  thus  recalled 
at  a  time  when  Tin  engagement  was  apparently  at  hand,  but 
endeavored  to  console  himself  with  the  certainty  that  a 
thorough  investigation  of  his  conduct  would  prove  how 
much  he  was  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  his  country.  He 
intimated  the  same  in  his  reply  to  Congress;  in  the  mean 
time,  he  considered  it  his  duty  to  remain  at  his  post  until 
his  successor  should  arrive,  or  some  officer  in  the  department 
be  nominated  to  the  command.  Returning,  therefore,  to 
the  camp  at  Stillwater,  he  continued  to  conduct  the  affairs 
of  the  army  with  unremitting  zeal.  "Until  the  country  is 
in  safety,"  said  he,  "I  will  stifle  my  resentment." 

His  first  care  was  to  send  relief  to  Gansevoort  and  his 
beleaguered  garrison.  Eight  hundred  men  were  all  that  lie 
could  spare  from  his  army  in  its  present  threatened  state. 
A  spirited  and  effective  officer  was  wanted  to  lead  them. 
Arnold  was  in  camp;  recently  sent  on  as  an  efficient  coadju- 
tor, by  Washington;  he  was  in  a  state  of  exasperation 
against  the  government,  having  just  learned  that  the 
question  of  rank  had  been  decided  against  him  in  Congress. 
Indeed,  he  would  have  retired  instantly  from  the  service, 
had  not  Schuyler  prevailed  on  him  to  remain  until  the 
impending  danger  was  over.  It  was  hardly  to  be  expected 
that  in  his  irritated  mood  he  would  accept  the  command  of 
the  detachment,  if  offered  to  him.  Arnold,  however,  was  a 
combustible  character.  The  opportunity  of  an  exploit  flashed 


1777.J  SCHUYLER   SUPERSEDED.  365 

on  his  adventurous  spirit.  He  stepped  promptly  forward 
and  volunteered  to  lead  the  enterprise.  "No  public  nor 
private  injury  or  insult,"  said  he,  "shall  prevail  on  me  to 
forsake  the  cause  of  my  injured  and  oppressed  country,  until 
I  see  peace  and  liberty  restored  to  her,  or  nobly  die  in  the 
attempt."* 

After  the  departure  of  this  detachment,  it  was  unani- 
mously determined  in  a  council  of  war  of  Schuyler  and  his 
general  officers,  that  the  post  at  Stillwater  was  altogether 
untenable  with  their  actual  force;  part  of  the  army,  there- 
fore, retired  to  the  islands  at  the  fords  on  the  mouth  of  the 
Mohawk  River,  where  it  empties  into  the  Hudson,  and  a 
brigade  was  posted  above  the  Falls  of  the  Mohawk,  called 
the  Cohoes,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  crossing  there.  It 
was  considered  a  strong  positionr  where  they  could  not  be 
attacked  without  great  disadvantage  to  the  assailant. 

The  feelings  of  Schuyler  were  more  and  more  excited  as 
the  game  of  war  appeared  drawing  to  a  crisis.  "I  am 
resolved,"  writes  he  to  his  friend  Dtiane,  "to  make  another 
sacrifice  to  my  country,  and  risk  the  censure  of  Congress  by 
remaining  in  this  quarter  after  I  am  relieved,  and  bringing 
up  the  militia  to  the  support  of  this  weak  army." 

As  yet  he  did  not  know  who  was  to  be  his  successor  in  the 
command.  A  letter  from  Duane  informed  him  that  General 
(iates  was  the  man. 

Still  the  noble  part  of  Schuyler's  nature  Avas  in  the 
ascendant.  "Your  fears  may  be  up,'1  writes  he  in  reply, 
"lest  the  ill-treatment  I  have  experienced  at  his  hands 
should  so  far  get  the  better  of  my  judgment  as  to  embarrass 
him.  Do  not,  my  dear  friend,  be  uneasy  on  that  account. 
I  am  incapable  of  sacrificing  my  country  to  a  resentment, 
however  just;  and  I  trust  I  shall  give  an  example  of  what  a 
good  citizen  ought  to  do  when  he  is  in  my  situation." 

We  will  now  take  a  view  of  occurrences  on  the  right  and 
left  of  Burgoyne,  and  show  the  effect  of  Schuyler's  measures, 
poorly  seconded  as  they,  were,  in  crippling  and  straitening 
the  invading  army.  And  first,  we  will  treat  of  the  expedi- 
tion against  Bennington.  This  was  a  central  place, 
whither  the  live  stock  was  driven  from  various  parts  of  the 
Hampshire  Grants,  and  whence  the  American  army  derived 
its  supplies.  It  was  a  great  deposit,  also,  of  grain  of  various 
kinds,  and  of  wheel  carriages;  the  usual  guard  was  militia, 
varying  from  day  to  day.  Benningtou  was  to  be  surprised. 

*  Letter  to  Gates.     Gates 's  Papers, 


3(if>  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  L. 

Tlie  country  was  to  be  scoured  from  Buckingham  to  Otter 
Creek  in  quest  of  provisions  for  the  army,  horses  and  oxen 
for  draft,  and  horses  for  the  cavalry.  All  public  magazines 
were  to  be  sacked.  All  cattle  belonging  to  royalists,  and 
which  could  be  spared  by  their  owners,  were  to  be  paid  for. 
All  rebel  flocks  and  herds  were  to  be  driven  away. 

Generals  Phillips  and  Kiedesel  demurred  strongly  to  the 
expedition,  but  their  counsels  were  outweighed  by  those  of 
Colonel  Skene,  the  royalist.  He  knew,  he  said,  all  the 
country  thereabout.  The  inhabitants  were  as  five  to  one  in 
favor  of  the  royal  cause,  and  would  be  prompt  to  turn  out 
on  the  first  appearance  of  a  protecting  army.  He  was  to 
accompany  the  expedition,  and  much  was  expected  from  his 
personal  influence  and  authority. 

Lieutenant- Colonel  Baum  was  to  command  the  detachment. 
He  had  under  him,  according  to  Burgoyne,  two  hundred 
dismounted  dragoons  of  the  regiment  of  Riedesel,  Captain 
Eraser's  marksmen,  which  were  the  only  British,  all  the 
Canadian  volunteers,  a  party  of  the  provincials  who  perfectly 
knew  the  country,  one  hundred  Indians,  and  two  light 
pieces  of  cannon.  The  whole  detachment  amounted  to 
about  five  hundred  men.  The  dragoons,  it  was  expected, 
would  supply  themselves  with  horses  in  the  course  of  the 
foray;  and  a  skeleton  corps  of  royalists  would  be  filled  up 
by  recruits.  The  Germans  had  no  great  liking  for  the 
Indians  as  fellow-campaigners;  especially  those  who  had 
come  from  Upper  Canada  under  St.  Luc.  " These  savages 
are  heathens,  huge,  warlike  and  enterprising,  but  wicked  as 
Satan,"  writes  a  Hessian  officer.  "Some  say  they  are 
cannibals,  but  I  do  not  believe  it;  though  in  their  fury  they 
will  tear  the  flesh  off  their  enemies  with  their  teeth.  They 
have  a  martial  air,  and  their  wild  ornaments  become  them.  "* 
St.  Luc,  who  commanded  them,  had  been  a  terror  to  the 
English  colonists  in  the  French  war,  and  it  was  intimated 
that  he  possessed  great  treasures  of  "old  English  scalps." 
He  and  his  warriors,  however,  had  disappeared  from  camp 
since  the  affair  of  Miss  McCrea.  The  present  were  Indians 
from  Lower  Canada. 

The  choice  of  German  troops  for  this  foray  was  much 
sneered  at  by  the  British  officers.  "A  corps  could  not  have 
been  found  in  the  whole  army,"  said  they,  "so  unfit  for  a 
service  requiring  rapidity  of  motion,  as  Kiedesel 's  dragoons. 
The  very  hat  and  sword  of  one  of  them  weighed  nearly  as 

*  SchlOzer's  Briefwech8el,Th.  iii..  Heft  xvii, 


1777.]  APPROACH  OF  BAUM.  367 

much  as  the  whole  equipment  of  a  British  soldier.  The 
worst  British  regiment  in  the  service  would  march  two 
miles  to  their  one." 

To  be  nearer  at  hand  in  case  assistance  should  be  required, 
Burgoyne  encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson,  nearly 
opposite  Saratoga,  throwing  over  a  bridge  of  boats  by  which 
General  Fraser,  with  tbe  advanced  guard,  crossed  to  that 
place.  Colonel  Baum  set  out  from  camp  at  break  of  day, 
on  the  13th  of  August.  All  that  had  been  predicted  of  his 
movements  was  verified.  The  badness  of  the  road,  the 
excessive  heat  of  the  weather,  and  the  want  of  carriages  and 
horses  were  alleged  in  excuse;  but  slow  and  unapt  men  ever 
meet  with  impediments.  Some  cattle,  carts  and  wagons 
were  captured  at  Cambridge;  a  few  horses  also  were  brought 
in;  but  the  Indians  killed  or  drove  off  all  that  fell  into  their 
hands,  unless  they  were  paid  in  cash  for  their  prizes.  "The 
country  people  of  these  parts,"  writes  the  Hessian  narrator, 
"came  in  crowds  to  Governor  Skene,  as  he  was  called,  and 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance;  but  even  these  faithless  people," 
adds  he,  "were  subsequently  our  bitterest  assailants." 

Baum  was  too  slow  a  man  to  take  a  place  by  surprise. 
The  people  of  Bennington  heard  of  his  approach  and  were 
on  the  alert.  The  veteran  Stark  was  there  with  eight  or 
nine  hundred  troops.  During  the  late  alarms  the  militia  of 
the  State  had  been  formed  into  two  brigades,  one  to  be 
commanded  by  General  William  Whipple;  Stark  had  with 
difficulty  been  prevailed  upon  to  accept  the  command  of  the 
other,  upon  the  express  condition  that  he  should  not  be 
obliged  to  join  the  main  army,  but  should  be  left  to  his 
own  discretion,  to  make  war  in  his  own  partisan  style, 
hovering  about  the  enemy  in  their  march  through  the 
country,  and  accountable  to  none  but  the  authorities  of  New 
Hampshire. 

General  Lincoln  had  informed  Stark  of  the  orders  of 
General  Schuyler,  that  all  the  militia  should  repair  to  Still- 
water,  but  the  veteran  refused  to  comply.  He  had  taken  up 
anus,  he  said,  in  a  moment  of  exigency,  to  defend  the 
neighborhood,  which  would  be  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  the 
enemy,  should  he  leave  it,  and  he  held  himself  accountable 
solely  to  the  authorities  of  New  Hampshire.  This  act  of 
insubordination  might  have  involved  the  doughty  but  some- 
what testy  old  general  in  subsequent  difficulty,  had  not  his 
sword  carved  out  an  ample  excuse  for  him. 

Having  heard  that  Indians  had  appeared  at  Cambridge, 
twelve  miles  to  the  north  of  Bennington,  on  the  13th,  he 


368  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  L. 

sent  out  two  hundred  men  under  Colonel  Gregg  in  quest  of 
them.  In  the  course  of  the  night  he  learned  that  they  were 
mere  scouts  in  advance  of  a  force  marching  upon  Benning- 
ton.  He  immediately  rallied  his  brigade,  called  out  the 
militia  of  the  neighborhood,  and  sent  off  for  Colonel  Seth 
AVarner  (the  quondam  associate  of  Ethan  Allen)  and  his 
regiment  of  militia,  who  were  with  General  Lincoln  at 
Manchester. 

Lincoln  instantly  detached  them,  and  Warner  and  his 
men  marched  all  night  through  drenching  rain,,  arriving  at 
Stark's  camp  in  the  morning,  dripping  wet. 

Stark  left  them  at  Bennington  to  dry  and  rest  them- 
selves, and  then  to  follow  on;  in  the  mean  time,  he  pushed 
forward  with  his  men  to  support  the  party  sent  out  the 
preceding  day,  under  Gregg,  in  quest  of  the  Indians.  He 
met  them  about  five  miles  off,  in  full  retreat,  Baum  and  his 
force  a  mile  in  their  rear. 

Stark  halted  and  prepared  for  action.  Baum  also  halted; 
posted  himself  on  a  high  ground  at  a  bend  of  the  li+tle  river 
Walloomscoick,  and  began  to  intrench  himself.  Stark  fell 
back  a  mile,  to  wait  for  reinforcements  and  draw  down 
Baum  from  his  strong  position.  A  skirmish  took  place 
between  the  advance  guards;  thirty  of  Baum's  men  were 
killed  and  two  Indian  chiefs. 

An  incessant  rain  on  the  15th  prevented  an  attack  on 
Baunvs  camp,  but  there  was  continual  skirmishing.  The 
colonel  strengthened  his  intrenchments,  and  finding  he  had 
a  larger  force  to  contend  with  than  he  had  anticipated,  sent 
off  in  all  haste  to  Burgoyne  for  reinforcements.  Colonel 
Breyman  marched  off  immediately,  with  five  hundred 
Hessian  grenadiers  and  infantry  and  two  six-pounders,  leav- 
ing behind  him  his  tents,  baggage,  and  standards.  He,  also, 
found  the  roads  so  deep,  and  the  horses  so  bad,  that  he  was 
nearly  two  days  getting  four  and  twenty  miles.  The  tactics 
of  the  Hessians  were  against  them.  "So  foolishly  attached 
were  they  to  forms  of  discipline,"  writes  a  British  historian, 
"that  in  marching  through  thickets  they  stopped  ten  times 
an  hour  to  dress  their  ranks."  It  was  here,  in  fact,  that 
they  most  dreaded  the  American  rifle.  "In  the  open  field," 
said  they,  "the  rebels  are  not  much;  but  they  are  redoubt- 
able in  the  woods."* 

In  the  mean  time  the  more  alert  and  active  Americans 
had  been  mustering  from  all  quarters  to  Stark's  assistance, 

*  SchlOzer's  Brief  wechsel. 


1777.  j  STARK 'S   VICTORY.  369 

with  such  weapons  as  they  had  at  hand.  During  the  night 
of  the  loth,  Colonel  Symonds  arrived  with  a  body  of 
Berkshire  militia.  Among  them  was  a  belligerent  parson, 
full  of  fight,  Allen  by  name,  possibly  of  the  bellicose  family 
of  the  hero  of  Ticonderoga.  "General,"  cried  he,  "the 
people  of  Berkshire  have  been  often  called  out  to  no  purpose; 
if  you  don't  give  them  a  chance  to  fight  now  they  will  never 
turn  out  again."  "You  would  not  turn  out  now,  while  it 
is  dark  and  raining,  would  you?"  demanded  Stark.  "Not 
just  now,"  was  the  reply.  "Well,  if  the  Lord  should  once 
more  give  us  sunshine,  and  I  don't  give  you  fighting 
enough,"  rejoined  the  veteran,  "I'll  never  ask  you  to  turn 
out  again." 

On  the  following  morning  the  sun  shone  bright,  and  Stark 
prepared  to  attack  Baum  in  his  intrenchments;  though  he 
had  no  artillery,  and  his  men,  for  the  most  part,  had  only 
their  ordinary  brown  firelocks  without  bayonets.  Two 
hundred  of  his  men,  under  Colonel  Nichols,  were  detached 
to  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  left;  three  hundred  under  Colonel 
llerrick,  to  the  rear  of  his  right;  they  were  to  join  their 
forces  and  attack  him  in  the  rear,  while  Colonels  Hubbard 
and  Stickney,  with  two  hundred  men,  diverted  his  attention 
in  front. 

Colonel  Skene  and  the  royalists,  when  they  saw  the 
Americans  issuing  out  of  the  woods  on  different  sides, 
persuaded  themselves,  and  endeavored  to  persuade  Baum, 
that  these  were  the  loyal  people  of  the  country  flocking  to 
his  standard.  The  Indians  were  the  first  to  discover  the 
truth.  "The  woods  are  full  of  Yankees,"  cried  they,  and 
retreated  in  single  file  between  the  troops  of  Nichols  and 
Herrick,  yelling  like  demons  and  jingling  cow  bells. 
Several  of  them,  however,  were  killed  or  wounded  as  they 
thus  ran  the  gauntlet. 

At  the  first  sound  of  fire-arms,  Stark,  who  had  remained 
with  the  main  body  in  camp,  mounted  his  horse  and  gave  the 
word,  forward!  He  had  promised  his  men  the  plunder  of 
the  British  camp.  The  homely  speech  made  by  him  when 
in  sight  of  the  enemy,  has  often  been  cited.  "Now,  my 
men!  There  are  the  red  coats!  Before  night  they  must  be 
ours,  or  Molly  Stark  will  be  a  widow!" 

Baum  soon  found  himself  assailed  on  every  side,  but  he 
defended  his  works  bravely.  His  two  pieces  of  artillery, 
advantageously  planted,  were  very  effective,  and  his  troops, 
if  slow  in  march,  were  steady  in  action.  For  two  hours  the 
discharge  of  fire-arms  was  said  to  have  been  like  the  constant 


370  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  L. 

rattling  of  the  drum.  Stark  in  his  dispatches  compared  it 
to  a  "continued  clap  of  thunder."  It  was  the  hottest  fight 
he  had  ever  seen.  He  inspired  hi?  men  with  his  own 
impetuosity.  They  drove  the  royalist  troops  upon  the 
Hessians,  and  pressing  after  them  stormed  the  works  with 
irresistible  fury.  A  Hessian  eye-witness  declares  that  this 
time  the  rebels  fought  with  desperation,  pressing  within 
eight  paces  of  the  loaded  cannon  to  take  surer  aim  at  the 
artillerists.  The  latter  were  slain;  the  cannon  captured. 
The  royalists  and  Canadians  took  to  flight,  and  escaped  to 
the  woods.  The  Germans  still  kept  their  ground,  and 
fought  bravely  until  there  was  not  a  cartridge  left.  Baum 
and  his  dragoons  then  took  to  their  broadswords  and  the 
infantry  to  their  bayonets,  and  endeavored  to  cut  their  way 
to  a  road  in  the  woods,  but  in  vain;  many  were  killed, 
more  wounded,  -  Baum  among  the  number,  and  all  who 
survived  were  taken  prisoners.* 

The  victors  now  dispersed,  some  to  collect  booty,  some  to 
attend  to  the  wounded,  some  to  guard  the  prisoners,  and 
some  to  seek  refreshment,  being  exhausted  by  hunger  and 
fatigue.  At  this  critical  juncture,  Breyman's  tardy  rein- 
forcement came,  making  its  way  heavily  and  slowly  to  the 
scene  of  action,  joined  by  many  of  the  enemy  who  had  fled. 
Attempts  were  made  to  rally  the  militia;  but  they  were  in 
complete  confusion.  Nothing  would  have  saved  them  from 
defeat,  had  not  Colonel  Seth  Warner's  corps  fortunately 
arrived  from  Bennington,  fresh  from  repose,  and  advanced 
to  meet  the  enemy,  while  the  others  regained  their  ranks. 
It  was  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when  this  second  action 
commenced.  It  was  fought  from  wood  to  wood  and  hill  to 
hill,  for  several  miles,  until  sunset.  The  last  stand  of  the 
enemy  was  at  Van  Schaick's  mill,  where,  having  expended 
all  their  ammunition,  of  which  each  man  had  forty  rounds, 
they  gave  Avay,  and  retreated,  under  favor  of  the  night, 
leaving  two  field-pieces  and  all  their  baggage  in  the  hands  of 
the  Americans.  Stark  ceased  to  pursue  them,  lest  in  the 
darkness  his  men  should  fire  upon  each  other.  "Another 
hour  of  daylight,"  said  he  in  his  report,  "and  I  should  have 
captured  the  whole  body."  The  veteran  had  had  a  horse 
shot  under  him,  but  escaped  without  wound  or  bruise. 

Four  brass  field-pieces,  nine  hundred  dragoon  swords,  a 
thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  four  ammunition  wagons  were 
the  spoils  of  this  victory.  Thirty-two  officers,  five  hundred 

*  Briefe  aus  Amerika.    .  Schlozer's  Briefwechsel,  Th.  iii.,  Heft  xiii. 


1V77.]  RECEIPT  OF  THE  NEWS.  371 

and  sixty-four  privates,  including  Canadians  and  loyalists, 
were  taken  prisoners.  The  number  of  slain  was  very 
considerable,  but  could  not  be  ascertained;  many  having 
fallen  in  the  woods.  The  brave  but  unfortunate  Baum  did 
not  long  survive.  The  Americans  had  one  hundred  killed 
and  wounded. 

Burgoyue  was  awakened  in  his  camp  toward  daylight  of 
the  17th,  by  tidings  that  Colonel  Baum  had  surrendered. 
Next  came  word  that  Colonel  Breyman  was  engaged  in  severe 
and  doubtful  conflict.  The  whole  army  was  aroused,  and 
were  preparing  to  hasten  to  his  assistance,  when  one  report 
after  another  gave  assurance  that  lie  was  on  his  way  back  in 
safety.  The  main  body,  therefore,  remained  in  camp  at  the 
Batten  kiln;  but  Burgoyne  forded  that  stream  with  the 
47th  regiment  and  pushed  forward  until  4  o'clock,  when  he 
met  Breyman  and  his  troops,  weary  and  haggard  with  hard 
fighting  and  hard  marching,  in  hot  weather.  In  the  evening 
all  returned  to  their  old  encampments.* 

General  Schuyler  was  encamped  on  Van  Schaick's  Island 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk  River,  when  a  letter  from 
General  Lincoln,  dated  Bennington,  Aug.  18th,  informed 
him  of  "the  capital  blow  given  the  enemy  by  General  Stark." 
"I  trust,"  replies  he,  Aug.  19th,  "that  the  severity  with 
which  they  have  been  handled  will  retard  General  Burgoyne's 
progress.  Part  of  his  force  was  yesterday  afternoon  about 
three  miles  and  a  half  above  Stiliwater.  If  the  enemy  have 
entirely  left  that  part  of  the  country  you  are  in,  I  think  it 
would  be  advisable  for  you  to  move  toward  Hudson  River 
tending  toward  Stiljwater. " 

"Governor  Clinton,"  writes  he  to  Stark  on  the  same  day, 
'•'is  coming  up  with  a  body  of  militia,  and  I  trust  that  after 
what  the  enemy  have  experienced  from  you,  their  progress 
will  be  retarded,  and  that  we  shall  see  them  driven  out  of 
this  part  of  the  country." 

He  now  hoped  to  hear  that  Arnold  had  raised  the  siege  of 
Fort  Stunwix.  "If  that  takes  place,"  said  he,  "it  will  be 
possible  to  engage  two  or  three  hundred  Indians  to  join  this 
army,  and  Congress  may  rest  assured  that  my  best  endeavors 
shall  not  be  wanting  to  accomplish  it."  Tidings  of  the 
affair  of  Bennington  reached  Washington,  just  before  he 
moved  his  camp  from  the  neighborhood  of  Philadelphia  to 
Wilmington,  and  it  relieved  his  mind  from  a  world  of 
anxious  perplexity.  In  a  letter  to  Putnam  he  writes,  "As 

*  SchlOzer's  Briefwechsel,  Th.  ill.,  Heft  xiii. 


372  LIFE   OP   WASHINGTON.  [cH.  LI. 

there  is  not  now  the  least  danger  of  General  Howe's  going  to 
New  England,  I  hope  the  whole  force  of  that  country  will  turn 
out,  and  by  following  the  great  stroke  struck  by  General 
Stark  near  Bennington,  entirely  -  crush  General  Burgoyne, 
who,  by  his  letter  to  Colonel  Baum,  seems  to  be  in  want  of 
almost  everything." 

We  will  now  give  the  fate  of  Burgoyne's  detachment, 
under  St.  Leger,  sent  to  capture  Fort  Stanwix,  and  ravage 
the  valley  of  the  Mohawk. 


CHAPTER    LI. 

Stratagem  of  Arnold  to  Relieve  Fort  Stanwix — Yan  Yost  Cuyler — The 
Siege  Pressed — Indians  Intractable  —  Success  of  Arnold's  Strata- 
gem— Harassed  Retreat  of  St.  Leger — Moral  Effect  of  the  Two  Blows 
Given  to  the  Enemy — Brightening  Prospects  in  the  American  Camp 
— Arrival  of  Gates — Magnanimous  Conduct  of  Schuyler— Poorly 
Requited  by  Gates — Correspondence  between  Gates  and  Burgoyne 
Concerning  the  Murder  of  Miss  McCrea. 

ARNOLD'S  march  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix  was  slower 
than  suited  his  ardent  and  impatient  spirit.  He  was  de- 
tained in  the  valley  of  theMohawk  by  bad  roads,  by  the  neces- 
sity of  waiting  for  baggage  and  ammunition  wagons,  and  for 
militia  recruits  who  turned  out  reluctantly.  He  sent  mis- 
sives to  Colonel  Gansevoort,  assuring  him  that  he  would 
relieve  him  in  the  course  of  a  few  days.  •  "Be  under  no  kind 
of  apprehension,"  writes  he.  "1  know  the  strength  of  the 
enemy,  and  hoiv  to  deal  with  them." 

In  fact,  conscious  of  the  smallness  of  his  force,  he  had 
resorted  to  stratagem,  sending  emissaries  ahead  to  spread 
exaggerated  reports  of  the  number  of  his  troops,  so  a?  to 
work  on  the  fears  of  the  enemy's  Indian  allies  and  induce 
them  to  desert.  The  most  important  of  these  emissaries  was 
one  Yan  Yost  Cuyler,  an  eccentric  half-witted  fellow,  known 
throughout  the  country  as  a  rank  tory.  He  had  been  con- 
victed as  a  spy,  and  only  spared  from  the  halter  on  the  con- 
dition that  he  would  go  into  St.  Leger 's  camp,  and  spread 
alarming  reports  among  the  Indians,  by  whom  he  was  well 
known.  To  insure  a  faithful  discharge  of  his  mission, 
Arnold  detained  his  brother  as  a  hostage. 

On  his  way  up  the  Mohawk  Valley,  Arnold  was  joined  by 


1777.]  ARNOLD'S  STRATAGEM.  3?3 

a  New  York  regiment,  under  Colonel  James  Livingston, 
sent  by  Gates  to  reinforce  him.  On  arriving  at  the  German 
Flats  he  received  an  express  from  Colonel  Gansevoort, 
informing  him  that  he  was  still  besieged,  but  in  high  spirits 
and  under  no  apprehensions.  In  a  letter  to  Gates,  written 
from  the  German  Flats  (August  21st),  Arnold  says,  "I  leave 
this  place  this  morning  with  twelve  hundred  Continental 
troops  and  a  handful  of  militia  for  Fort  Schuyler,  stir 
besieged  by  a  number  equal  to  ours.  You  will  hear  of  m\ 
being  victorious — or  no  more.  As  soon  as  the  safety  of  thi^ 
part  of  the  country  will  permit,  I  will  fly  to  your  assistance."* 

All  this  while  St.  Leger  was  advancing  his  parallels  and 
pressing  the  siege;  while  provisions  and  ammunition  were 
rapidly  decreasing  within  the  fort.  St.  Leger's  Indian  allies, 
however,  were  growing  sullen  and  intractable.  This  slow 
kind  of  warfare,  this  war  with  the  spade,  they  were  unac- 
customed to,  and  they  by  no  means  relished  it.  Besides, 
they  had  been  led  to  expect  easy  times,  little  fighting,  many 
scalps,  and  much  plunder;  whereas  they  had  fought  hard, 
lost  many  of  their  best  chiefs,  been  checked  in  their  cruelty, 
and  gained  no  booty. 

At  this  juncture,  scouts  brought  word  that  a  force  one 
thousand  strong  was  marching  to  the  relief  of  the  fort. 
Eager  to  put  his  savages  in  action,  St.  Leger  in  a  council  of 
war  offered  to  their  chiefs  to  place  himself  at  their  head,  with 
three  hundred  of  his  best  troops,  and  meet  the  enemy  as  they 
advanced.  It  was  agreed,  and  they  sallied  forth  together  to 
choose  a  fighting  ground.  By  this  time  rumors  stole  into  the 
camp  doubling  the  number  of  the  approaching  enemy. 
Burgoyne's  whole  army  were  said  to  have  been  defeated. 
Lastly  came  Yan  Yost  Cuyler,  with  his  coat  full  of  bullet 
holes,  giving  out  that  he  had  escaped  from  the  hands  of 
the  Americans,  and  had  been  fired  upon  by  them.  His  story 
was  believed,  for  his  wounded  coat  corroborated  it,  and  he 
was  known  to  be  a  royalist.  Mingling  among  his  old  ac- 
quaintances, the  Indians,  he  assured  them  that  the  Ameri- 
cans were  close  at  hand  and  "numerous  as  the  leaves  on  the 
trees." 

Arnold's  stratagem  succeeded.  The  Indians,  fickle  as  the 
winds,  began  to  desert.  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colonels 
Clans  and  Butler  endeavored  in  vain  to  reassure  and  retain 
them.  In  a  little  while  two  hundred  had  decamped,  and  the 
rest  threatened  to  do  so  likewise,  unless  St.  Leger  retreated. 

*  Gates's  Papers. 


374  LIFE  OF  WASHIKGTOH.  [CH.  LI. 

The  unfortunate  colonel  found  too  late  what  little  reliance 
was  to  be  placed  upon  Indian  allies.  He  determined  on  the 
22d  to  send  off  his  sick,  his  wounded,  and  his  artillery  by 
Wood  Creek  that  very  night,  and  to  protect  them  by  the 
line  of  march.  The  Indians,  however,  goaded  on  by 
Arnold's  emissaries,  insisted  on  instant  retreat.  St.  Leger 
still  refused  to  depart  before  nightfall.  The  savages  now 
became  ungovernable.  They  seized  upon  liquor  of  the. 
officers  about  to  be  embarked,  and  getting  intoxicated, 
behaved  like  very  fiends. 

In  a  word,  St.  Leger  was  obliged  to  decamp  about  noon, 
in  such  hurry  and  confusion  that  he  left  his  tents  standing, 
and  his  artillery,  with  most  of  his  baggage,  ammunition  and 
stores,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 

A  detachment  from  the  garrison  pursued  and  harassed 
him  for  a  time;  but  his  greatest  annoyance  was  from  his 
Indian  allies,  who  plundered  the  boats  which  conveyed  such 
baggage  as  had  been  brought  off;  murdered  all  stragglers 
who  lagged  in  the  rear,  and  amused  themselves  by  giving 
false  alarms  to  keep  up  the  panic  of  the  soldiery;  who  would 
throw  away  muskets,  knapsacks,  and  everything  that 
impeded  their  flight. 

It  was  not  until  he  reached  Onondaga  Falls  that  St. 
Leger  discovered,  by  a  letter  from  Burgoyne,  and  floating 
reports  brought  by  the  bearer,  that  he  had  been  the  dupe  of 
a  ruse  de  guerre,  and  that  at  the  time  the  advancing  foe  were 
reported  to  be  close  upon  his  haunches,  they  were  not  within 
forty  miles  of  him. 

Such  was  the  second  blow  to  Burgoyne's  invading  army; 
but  before  the  news  of  it  reached  that  doomed  commander, 
he  had  already  been  half  paralyzed  by  the  disaster  at 
Beunington. 

The  moral  effect  of  these  two  blows  was  such  as  Washing- 
ton had  predicted.  Fortune,  so  long  adverse,  seemed  at 
length  to  have  taken  a  favorable  turn.  People  were  roused 
from  their  despondency.  There  was  a  sudden  exultation 
throughout  the  country.  The  savages  had  disappeared  in 
their  native  forests,  The  German  veterans,  so  much  vaunted 
and  dreaded,  had  been  vanquished  by  militia,  and  British 
artillery  captured  by  men,  some  of  whom  had  never  seen 
a  cannon. 

Means  were  now  augmenting  in  Schuyler's  hand.  Colonels 
.Livingston  and  Pierre  van  Court! an dt,  forwarded  by  Put- 
nam, were  arrived.  Governor  Clinton  was  daily  expected 
with  New  York  militia  from  the  Highlands.  The  arrival  of 


1777. J  ARRIVAL   OF   GATES.  375 

Arnold  was  anticipated  with  troops  and  artillery,  and  Lincoln 
with  the  New  England  militia.  At  this  propitious  moment, 
when  everything  was  ready  for  the  sickle  to  be  put  into  the 
harvest,  General  Gates  arrived  in  the  camp. 

Schuyler  received  him  with  the  noble  courtesy  to  which 
he  pledged  himself.  After  acquainting  him  with  all  the 
affairs  of  the  department,  the  measures  he  had  taken  and 
those  he  had  projected;  he  informed  him  of  his  having 
signified  to  Congress  his  intention  to  remain  in  that  quarter 
for  the  present,  and  render  every  service  in  his  power;  and 
he  entreated  Gates  to  call  upon  him  for  council  and  assistance 
whenever  he  thought  proper.. 

Gates  was  in  high  spirits.  His  letters  to  "Washington 
show  how  completely  he  was  aware  that  an  easy  path  of 
victory  had  been  opened  for  him.  "Upon  my  leaving  Phil- 
adelphia," writes  he,  "the  prospect  this  way  appeared  most 
gloomy,  but  the  severe  checks  the  enemy  have  met  with  at 
Beunington  and  Tryon  County,  have  given  a  more  pleasing 
view  of  public  affairs.  Particular  accouuts  of  the  signal 
victory  gained  by  General  Stark,  and  of  the  severe  blow 
General  Herkimer  gave  Sir  John  Johnson  and  the  scalpers 
under  his  command,  have  been  transmitted  to  your  Excel- 
lency by  General  Schuyler.  I  anxiously  expect  the  arrival 
of  an  express  from  General  Arnold,  with  an  account  of  the 
total  defeat  of  the  enemy  in  that  quarter. 

"I  cannot  sufficiently  thank  your  Excellency  for  sending 
Colonel  Morgan's  corps  to  this  army.  They  will  be  of  the 
greatest  service  to  it;  for,  until  the  late  success  this  way, 
I  am  told  the  army  were  quite  panic-struck  by  the  Indians, 
and  their  tory  and  Canadian  assassins  in  Indian  dress." 

Governor  Clinton  was  immediately  expected  in  camp,  and 
he  intended  to  consult  with  him  and  General  Lincoln  upon 
the  best  plan  to  distress,  and,  he  hoped,  finally  to  defeat  the 
enemy.  "\Ve  shall,  no  doubt,"  writes  he,  "unanimously 
agree  in  sentiment  with  your  Excellency,  to  keep  Generals 
Lincoln  and  Stark  upon  the  flank  and  rear  of  the  enemy, 
while  the  main  body  opposes  them  in  front." 

Not  a  word  does  he  say  of  consulting  Schuyler,  who, 
more  than  any  one  else,  was  acquainted  with  the  department 
and  its  concerns,  who  was  in  constant  correspondence  with 
AVashington,  and  had  co-operated  with  him  in  effecting  the 
measures  which  had  produced  the  present  promising  situa- 
tion of  affairs.  So  far  was  he  from  responding  to  Schuyler's 
magnanimity,  and  profiting  by  his  nobly  offered  counsel  and 
assistance,  that  he  did  not  even  ask  him  to  be  present  at  his 


376  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.   '  [CH.  LI, 

first  council  of  war,  although   he   invited  up  General  Ten 
Broeck  of  the  militia  from  Albany  to  attend  it. 

His  conduct  in  this  respect  provoked  a  caustic  remark 
from  the  celebrated  Gouverneur  Morris.  "The  coinmander- 
in-chief  of  the  Northern  department,"  said  he,  "may,  if  lie 
please,  neglect  to  ask  or  disdain  to  receive  advice,  but  those 
who  know  him  will,  I  am  sure,  be  convinced  that  he  wants 
it." 

Gates  opened  hostilities  against  Burgoyne  with  the  pen. 
He  had  received  a  letter  from  that  commander,  complaining 
of  the  harsh  treatment  experienced  by  the  royalists  captured 
at  Bennington.  "Duty  and  principle,"  writes  Burgoyne, 
"made  me  a  public  enemy  to  the  Americans  who  have  taken 
up  arms;  but  I  seek  to  be  a  generous  one;  nor  have  I  the 
shadow  of  resentment  against  '<my  individual  who  does  not 
induce  it  by  acts  derogatory  to  those  maxims  upon  which 
all  men  of  honor  think  alike." 

There  was  nothing  in  this  that  was  not  borne  out  by  the 
conduct  and  character  of  Burgoyne;  but  Gates  seized  upon 
the  occasion  to  assail  that  commander  in  no  measured  terms 
in  regard  to  his  Indian  allies. 

"That  the  savages,"  said  he,  "should  in  their  warfare 
mangle  the  unhappy  prisoners  who  fall  into  their  hands,  is 
neither  new  or  extraordinary;  but  that  the  famous  General 
Burgoyne,  in  whom  the  line  gentleman  is  united  with  the 
scholar,  should  hire  the  savages  of  America  to  scalp  Euro- 
peans: nay  more,  that  he  should  pay  a  price  for  each  scalp  so 
barbarously  taken,  is  more  than  will  be  believed  in  Europe, 
until  authenticated  facts  shall  in  every  gazette  confirm  the 
horrid  tale." 

After  this  prelude,  he  went  on  to  state  the  murder  of  Miss 
McCrea,  alleging  that  her  murderer  was  employed  by 
Burgoyne.  "Two  parents,"  added  he,  "with  their  six 
children,  were  treated  with  the  same  inhumanity  while 
quietly  resting  in  their  once  happy  and  peaceful  dwelling. 
Upward  of  one  hundred  men,  women  and  children,  have 
perished  by  the  hands  of  the  ruffians,  to  whom  it  is  asserted 
you  have  paid  the  price  of  blood." 

Gates  showed  his  letter  to  General  Lincoln  and  Colonel 
Wilkinson,  who  demurred  to  its  personality;  but  he  evidently 
conceived  it  an  achievement  of  the  pen,  and  spurned  their 
criticism.* 

*  After  General  Gates  had  written  his  letter  to  Burgoyne,  he  called  General  Lincoln 
and  myself  into  his  apartment,  read  it  to  us,  and  requested  our  opinion  of  it,  which 
we  declined  giving;  but  being  pressed  by  him,  with  diffidence  we  concurred  in 


1777.]  HOSTILITIES   OF   THE    PEN.  377 

Burgoyne,  in  a  manly  reply,  declared  that  he  would  have 
disdained  to  justify  himself  from  such  rhapsodies  of  fiction 
and  calumny,  but  that  his  silence  might  be  construed  into 
an  admission  of  their  truth,  and  lead  to  acts  el  retaliation. 
He  pronqunced  all  the  intelligence  cited  respecting  the 
cruelties  of  the  Indians  to  be  false,  with  the  exception  of  the 
case  of  Miss  McCrea.  This  he  put  in  its  true  light,  adding, 
that  it  had  been  as  sincerely  lamented  and  abhorred  by  him. 
as  it  could  be  by  the  tenderest  of  her  friends.  "I  would 
not,"  declared  he,  "be  conscious  of  the  acts  you  presume  to 
impute  to  me,  for  the  whole  continent  of  America;  though 
the  wealth  of  worlds  was  in  its  bowels,  and  a  paradise  upon 
its  surface." 

We  have  already  shown  what  was  the  real  conduct  of 
Burgoyne  in  this  deplorable  affair,  and  General  Gates  could 
and  should  have  ascertained  it,  before  "he  presumed  to 
impute"  to  a  gallant  antagonist  and  a  humane  and  cultivated 
gentleman,  such  base  and  barbarous  policy.  It  was  the 
government  under  which  Burgoyne  served  that  was  charge- 
able with  the  murderous  acts  of  the  savages.  He  is  rather 
to  be  pitied  for  being  obliged  to  employ  such  hell-hounds, 
whom  he  endeavored  in  vain  to  hold  in  check.  Great 
Britain  reaped  the  reward  of  her  policy  in  the  odium  which 
it  cast  upon  her  cause,  and  the  determined  and  successful 
opposition  which  it  provoked  in  the  American  bosom. 

\Vr  will  now  shift  the  scene  to  Washington's  camp  at 
Wilmington,  where  we  left  him  watching  the  operations  of 
the  British  fleet,  and  preparing  to  oppose  the  army  under 
Sir  William  Howe  in  its  designs  upon  Philadelphia. 

judgment,  that  he  had  been  too  personal ;  to  which  the  old  gentleman  replied  with 
his  characteristic  bluntness,  "By  G— !  I  don't  believe  either  of  you  can  mend  it ;" — 
and  thus  the  consultation  terminated.—  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  vol.  L,  231. 


378  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  LIE. 


CHAPTER  LII. 

Landing  of  Howe's  Army  on  Elk  River— Measures  to  Check  it— Ex- 
posed Situation  of  Washington  in  Recpnnoitering — Alarm  of  the 
Country— Proclamation  of  Howe — Arrival  of  Sullivan — Foreign 
Officers  in  Camp — Deborre  —  Conway — Fleury— Count  Pulaski— 
First  Appearance  in  the  Army  of  "Light-Horse  Harry"  of  Virginia 
— Washington's  Appeal  to  the  Army  —  Movements  of  the  Rival 
Forces — Battle  of  the  Brandywine  —  Retreat  of  the  Americans — 
Halt  in  Chester — Scenes  in  Philadelphia  during  the  Battle — Con- 
gress orders  out  Militia — Clothes  Washington  with  Extraordinary 
Powers — Removes  to  Lancaster— Rewards  to  Foreign  Officers. 

ON  the  25th  of  August,  the  British  army  under  General 
Howe  began  to  land  from  the  fleet  in  Elk  River,  at  the 
bottom  of  Chesapeake  Bay.  The  place  where  they  landed 
was  about  six  miles  below  the  Head  of  Elk  (now  Elkton),  a 
small  town,  the  capital  of  Cecil  County.  This  was  seventy 
miles  from  Philadelphia;  ten  miles  further  from  that  city 
than  they  had  been  when  encamped  at  Brunswick.  The 
intervening  country,  too,  was  less  open  than  the  Jerseys, 
and  cut  up  by  deep  streams.  Sir  William  had  chosen  this 
circuitous  route  in  the  expectation  of  finding  friends  among 
the  people  of  Cecil  County,  and  of  the  lower  counties  of 
Pennsylvania;  many  of  whom  were  Quakers  and  non- 
combatants,  and  many  persons  disaffected  to  the  patriot 
cause. 

Early  in  the  evening,  Washington  received  intelligence 
that  the  enemy  were  landing.  There  was  a  quantity  of 
public  and  private  stores  at  the  Head  of  Elk,  which  he  feared 
would  fall  into  their  hands  if  they  moved  quickly.  Every 
attempt  was  to  be  made  to  check  them.  The  divisions  of 
Generals  Greene  and  Stephen  were  within  a  few  miles  of 
Wilmington;  orders  were  sent  for  them  to  march  thither 
immediately.  The  two  other  divisions,  which  had  halted  at 
Chester  to  refresh,  were  to  hurry  forward.  Major-General 
Armstrong,  the  same  who  had  surprised  the  Indian  village 
of  Kittaning  in  the  French  war,  and  who  now  commanded 
the  Pennsylvania  militia,  was  urged  to  send  down,  in  the 
cool  of  the  night,  all  the  men  he  could  muster,  properly 
armed.  "The  first  attempt  of  the  enemy,"  writes  Washing- 
ton, "will  be  with  light  parties  to  seize  horses,  carriages  and 
cattle,  and  we  must  endeavor  to  check  them  at  the  outset," 


1777.]  DISTKII5UT10X   OF  THE   FORCES.  379 

General  Rodney,  therefore,  who  commanded  the  Delaware 
militia,  was  ordered  to  throw  out  scouts  and  patrols  toward 
the  enemy,  to  watch  their  motions;  and  to  move  near  them 
with  his  troops,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  reinforced  by  the 
Maryland  militia. 

Light  troops  were  sent  out  early  in  the  morning  to  hover 
about  and  harass  the  invaders.  Washington  himself,  accom- 
panied by  General  Greene  and  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  and 
their  aides,  rode  forth  to  reconnoiter  the  country  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  enemy,  and  determine  how  to  dispos- ; 
of  his  forces  when  they  should  be  collected.  The  only 
eminences  near  Elk  were  Iron  Hill  and  Gray's  Hill;  the 
latter  within  two  miles  of  the  enemy.  It  was  difficult, 
however,  to  get  a  good  view  of  their  encampment,  and  judge 
of  the  number  that  had  landed.  Hours  were  passed  m 
riding  from  place  to  place  reconnoitering,  and  taking  a 
military  survey  of  the  surrounding  country.  At  length  a 
severe  storm  drove  the  party  to  take  shelter  in  a  farm-house. 
Night  came  on  dark  and  stormy.  Washington  showed  no 
1 1 i- position  to  depart.  His  companions  became  alarmed  for 
liis  safety;  there  was  risk  of  his  being  surprised,  being  so 
near  the  enemy's  camp.  He  was  not  to  be  moved  either  by 
advice  or  entreaties,  but  remained  all  night  under  the 
fanner's  roof.  When  he  loft  the  house  at  daybreak,  however, 
says  Lafayette,  he  acknowledged  his  imprudence,  and  that 
the  most  insignificant  traitor  might  have  caused  his  ruin. 

Indeed,  he  ran  a  similar  risk  to  that  which  in  the  previous 
year  had  produced  General  Lee's  catastrophe. 

The  country  was  in  a  great  state  of  alarm.  The  inhabi- 
tants were  hurrying  off  their  most  valuable  effects,  so  that  it 
was  difficult  to  procure  cattle  and  vehicles  to  remove  the 

Eublic  stores.     The  want  of  horses,  and  the  annoyances  given 
y  the  American  light  troops,  however,  kept  Howe  from 
advancing  promptly,  and  gave  time  for  the  greater  part  of 
the  stores  to  be  saved. 

To  allay  the  public  alarm,  Howe  issued  a  proclamation  on 
the  2?th,  promising  the  strictest  regularity  and  order  on  the 
part  of  his  army;  with  security  of  person  and  property  to  all 
who  remained  quietly  at  home,  and  pardon  to  those  under 
arms,  who  should  promptly  return  to  their  obedience.  The 
proclamation  had  a  quieting  effect,  especially  among  the 
loyalists,  who  abounded  in  these  parts. 

The  divisions  of  Generals  Greene  and  Stephen  were  now 
stationed  several  miles  in  advance  of  Wilmington,  behind 
White  Clay  Creek,  about  ten  miles  from  the  Head  of  Elk. 


380  MFE   OF   AVASHINGTOX.  [CH.  LIT. 

General  Smallwood  and  Colonel  Gist  had  been  directed  by 
Congress  to  take  command  of  the  militia  of  Maryland,  who 
were  gathering  on  the  western  shore,  and  Washington  sent 
them  orders  to  co-operate  with  General  Rodney  and  get  in 
the  rear  of  the  enemy. 

Washington  now  felt  the  want  of  Morgan  and  his  rifle- 
men, whom  he  had  sent  to  assist  the  Northern  army;  to 
supply  their  place,  he  formed  a  corps  of  light  troops,  by 
drafting  a  hundred  men  from  each  brigade.  The  command 
was  given  to  Major-General  Maxwell,  who  was  to  hover 
about  the  enemy  and  give  them  continual  annoyance. 

The  army  about  this  time  was  increased  by  the  arrival  of 
General  Sullivan  and  his  division  of  three  thousand  men. 
He  had  recently,  while  encamped  at  Hanover  in  Jersey, 
made  a  gallant  attempt  to  surprise  and  capture  a  corps  of 
one  thousand  provincials  stationed  on  Staten  Island,  at  a 
distance  from  the  fortified  camp,  and  opposite  the  Jersey 
shore.  The  attempt  was  partially  successful;  a  number  of 
the  provincials  were  captured;  but  the  regulars  came  to  the 
rescue.  Sullivan  had  not  brought  sufficient  boats  to  secure 
a  retreat.  His  rear-guard  was  captured  while  waiting  for 
the  return  of  the  boats,  yet  not  without  a  sharp  resistance. 
There  was  loss  on  both  sides,  but  the  Americans  suffered 
most.  Congress  had  directed  Washington  to  appoint  a  court 
of  inquiry  to  investigate  the  matter;  in  the  mean  time, 
Sullivan,  whose  gallantry  remained  undoubted,  continued  in 
command. 

There  were  now  in  camp  several  of  those  officers  and 
gentlemen  from  various  parts"  of  Europe  who  had  recently 
pressed  into  the  service,  and  the  suitable  employment  of 
whom  had  been  a  source  of  much  perplexity  to  Washington, 
General  Deborre,  the  French  veteran  of  thirty  years'  service, 
commanded  a  brigade  in  Sullivan's  division.  Brigadier- 
General  Conway,  the  Gallicized  Hibernian,  was  in  the 
division  of  Lord  Stirling.  Beside  these,  there  was  Louis 
Fleury,  a  French  gentleman  of  noble  descent,  who  had  been 
educated  as  an  engineer,  and  had  come  out  at  the  opening 
of  the  Revolution  to  offer  his  services.  Washington  had 
obtained  for  him  a  captain's  commission.  Another  officer 
of  distinguished  merit,  Avas  the  Count  Pulaski,  a  Pole, 
recommended  by  Dr.  Franklin,  as  an  officer  famous  through- 
out Europe  for  his  bravery  and  conduct  in  defence  of  the 
liberties  of  his  country  against  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia. 
In  fact,  he  had  been  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  of  the 
insurgents.  He  served  at  present  as  a  volunteer  in  the 


1777.]  LIGHT-HOUSE    HARRY.  381 

light-horse,  and  as  that  department  was  still  without  a  head, 
and  the  cavalry  was  a  main  object  of  attention  among  the 
military  of  Poland,  Washington  suggested  to  Congress  the 
expediency  of  giving  him  the  command  of  it.  "This  gentle- 
man, we  are  told,"  writes  Washington,  "has  heen,  like  its, 
engaged  in  defending  the  liberty  and  independence  of  his 
country,  and  has  sacrificed  his  fortune  to  his  zeal  for  those 
objects.  He  derives  from  hence  a  title  to  our  respect,  tlisit 
ought  to  operate  in  his  favor  as  far  as  the  good  of  the  service- 
will  permit." 

At  this  time  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia,  of  military  renowi  , 
makes  his  6rst  appearance.  He  was  in  the  twenty-secoiiu 
year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  preceding  year  had  commanded  a 
company  of  Virginia  volunteers.  He  had  recently  signalized 
himself  in  scouting  parties,  harassing  the  enemy's  pickets, 
Washington,  in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  (Aug. 
30th),  writes:  "This  minute  twenty-four  British  prisoners 
arrived,  taken  yesterday  by  Captain  Lee  of  the  light-horse." 
His  adventurous  exploits  soon  won  him  notoriety,  and  the 
popular  appellation  of  "Light-horse  Harry."  He  was  favor- 
ably noticed  by  Washington  throughout  the  war.  Perhaps 
there  was  something  beside  his  bold,  dashing  spirit,  which 
won  him  this  favor.  There  may  have  been  early  recollections 
connected  with  it.  Lee  was  the  son  of  the  lady  who  first 
touched  Washington's  heart  in  his  schoolboy  days,  the  one 
about  whom  he  wrote  rhymes  at  Mount  Vernon  and  Green- 
way  Court — his  "lowland  beauty." 

Several  days  were  now  passed  by  the  commander-in-chief 
almost  continually  in  the  saddle,  reconnoitering  the  roads  and 
passes,  and  making  himself  acquainted  with  the  surrounding 
country;  which  was  very  much  intersected  by  rivers  and 
small  streams,  running  chiefly  from  northwest  to  southeast. 
He  had  now  made  up  his  mind  to  risk  a  battle  in  the  open 
field.  It  is  true  his  troops  were  inferior  to  those  of  tl\» 
enemy  in  number,  equipments,  and  discipline.  llithert<, 
according  to  Lafayette,  "they  had  fought  combats,  bi ; 
not  battles."  Stilfthose  combats  had  given  them  experience; 
and  though  many  of  them  were  militia,  or  raw  recruits,  yet 
the  divisions  of  the  army  had  acquired  a  facility  at  moving 
in  large  masses,  and  were  considerably  improved  in  military 
tactics.  At  any  rate,  it  would  never  do  to  let  Philadelphia, 
;it  that  time  the  capital  of  the  States,  fall  without  a  blow. 
There  was  a  carping  spirit  abroad;  a  disposition  to  cavil  and 
find  fault,  which  was  prevalent  in  Philadelphia,  and  creeping 
into  Congress;  something  of  the  nature,  of  what  had  been 


382  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [en.  LH. 

indulged  respecting  General  Schuyler  and  the  army  of  the 
North.  Public  impatience  called  for  a  battle;  it  was 
expected  even  by  Europe;  his  own  valiant  spirit  required  it; 
though  hitherto  he  had  been  held  in  check  by  superior  con- 
siderations of  expediency,  and  by  the  controlling  interference 
of  Congress.,  itself  now  spurred  him  on,  and  he  gave  way  to 
the  native  ardor  of  his  character. 

The  British  army  having  effected  a  landing,  in  which,  by 
the  way,  it  had  experienced  but  little  molestation,  was 
formed  "into  two  divisions.  One,  under  Sir  William  Howe, 
was  stationed  at  Elkton,  with  its  advanced  guard  at  Gray's 
Ilili,  about  two  miles  off.  The  other  division,  under 
General  Knyphatisen,  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  ferry, 
at  Cecil  Court  House.  On  the  third  of  September  the  enemy 
advanced  in  considerable  force,  with  three  field-pieces, 
moving  with  great  caution,  as  the  country  Avas  difficult, 
woody,  and  not  well  known  to  them.  About  three  miles  in 
front  of  White  Clay  Creek,  their  vanguard  was  encountered 
by  General  Maxwell  and  his  light  troops,  and  a  severe 
skirmish  took  place.  The  fire  of  the  American  sharpshooters 
and  riflemen,  as  usual,  was  very  effective;  but  being  inferior 
in  number,  and  having  no  artillery,  Maxwell  was  compelled 
to  retreat  across  White  Clay  Creek,  with  the  loss  of  about 
forty  killed  and  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was 
supposed  to  be  much  greater. 

The  main  body  of  the  American  army  was  now  encamped 
on  the  east  side  of  lied  Clay  Creek,  on  the  road  leading  from 
Elkton  to  Philadelphia.  The  light-infantry  were  in  the 
advance,  at  White  Clay  Creek.  The  armies  were  from  eight 
to  ten  miles  apart.  In  this  position,  Washington  determined 
to  await  the  threatened  attack. 

On  the  5th  of  September  he  made  a  stirring  appeal  to  the 
army,  in  his  general  orders,  stating  the  object  of  the  enemy, 
the  capture  of  Philadelphia.  They  had  tried  it  before,  from 
the  Jerseys,  and  had  failed.  He  trusted  they  would  be- 
again  disappointed.  In  their  present  attempt  their  all  was 
at  stake.  The  whole  would  be  hazarded  in  a  single  battle. 
If  defeated  in  that,  they  were  totally  undone,  and  the  win 
would  be  at  an  end.  Now  then  was  the  time  for  the  mosi 
strenuous  exertions.  One  bold  stroke  would  free  the  land 
from  rapine,  devastation,  and  brutal  outrage.  "Two  years,'1 
sa:,l  he,  "have  we  maintained  the  war,  and  struggled  with 
difficulties  innumerable,  but  the  prospect  has  brightened. 
Now  is  the  time  to  reap  the  fruit  of  all  our  toils  and  dangers; 
if  v;c  behave  like  men  this  third  campaign  will  be  our  last." 


1777. J  POSITION*   OF  THE   ARMY.  383 

Washington's  numerical  force  at  this  time  was  about  fifteen 
thousand  men,  but  from  sickness  and  other  causes  the 
elective  force,  militia  included,  did  not  exceed  eleven 
thousand,  and  most  of  these  indifferently  armed  and 
^nipped.  The  strength  of  the  British  was  computed  at 
eighteen  thousand  men,  but,  it  is  thought,  not  more  than 
fifteen  thousand  were  brought  into  action. 

On  the  8th,  the  enemy  advanced  in  two  columns;  one 
appeared  preparing  to  attack  the  Americans  in  front,  while 
the  other  extended  its  left  up  the  west  side  of  the  creel, 
halting  at  Milltown,  somewhat  to  the  right  of  the  America  i 
position.  Washington  now  suspected  an  intention  on  the 
part  of  Sir  William  Howe  to  march  by  his  right,  suddenly 
pass  the  Brandywine,  gain  the  heights  north  of  that  stream, 
and  cut  him  oil  from  Philadelphia.  He  summoned  a  council 
of  war,  therefore,  that  evening,  in  which  it  was  determined 
immediately  to  change  their  position,  and  move  to  the  river 
in  question.  By  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  army  was 
under  march,  and  by  the  next  evening  was  encamped  on  the 
hi<:h  grounds  in  the  rear  of  the  Brandywine.  The  enemy 
on  the  same  evening  moved  to  Kennet  Square,  about  seven 
miles  from  the  American  position. 

The  Brandywine  Creek,  as  it  is  called,  commences  with 
two  branches,  called  the  East  and  West  branches,  which 
unite  in  one  stream,  flowing  from  west  to  east  about  twenty- 
two  miles,  and  emptying  itself  into  the  Delaware  about 
twenty-five  miles  below  Philadelphia.  It  has  several  fords; 
one  called  Chadd's  Ford,  was  at  that  time  the  most  practic- 
able, and  in  the  direct  route  from  the  enemy's  camp  to  Phila- 
delphia. As  the  principal  attack  was  expected  here,  Wash- 
ington made  it  the  center  of  his  position,  where  he  stationed 
the  main  body  of  his  army,  composed  of  Wayne's,  Weed  on 's, 
and  Muhlenberg's  brigades,  with  the  light-infantry  under 
.Maxwell.  An  eminence  immediately  above  the  ford,  had 
been  intrenched  in  the  night,  and  was  occupied  by  Wayne 
and  Proctor's  artillery.  Weedon's  and  Muhlenberg's 
brigades,  which  were  Virginian  troops,  and  formed  General 
(irren's  division,  were  posted  in  the  rear  on  the  heights,  as  a 
reserve  to  aid  either  wing  of  the  army.  Writh  these  Wash- 
ington took  his  stand.  Maxwell's  light-infantry  were 
thrown  in  the  advance,  south  of  the  Brandywine,  and  posted 
on  high  ground  each  side  of  the  road  leading  to  the  ford. 

The  right  wing  of  the  army  commanded  by  Sullivan,  and 
composed  of  his  division  and  those  of  Stephen  and  Stirling, 
extended  up  the  Brandywine  two  miles  beyond  Washington's 


384  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [cH.  LIT. 

position.  Its  light  troops  and  videttes  were  distributed 
quite  up  to  the  forks.  A  few  detachments  of  ill-organized 
and  undisciplined  cavalry,  extended  across  the  creek  on  the 
extreme  right.  The  left  wing,  composed  of  the  Pennsylvania 
militia,  under  Major-General  Armstrong,  was  stationed  about 
a  mile  and  a  half  below  the  main  body,  to  protect  the  lower 
fords,  where  the  least  danger  was  apprehended.  The 
Brandy  wine,  which  ran  in  front  of  the  whole  line,  was  now 
the  only  obstacle,  if  such  it  might  be  called,  between  the 
two  armies.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  llth,  a  great 
column  of  troops  was  descried  advancing  on  the  road  leading 
to  Chadd's  Ford.  A  skirt  of  woods  concealed  its  force, 
but  it  was  supposed  to  be  the  main  body  of  the  enemy;  if  so, 
a  great  conflict  was  at  hand. 

The  Americans  were  immediately  drawn  out  in  order  of 
battle.  Washington  rode  along  the  front  of  the  ranks,  and 
was  everywhere  received  with  acclamations.  A  sharp  firing 
of  small  arms  soon  told  that  Maxwell's  light-infantry  were 
engaged  with  the  vanguard  of  the  enemy.  The  skirmishing 
was  kept  up  for  some  time  with  spirit,  when  Maxwell  was 
driven  across  the  Brandywine  below  the  ford.  The  enemy, 
who  had  advanced  but  slowly,  did  not  attempt  to  follow, 
but  halted  on  commanding  ground,  and  apeared  to  recon- 
noiter  the  American  position  with  a  view  to  an  attack. 
Heavy  cannonading  commenced  on  both  sides,  about  ten 
o'clock.  The  enemy  made  repeated  dispositions  to  force  the 
ford,  which  brought  on  as  frequent  skirmishes  on  both  sides  of 
the  river,  for  detachments  of  the  light  troops  occasionally 
crossed  over.  One  of  these  skrmishes  was  more  than  usually 
severe:  the  British  flank-guard  was  closely  pressed,  a  captain 
and  ten  or  fifteen  men  were  killed,  and  the  guard  was  put  to 
flight;  but  a  large  force  came  to  their  assistance,  and  the 
Americans  were  again  driven  across  the  stream.  All  this 
while,  there  was  the  noise  and  uproar  of  a  battle;  but  little 
of  the  reality.  The  enemy  made  a  great  thundering  of 
cannon,  but  no  vigorous  onset,  and  Colonel  Harrison, 
Washington's  "old  secretary,"  seeing  this  cautious  and 
dilatory  conduct  on  their  part,  wrote  a  hurried  note  to 
Congress,  expressing  his  confident  belief  that  the  enemy 
would  be  repulsed. 

Toward  noon  came  an  express  from  Sullivan,  with  a  note 
received  from  a  scouting  party,  reporting  that  General  Howe, 
with  a  large  body  of  troops  and  a  park  of  artillery,  was 
pushing  up  the  Lancaster  road,  doubtless  to  cross  at  the 


DILWORTH 


PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  BRANDYWINE. 


1777.]  CONFLICTING    REPORTS.  38") 

upper  fords  and  turn  the  right  flank  of  the  American 
position. 

Startled  by  the  information,  Washington  instantly  sent  off 
Colonel  Theodoric  Bland,  with  a  party  of  horse,  to  recou- 
noiter  above  the  forks  and  assertain  the  truth  of  the  report. 
In  the  mean  time,  he  resolved  to  cross  the  ford,  attack  the 
division  in  front  of  him  with  his  whole  force,  and  rout  it 
before  the  other  could  arrive.  He  gave  orders  for  both 
wings  to  co-operate,  when,  as  Sullivan  was  preparing  to 
cross,  Major  Spicer  of  the  militia  rode  up,  just  from  the1 
forks,  and  assured  him  there  was  no  enemy  in  that  quarter. 
Sullivan  instantly  transmitted  the  intelligence  to  Washing- 
ton, whereupon  the  movement  was  suspended  until  positive 
information  could  be  obtained.  After  a  time  came  a  man 
of  the  neighborhood,  Thomas  Cheney  by  name,  spurring  in 
all  haste,  the  mare  he  rode  in  foam,  and  himself  out  of 
breath.  Dashing  up  to  the  commander-in-chief,  he  informed 
him  that  he  must  instantly  move,  or  he  would  be  surrounded. 
He  had  come  upon  the  enemy  unawares;  had  been  pursued 
and  tired  upon,  but  the  fleetness  of  his  mare  had  saved  him. 
The  main  body  of  the  British  was  coming  down  on  the  east 
side  of  the  stream,  and  was  near  at  hand.  Washington 
replied,  that,  from  information  just  received,  it  could  not  be 
so.  "You  are  mistaken,  general,"  replied  the  other 
vehemently;  "my  life  for  it,  you  are  mistaken."  Then 
reiterating  the  fact  with  an  oath,  and  making  a  draft  of  the 
road  in  the  sand,  "put  me  under  guard,"  added  he  "until 
you  find  my  story  true." 

Another  dispatch  from  Sullivan  corroborated  it.  Colonel 
Bland,  whom  Washington  had  sent  to  reconnoiter  above 
the  forks,  had  seen  the  enemy  two  miles  in  the  rear  of 
Sullivan's  right,  marching  down  at  a  rapid  rate,  while  a 
cloud  of  dust  showed  that  there  were  more  troops  behind 
them. 

In  fact,  the  old  Long  Island  stratagem  had  been  played 
over  again.  Knyphausen  with  a  small  division  had  engrossed 
the  attention  of  the  Americans  by  a  feigned'  attack  at 
Chadd's  Ford,  kept  up  with  great  noise  and  prolonged  by 
skirmishes;"  while  the  main  body  of  the  army  under  Corn- 
wallis,  led  by  experienced  guides,  had  made  a  circuit  of 
seventeen  miles,  crossed  the  two  forks  of  the  Brandywine, 
and  arrived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Birmingham  meeting- 
house, two  miles  to  the  right  of  Sullivan.  It  was  a  capital 
stratagem,  secretly  and  successfully  conducted. 

Finding  that  Cornwallis  had  thus  gained  the  rear  of  the 
13 


386  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON-.  [CH.  Lit. 

army,  Washington  sent  orders  to  Sullivan  to  oppose  him 
with  the  whole  right  wing,  each  brigade  attacking  as  soon  as 
it  arrived  upon  the  ground.  Wayne,  in  the  mean  time,  was 
to  keep  Knyphausen  at  bay  at  the  ford,  and  Greene,  with 
the  reserve,  to  hold  himself  ready  to  give  aid  wherever 
required. 

Lafayette,,  as  a  volunteer,  had  hitherto  accompanied  the 
commander-in-chief,  but  now,  seeing  there  was  likely  to  be 
warm  work  with  the  right  wing,  he  obtained  permission  to 
join  Sullivan;  and  spurred  off  with  his  aide-de-camp  to  the 
scene  of  action.  From  his  narrative,  we  gather  some  of  the 
subsequent  details. 

Sullivan,  on  receiving  Washington's  orders,  advanced  with 
his  own,  Stephen's  and  Stirling's  divisions,  and  began  to 
form  a  line  in  front  of  an  open  piece  of  wood.  The  time 
which  had  been  expended  in  transmitting  intelligence, 
receiving  orders,  and  marching,  had  enabled  Cornwall  is  to 
choose  his  ground  and  prepare  for  action.  Still  more  time 
was  given  him  from  the  apprehension  of  the  three  generals, 
upon  consultation,  of  being  out-flanked  upon  the  right;  and 
that  the  gap  between  Sullivan's  and  Stephen's  divisions  was 
too  wide,  and  should  be  closed  up.  Orders  were  accordingly 
given  for  the  whole  line  to  move  to  the  right;  and  while  in 
execution,  Cornwallis  advanced  rapidly  with  his  troops  in 
the  finest  order,  and  opened  a  brisk  (ire  of  musketry  and 
artillery.  The  Americans  made  an  obstinate  resist-.ince,  but 
being  taken  at  a  disadvantage,  the  right  and  left  wings  were 
broken  and  driven  into  the  woods.  The  center  stood  firm 
for  a  while,  but  being  exposed  to  the  whole  fire  of  the  enemy, 
gave  way  at  length  also.  The  British,  in  following  up  their 
advantage,  got  entangled  in  the  wood.  It  was  here  that 
Lafayette  received  his  wound.  lie  had  thrown  himself  from 
his  horse  and  was  endeavoring  to  rally  the  troops,  when  lie 
was  shot  through  the  leg  with  a  musket  ball,  and  had  to  be 
assisted  into  the  saddle  by  his  aide-de-camp. 

The  Americans  rallied  on  a  height  to  the  north  of 
Dilworth,  and  made  a  still  more  spirited  resistance  than  at 
first,  but  were  again  dislodged  and  obliged  to  retreat  with  a 
heavy  loss. 

While  this  was  occurring  with  the  right  wing,  Knyphausen, 
as  soon  as  he  learned  from  the  heavy  firing  that  Cornwallis 
was  engaged,  made  a  push  to  force  his  way  across  Ohadd's 
Ford  in  earnest.  He  was  vigorously  opposed  by  Wayne  with 
Proctor's  artillery,  aided  by  Maxwell  and  'his  infantry. 
Greene  was  preparing  to  second  him  with  the  reserve,  when 


1777. 1  TfiE  BATTLE.  387 

ho  was  summoned  by  Washington  to  the  support  of  the  right 
wing;  which  the  commander-in-chief,  had  found  in  imminent 
peril 

Greene  advanced  to  the  relief  with  such  celerity,  that  it  is 
said,  on  good  authority,  his  division  accomplished  the  march, 
or  rather  run,  of  five  miles,  in  less  than  fifty  minutes.  He 
arrived  too  late  to  save  the  battle,  but  in  time  to  protect  the 
broken  masses  of  the  left  wing,  which  he  met  in  full  flight. 
Opening  his  ranks  from  time  to  time  for  the  fugitives,  and 
closing  them  the  moment  they  had  passed,  he  covered  their 
retreat  by  a  sharp  and  well-directed  fire  from  his  field-pieces. 
His  grand  stand  was  made  at  a  place  about  a  mile  beyond 
Dihvorth,  which,  in  reconnoitering  the  neighborhood,  Wash- 
ington had  pointed  out  to  him,  as  well  calculated  for  a 
second  position,  should  the  army  be  driven  out  of  the  first; 
and  here  he  was  overtaken  by  Colonel  Pinckney,  an  aide-de- 
camp of  the  commander-in-chief,  ordering  him  to  occupy 
this  position  and  protect  the  retreat  of  the  army.  The 
orders  were  implicitly  obeyed.  Weedon's  brigade  was  drawn 
up  in  a  narrow  defile,  flanked  on  both  sides  by  woods,  and 
perfectly  commanding  the  road;  while  Greene,  with  Muhlen- 
berg's  brigade,  passing  to  the  right  took  his  station  on  the  road. 
The  British  came  on  impetuously,  expecting  but  faint 
opposition.  They  met  with  a  desperate  resistance  and  were 
repeatedly  driven  back.  It  was  the  bloody  conflict  of  the 
bayonet;  deadly  on  either  side,  and  lasting  for  a  considerable 
time.  NVeedon's  brigade  on  the  left  maintained  its  stand  also 
with  great  obstinacy,  and  the  check  given  to  the  enemy  by 
these  two  brigades,  allowed  time  for  the  broken  troops  to 
retreat;  Wecdon's  was  at  length  compelled  by  superior 
numbers  to  seek  the  protection  of  the  other  brigade,  which 
he  did  in  good  order,  and  Greene  gradually  drew  off  the 
whole  division  in  face  of  the  enemy,  who,  checked  by  this 
vigorous  resistance,  and  seeing  the  day  far  spent,  gave  up  all 
further  pursuit. 

The  brave  stand  made  by  these  brigades  had,  likewise,'' 
been  a  great  protection  to  Wayne.  Ho  had  for  a  long  time 
withstood  the  attacks  of  the  enemy  at  Ohadd's  Ford,  until 
the  approach  on  the  right  of  some  of  the  enemy's  troops, 
who  had  been  entangled  in  the  woods,  showed  him  that  the 
right  wing  had  been  routed.  He  now  gave  up  the  defence 
of  his  post,  and  retreated  by  the  Chester  road.  Knyphausen's 
troops  were  too  fatigued  to  pursue  him;  and  the  others  had 
been  kept  back,  .is  we  have  shown,  by  Greene's  division.  So 
ended  the  varied  conflict  of  the  day. 


388  LIFE   OP  WASHINGTON".  [CH.  LIL 

Lafayette  gives  an  animated  picture  of  the  general  retreat, 
in  which  he  became  entangled.  Pie  had  endeavored  to 
rejoin  Washington,  but  loss  of  blood  compelled  him  to  stop 
and  have  his  wound  bandaged.  While  thus  engaged,  he 
came  near  being  captured.  All  around  him  was  headlong 
terror  and  confusion.  Chester  road,  the  common  retreat  of 
the  broken  fragments  of  the  army,  from  every  quarter,  was 
crowded  with  fugitives,  with  cannon,  with  baggage  cars,  all 
hurrying  forward  pell-mell,  and  obstructing  each  other; 
\vhile  the  thundering  of  cannon,  and  volleying  of  musketry 
v  the  contending  parties  in  the  rear  added  to  the  confusion 
a nd  panic  of  the  night. 

The  dust,  the  uproar,  and  the  growing  darkness,  threw 
everything  into  chaos;  there  was  nothing  but  a  headlong 
struggle  forward.  At  Chester,  however,  twelve  miles  from 
the  field  of  battle,  there  was  a  deep  stream  with  a  bridge, 
over  which  the  fugitives  would  have  to  pass.  Here  Lafayette 
set  a  guard  to  prevent  their  further  flight.  The  commander- 
in-chief,  arriving  soon  after  with  Greene  and  his  gallant 
division,  some  degree  of  order  was  restored,  and  the  whole 
army  took  its  post  behind  Chester  for  the  night. 

The  scene  of  this  battle,  which  decided  the  fate  of  Phila- 
delphia, was  within  six  and  twenty  miles  of  that  city,  and 
each  discharge  of  cannon  could  be  heard  there.  The  two 
parties  of  the  inhabitants,  whig  and  tory,  were  to  be  seen  in 
separate  groups  in  the  squares  and  public  places,  waiting  the 
event  in  anxious  silence.  At  length  a  courier  arrived.  His 
tidings  spread  consternation  among  the  friends  of  liberty. 
Many  left  their  homes:  entire  families  abandoned  everything 
in  terror  and  despair,  and  took  refuge  in  the  mountains. 
Congress,  that  same  evening,  determined  to  quit  the  city 
and  repair  to  Lancaster,  whence  they  subsequently  removed 
to  Yorktown.  Before  leaving  Philadelphia,  however,  they 
summoned  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  adjoining 
States,  to  join  the  main  army  without  delay;  and  ordered 
down  fifteen  hundred  Continental  troops  from  Putnam's 
command  on  the  Hudson.  They  also  clothed  Washington 
with  power  to  suspend  officers  for  misbehavior;  to  fill  up 
all  vacancies  under  the  rank  of  brigadiers;  to  take  all 
provisions,  and  other  articles  necessary  for  the  use  of  the 
army,  paying  or  giving  certificates  for  the  same;  and  to 
remove,  or  secure  for  the  benefit  of  the  owners,  all  goods  and 
effects  which  might  otherwise  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  and  ho  serviceable  to  them.  These  extraordinary 
powers  were  limited  to  the  circumference  of  seventy  miles 


1777.]  REWARDS  TO   FOREIGN   OFFICERS.  380 

round  head -quarters,  and  were   to  continue  in  force  sixty 
days,  unless  sooner  revoked  by  Congress. 

It  may  be  as  well  here  to  notice  in  advance,  the  conduct  of 
Congress  toward  some  of  the  foreigners  who  had  mingled  in 
this Imttle.  Count  Pulaski,  the  Polish  nobleman,  heretofore 
mentioned,  who  acted  with  great  spirit  as  a  volunteer  in  the 
light-horse,  riding  up  within  pistol  shot  of  the  enemy  to 
reconnoiter,  was  given  a  command  of  cavalry  with  the  rank 
of  brigadier-general.  Captain  Louis  Fleury,  also,  who  had 
acquitted  himself  with  gallantry,  and  rendered  essential  aid 
in  rallying  the  troops,  having  had  a  horse  killed  under  him, 
was  presented  by  Congress  with  another,  as  a  testimonial  of 
their  sense  of  his  merit.  Lafayette  speaks,  in  his  memoirs, 
of  the  brilliant  manner  in  which  General  Conway,  the 
chevalier  of  St.  Louis,  acquitted  himself  at  the  head  of  eight 
hundred  men,  in  the  encounter  with  the  troops  of  Cornwallis 
near  Birmingham  meeting-house.  The  veteran  Deborre  was 
not  equally  fortunate  in  gaining  distinction  on  this  occasion. 
In  the  awkward  change  of  position  in  the  line  when  in 
front  of  the  enemy,  he  had  been  the  first  to  move,  and 
withont  waiting  for  orders.  The  consequence  was,  his 
brigade  fell  into  confusion,  and  was  put  to  flight.  He 
endeavored  to  rally  it,  and  was  wounded  in  the  attempt;  but 
his  efforts  were  in  vain.  Congress  ordered  a  court  of  inquiry 
on  his  conduct,  whereupon  he  resigned  his  commission,  and 
returned  to  France,  complaining  bitterly  of  his  hard  treat- 
ment. <4It  was  not  his  fault,"  he  said,  "if  American  troops 
would  run  away." 


CHAPTER  LIII. 

General  TTowc  Neglects  to  Pursue  his  Advantage — Washington  Retivii  i 
to  Germantown— Recrosses  theSchuylkill  and  Prepares  for  Another 
Action — Prevented  by  Storms  of  Rain— Retreats  to  French  Creek- 
Wayne  Detached  to  Fall  on  the  Enemy's  Rear— His  Pickets  Sur- 
prised—  Massacre  of  Wayne's  Men  —  Maneuvers  of  Howe  on 
the  Schuylkill—  Washington  sends  for  Reinforcements  —  Howe 
Marches  into  Philadelphia. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  route  and  precipitate  retreat  of  the 
American  army,  SirAVilliam  Howe  did  not  press  the  pursuit, 
but  passed  the  night  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  remained  the 


390  LIFE  OP  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  Lm. 

two  following  days  at  Dil worth,  sending  out  detachments  to 
take  post  at  Concord  and  Chester,  and  seize  on  Wilmington, 
whither  the  sick  and  wounded  were  conveyed.  "Had  the 
enemy  marched  directly  to  Derby,"  observes  Lafayette,  "the 
American  army  would  have  been  cut  up  and  destroyed;  they 
lost  a  precious  night,  and  it  is  perhaps  the  greatest  fault  in 
a  war  in  which  they  have  committed  many."* 

Washington,  as  usual,  profited  by  the  inactivity  of  Howe; 
quietly  retreating  through  Derby  (on  the  12th)  across  the 
Schulykill  to  Cermantown,  within  a  short  distance  of  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  gave  his  troops  a  day's  repose.  Finding 
them  in  good  spirits,  and  in  nowise  disheartened  by  the  recent 
affair,  which  they  seemed  to  consider  a  check  rather  than  a 
defeat,  he  resolved  to  seek  the  enemy  again  and  give  him 
battle.  As  preliminary  measures,  he  left  some  of  the 
Pennsylvania  militia  in  Philadelphia  to  guard  the  city; 
others  under  General  Armstrong,  were  posted  at  the  various 
passes  of  the  Schuylkill,  with  orders  to  throw  up  works;  tho 
floating  bridge  on  the  lower  road  was  to  be  unmoored,  and 
the  boats  collected  and  taken  across  the  river. 

Having  taken  these  precautions  against  any  hostile  move- 
ment by  the  lower  road,  Washington  recrossed  the  Schuylkill 
on  the  14th,  and  advanced  along  the  Lancaster  road,  with 
the  intention  of  turning  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy.  Howe, 
apprised  of  his  intention,  made  a  similar  disposition  to  out- 
flank him.  The  two  armies  can*e  in  sight  of  each  other. 
near  the  Warren  Tavern,  twenty-three  miles  from  Phila- 
delphia, and  were  on  the  point  of  engaging,  but  were 
prevented  by  a  violent  storm  of  rain,  which  lasted  for  four 
and  twenty  hours. 

This  inclement  weather  was  particularly  distressing  to  the 
Americans;  who  were  scantily  clothed,  most  of  them  destitute^ 
of  blankets,  and  separated  from  their  tents  and  baggage. 
The  rain  penetrated  their  cartridge-boxes  and  the  ill-fitted 
locks  of  their  muskets,  rendering  the  latter  useless,  being 
deficient  in  bayonets.  In  this  plight,  Washington  gave  up 
for  the  present  all  thought  of  attacking  the  enemy,  as  their 
discipline  in  the  use  of  the  bayonet,  with  which  they  were 
universally  furnished,  would  give  them  a  great  superiority 
in  action.  "The  hot-headed  politicians,  writes  one  of  his 
officers,  "will  no  doubt  censure  this  part  of  his  conduct, 
while  the  more  judicious  will  approve  it,  as  not  only 
expedient,  but,  in  such  a  case,  highly  commendable.  It  was 

*  Memoirs  Tom  1,  p.  36. 


1777.]  MANEUVERS  OF  THE   ARMIES.  391 

without  doubt  chagrining  to  a  person  of  his  fine  feelings  to 
retreat  before  an  enemy  not  more  in  number  than  himself; 
yet,  with  a  true  greatness  of  spirit  he  sacrificed  them  to  the 
good  of  his  country."*  There  was  evidently  a  growing 
disposition  again  to  criticise  Washington's  movements,  ye*t 
how  well  did  this  officer  judge  of  him. 

The  only  aim,  at  present,  was  to  get  to  some  dry  and  secure 
place,  where  the  army  might  repose  and  refit.  All  day,  and 
for  a  great  part  of  the  night,  they  marched  under  a  cold  and 
pelting  rain,  and  through  deep  and  miry  roads,  to  the. 
Yellow  Springs,  thence  to  Warwick,  on  French  Creek;  i 
weary  march  in  stormy  weather  for  troops  destitute  of  every 
comfort,  and  nearly  a  thousand  of  them  actually  barefooted. 
At  Warwick  furnace,  ammunition  and  a  few  muskets  were 
obtained,  to  aid  in  disputing  the  passage  of  the  Schuylkill, 
and  the  advance  of  the  enemy  on  Philadelphia. 

From  French  Creek,  Wayne  was  detached  with  his  division, 
to  get  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  form  a  junction  with 
General  Small  wood  and  the  Maryland  militia,  and,  keeping 
themselves  concealed,  watch  for  an  opportunity  to  cut  off 
Howe's  baggage  and  hospital  train;  in  the  mean  time 
Washington  crossed  the*  Schuylkill  at  Parker's  Ford,  and 
took  a  position  to  defend  that  pass  of  the  river. 

Wayne  set  off  in  the  night,  and,  by  a  circuitous  march,  got 
within  three  miles  of  the  left  wing  of  the  British  encamped 
at  Tredyffrin,  and  concealing  himself  in  a  wood,  waited  the 
arrival  of  Smallwood  and  his  militia.  At  daybreak  he 
reconnnoitered  the  camp,  where  Howe,  checked  by  the 
severity  of  the  weather,  had  contented  himself  with  uniting 
his  columns,  and  remain  under  shelter.  All  day  Wayne 
hovered  about  the  camp;  there  were  no  signs  of  marching; 
all  kept  quiet,  but  lay  too  compact  to  be  attacked  with 

Srudence.  He  sent  repeated  messages  to  Washington, 
escribing  the  situation  of  the  enemy,  and  urging  him  1  > 
come  on  and  attack  them  in  their  camp.  "Their  supin1- 
ness,"  said  he  in  one  of  his  notes,  ''answers  every  purpose  < " 
giving  you  time  to  get  up:  if  they  attempt  to  move,  I  shall 
attack  them  at  all  events.  *  *  *  *  There  never  was, 
nor  never  will  be,  a  finer  opportunity  of  giving  the  enemy  a 
fatal  blow  than  at  present.  For  God's  sake  push  on  as  fust 
as  possible." 

Again,  at  a  later  hour,  he  writes:  "The  enemy  are  very 
quiet,  washing  and  cooking.  I  expect  General  Maxwell  on 

*  Memoir  of  Major  Samuel  Shaw,  bj  lion.  Joeiah  Quincy. 


392  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON".  [CH.  LIII. 

the  left  flank  every  moment,  and,  as  I  lay  on  the  right,  we 
only  Avant  you  in  their  rear  to  complete  Mr.  Howe's  business. 
I  believe  he  knows  nothing  of  my  situation,  as  I  have  taken 
every  precaution  to  prevent  any  intelligence,  getting  to  him, 
at  the  same  time  keeping  a  watchful  eye  on  his  front,  flanks 
and  rear." 

His  motions,  however,  had  not  been  so  secret  as  he 
imagined.  He  was  in  a  part  of  the  country  full  of  the 
disaffected,  and  Sir  William  had  i-eceived  accurate  informa- 
tion of  his  force  and  where  he  was  encamped.  General  Grey, 
vith  a  strong  detachment,  WHS  sent  to  surprise  him  at  night 
in.  his  lair.  Late  in  the  evening,  when  Wayne  had  set  his 
pickets  and  sentinels,  and  thrown  out  his  patrols,  a  country- 
man brought  him  word  of  the  meditated  attack.  He 
doubted  the  intelligence,  but  strengthened  his  pickets  and 
patrols,  and  ordered  his  troops  to  sleep  upon  their  arms. 

At  eleven  o'clock,  the  pickets  were  driven  in  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet — the  enemy  were  advancing  in  column. 
Wayne  instantly  took  post  on  the  right  of  his  position,  to 
cover  the  retreat  of  the  left,  led  by  Colonel  Humpton,  the 
second  in  command.  The  latter  was  tardy,  and  incautiously 
paraded  his  troops  in  front  of  their  iires,  so  as  to  be  in  full 
relief.  The  enemy  rushed  on  without  firing  a  gun;  all  was 
the  silent  but  deadly  work  of  the  bayonet  and  the  cutlass. 
Nearly  three  hundred  of  Humpton's  men  were  killed  or 
wounded,  and  the  rest  put  to  flight.  Wayne  gave  the  enemy 
some  well-directed  volleys,  and  then  retreating  to  a  small 
distance,  rallied  his  troops,  and  prepared  for  further  defence. 
The  British,  however,  contented  themselves  with  the  blow 
they  had  given,  and  retired  with  very  little  loss,  taking  with 
them  between  seventy  and  eighty  prisoners,  several  of  them 
officers,  and  eight  baggage  wagons,  heavily  laden. 

General  Smallwood,  who  was  to  have  co-operated  with 
Wayne,  was  within  a  mile  of  him  at  the  time  of  his  attack; 
and  would  have  hastened  to  his  assistance  with  his  well- 
known  intrepidity;  but  he  had  not  the  corps  under  his 
command  with  which  he  had  formerly  distinguished  himself, 
and  his  raw  militia  fled  in  a  panic  at  the  first  sight  of  a 
return  party  of  the  enemy. 

AVayne  was  deeply  mortified  by  the  result  of  this  affair, 
and,  finding  it  severely  criticized  in  the  army,  demanded  a 
court-martial,  which  pronounced  his  conduct  everything  that 
was  to  be  expected  from  an  active,  brave,  and  vigilant 
officer;  whatever  blame  there  was  in  the  matter  fell  upon 
his  second  in  command,  who,  by  delay,  or  misapprehension  of 


1777.]  MOVES  AND   COUNTEKMOVES.  393 

orders,  and  an  unskillful  disposition  of  his  troops,  had  ex- 
posed them  to  be  massacred. 

On  the  21st,  Sir  William  Howe  made  a  rapid  niarch  high 
up  the  Schuylkill,  on  the  road  leading  to  Reading,  as  if  he 
intended  either  to  capture  the  military  stores  deposited  there, 
or  to  turn  the  right  of  the  American  army.  Washington 
kept  pace  with  him  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  up  to 
Pott's  Grove,  about  thirty  miles  from  Philadelphia. 

The  movement  on  the  part  of  Howe  was  a  mere  feint. 
No  sooner  had  he  drawn  AY  ash ington  so  far  up  the  river, 
than,  by  a  rapid  counter-march  on  the  night  of  the  22d,  he 
got  to  the  ford  below,  threw  his  troops  across  on  the  next 
morning,  and  pushed  forward  for  Philadelphia.  By  the 
time  Washington  was  apprised  of  this  counter-movement, 
Howe  was  too  far  on  his  way  to  be  overtaken  by  harassed, 
barefooted  troops,  worn  out  by  constant  marching.  Feeling 
the  necessity  of  immediate  reinforcements,  he  wrote  on  the 
same  day  to  Putnam  at  Peekskill:  "The  situation  of  our 
affairs  in  this  quarter  calls  for  every  aid  and  for  every  effort. 
I  therefore  desire  that,  without  a  moment's  loss  of  time,  you 
will  detach  as  many  effective  rank  and  file,  under  proper 
generals  and  officers,  as  will  make  the  whole  number, 
including  those  with  General  McDougall,  amount  to  twenty- 
five  hundred  privates  and  non-commissioned  fit  for  duty. 

"I  must  urge  you,  by  every  motive,  to  send  this  detach- 
ment without  the  least  possible  delay.  No  considerations 
are  to  prevent  it.  It  is  our  first  object  to  defeat,  if  possible, 
the  army  now  opposed  to  us  here." 

On  the  next  day  (24th)  he  wrote  also  to  General  Gates. 
"This  army  has  not  been  able  to  oppose  General  Howe's 
with  the  success  that  was  wished,  and  needs  a  reinforcement. 
I  therefore  request,  if  you  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to 
oblige  General  Burgoyne  to  retreat  to  Ticonderoga,  or  if  you 
have  not,  and  circumstances  will  admit,  that  you  will  order 
Colonel  Morgan  to  join  me  again  with  his  corps.  1  sent  hiu 
up  when  I  thought  you  materially  wanted  him;  and,  if  hia 
services  can  be  dispensed  with  now,  you  will  direct  his 
immediate  return." 

Having  called  a  council  of  officers  and  taken  their  opinions, 
which  concurred  with  his  own,  Washington  determined  to 
remain  some  days  at  Pott's  Grove,  to  give  repose  to  his 
troops,  and  await  the  arrival  of  reinforcements. 

Sir  William  Howe  halted  at  Germantown,  within  a  short 
distance  of  Philadelphia,  and  encamped  the  main  body  of 
his  army  in  and  about  that  village;  detaching  Lord  Corn- 


384  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [en.  LIU. 

wallis  with  a  large  force  and  a  number  of  officers  of  distinc- 
tion, to  take  formal  possession  of  the  city.  That  General 
marched  into  Philadelphia  on  the  50th,  with  a  brilliant 
staff  and  escort,  and  followed  by  splendid  legions  of  British 
and  Hessian  grenadiers,  long  trains  of  artillery  and  squad- 
rons of  light-dragoons,  the  finest  troops  in  the  army  all  in 
their  best  array;  stepping  to  the  swelling  music  of  the  band 
playing  God  save  the  King,  and  presenting  with  their  scarlet 
uniforms,  their  glittering  arms  and  flaunting  feathers,  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  poor  patriot  troops,  who  had  recently 
passed  through  the  same  streets,  weary  and  way-worn,  and 
happy  if  they  could  cover  their  raggedness  with  a  brown 
linen  hunting-frock,  and  decorate  their  caps  with  a  sprig 
of  evergreen. 

In  this  way  the  British  took  possession  of  the  city,  so  Ion;: 
the  object  of  their  awkward  attempts,  and  regarded  by  them 
as  a  triumphant  acquisition;  having  been  the  seat  of  ihe 
general  government;  the  capital  of  the  confederacy.  Wash 
ington  maintained  his  characteristic  equanimity.  "Tins 
is  an  event,"  writes  he  to  Governor  Trumbull,  "which  ue 
have  reason  to  wish  had  not  happened,  and  which  will  IK; 
attended  with  several  ill  consequences;  but  1  hope  it  will 
not  be  so  detrimental  as  many  apprehend,  and  that  a  little 
time  and  perseverance  will  give  ns  some  favorable  opportunity 
of  recovering  our  loss,  and  of  putting  our  -affairs  in  a  more 
flourishing  condition." 

Tie  had  heard  of  the  prosperous  situation  of  affairs  in  the 
Northern  department,  and  the  repeated  checks  given  to  the 
enemy  "I  flatter  myself,"  writes  he,  "we  shall  soon  hear 
that  they  have  been  succeeded  by  other  fortunate  and 
interesting  events,  as  the  two  armies,  by  General  Gates's 
letter,  were  encamped  near  each  other.*' 

We  will  now  revert  to  the  course  of  the  campaign  in  that 
quarter,  the  success  of  which  he  trusted  would  have  a  benefi- 
.lial  influence  on  the  operations  in  which  he  was  personally 
€  igaged.  Indeed  the  operations  in  the  Northern  depart- 
ment formed,  as  we  have  shown,  but  a  part  of  his  genenil 
scheme,  and  were  constantly  present  to  his  thoughts.  His 
generals  had  each  his  own  individual  enterprise,  or  his  own 
department  to  think  about;  Washington  had  to  think  for  the 
whole. 


1777.]  DUBIOUS   POSITION   OF  BUKGOYtfE.  395 


CHAPTER  LIV. 

Dubious  Position  of  Burgoyne— Collects  his  Forces— Ladies  of  Distinc- 
tion in  his  Camp — Lady  Harriet  Ackland — the  Baroness  de  Riedesel 
— American  Army  Reinforced  —  Silent  Movements  of  Burgoyne  — 
Watched  from  the  Summit  of  the  Hills — His  March  along  the  Hud 
son — Position  of  the  two  Camps — Battle  of  the  19th  Sept. — Bur- 
goyne Encamps  nearer — Fortifies  his  Camp — Promised  Co-operation 
by  Sir  Henry  Clinton — Determines  to  Await  it— Quarrel  Between 
Gates  and  Arnold— Arnold  Deprived  of  Command— Burgoyne  Waits 
for  Co-operation. 

THE  checks  which  Burgoyne  had  received  on  right  and 
left,  and  in  a  great  measure,  through  the  spontaneous  rising 
of  the  country,  had  opened  his  eyes  to  the  difficulties  of  his 
situation,  and  the  errors  as  to  public  feeling  into  which  he 
had  been  led  by  his  tory  counselors.  "The  great  bulk  of 
the  country  is  undoubtedly  with  the  Congress  in  principle 
and  zeal,"  writes  he,  "and  their  measures  are  executed  with 
a  secrecy  and  dispatch  that  are  not  to  be  equaled.  Wherever 
the  king's  forces  point,  militia,  to  the  amount  of  three  or 
four  thousand,  assemble  in  twenty-four  hours:  they  bring 
with  them  their  subsistence,  &c.y  and,  the  alarm  over,  they 
"eturn  to  their  farms.  The  Hampshire  Grants,  in  particular, 
a  country  unpeopled  and  almost  unknown  last  war,  now 
abounds  in  the  most  active  and  most  rebellious  race  of  the 
continent,  and  hangs  like  a  gathering  storm  upon  mv  left." 
W  hat  a  picture  this  gives  of  a  patriotic  and  warlike  yeo- 
nuuiry.  He  complains,  too,  that  no  operation  had  yet  been 
u  ndertaken  in  his  favor;  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson  had 
not  even  been  threatened;  the  consequence  was  that  two 
brigades  had  been  detached  from  them  to  strengthen  the 
army  of  Gates,  strongly  posted  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Mohawk  River,  with  a  superior  force  of  Continental  troops, 
and  as  many  militia  as  he  pleased. 

Burgoyne  declared,  that  had  he  any  latitude  in  his  orders, 
he  would  remain  where  he  was,  or  perhaps  fall  back  to  Fort 
Edward,  where  his  communication  with  Lake  George  would 
be  secure,  and  wait  for  some  event  that  might  assist  his 
movement  forward;  his  orders,  however,  were  positive  to  force 
a  junction  with  Sir  William  Howe.  He  did  not  feel  at  lib- 
erty, therefore,  to  remain  inactive  longer  than  would  be 


396  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  LIV. 

necessary  to  receive  the  reinforcements  of  the  additional 
companies,  the  German  drafts  and  recruits  actually  on  Lake 
Champlain,  and  to  collect  provisions  enough  for  twenty-five 
days.  These  reinforcements  were  indispensable,  because  from 
the  hour  he  should  pass  the  Hudson  River  and  proceed 
toward  Albany,  all  safety  of  communication  would  cease. 

"I  yet  do  not  despair,"  adds  he,  manfully.  "Should  I 
succeed  in  forcing  my  way  to  Albany,  and  find  that  country 
in  a  state  to  subsist  my  army,  I  shall  think  no  more  of  a 
yetreat,  but,  at  the  worst,  fortify  there,  and  await  Sir  Wil- 
liam's operations."* 

A  feature  of  peculiar  interest  is  given  to  this  wild  and  rug- 
ged expedition,  by  the  presence  of  two  ladies  of  rank  and 
refinement,  involved  in  its  perils  and  hardships.  One  was 
Lady  Harriet  Ackland,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Ilchester,  and 
wife  of  Major  Ackland  of  the  grenadiers;  the  other  was  the 
Baroness  De  lliedesel,  wife  of  the  Hessian  major-general. 
Both  of  these  ladies  had  been  left  behind  in  Canada.  Lady 
Harriet,  however,  on  hearing  that  her  husband  was  wounded 
in  the  affair  at  Hubbardtou,  instantly  set  out  to  rejoin  him, 
regardless  of  danger,  and  of  her  being  in  a  condition  before 
long  to  become  a  mother. 

Crossing  the  whole  length  of  Lake  Champlain,  she  found 
him  in  a  sick  bed  at  Skenesborough.  After  his  recovery,  she 
refused  to  leave  him,  but  had  continued  with  the  army  ever 
since.  Her  example  had  been  imitated  by  the  Baroness  De 
Eiedesel,  who  had  joined  the  army  at  Fort  Edward,  bringing 
with  her  her  three  small  children.  The  friendship  and  sympa- 
thy of  these  two  ladies  in  all  scenes  of  trial  and  suffering,  and 
their  devoted  attachment  to  their  husbands,  afford  touching 
episodes  in  the  story  of  the  campaign.  When  the  army  was 
on  the  march,  they  followed  a  little  distance  in  the  rear, 
Lady  Harriet  in  a  two-wheeled  tumbril,  the  Baroness  in  a 
calash,  capable  of  holding  herself,  her  children,  and  two  ser- 
vants. The  latter  has  left  a  journal  of  her  campaigning, 
which  we  may  occasionally  cite.  "They  moved,"  she  says, 
"in  the  midst  of  soldiery,  who  were  full  of  animation, 
singing  camp  songs,  and  panting  for  action.  They  had  to 
travel  through  almost  impassable  woods;  in  a  picturesque 
and  beautiful  region;  but  which  was  almost  abandoned  by 
its  inhabitants,  who  had  hastened  to  join  the  American 
army."  "They  added  much  to  its  strength,"  observes  she, 

Letter  to  Lord  George  .Germain. 


1777.]  AMERICAN   ARMY    REINFORCED.  397 

"as  they  were  all  good  marksmen,  and  the  love  of  their 
country  inspired  them  with  more  than  ordinary  courage."* 

The  American  army  had  received  various  reinforcements: 
the  most  efficient  was  Morgan's  corps  of  riflemen,  sent  by 
Washington.  He  had  also  furnished  it  with  artillery.  It 
was  now  about  ten  thousand  strong.  Schuyler,  finding 
himself  and  his  proffered  services  slighted  by  Gates,  hud 
returned  to  Albany.  His  patriotism  was  superior  to 
personal  resentments.  He  still  continued  to  promote  the 
success  of  the  campaign,  exerting  his  influence  over  thu 
Indian  tribes,  to  win  them  from  the  enemy.  At  Albany,  ho 
held  talks  and  war  feasts  with  deputations  of  Oneida, 
Tuscarora,  and  Onondaga  warriors;  and  procured  scouting 
parties  of  them,  which  he  sent  to  the  camp,  and  which 
proved  of  great  service.  His  former  aide-de-camp,  Colonel 
Brockholst  Livingston,  and  his  secretary,  Colonel  Varick, 
remained  in  camp,  and  kept  him  informed  by  letter  of 
passing  occurrences.  They  were  much  about  the  person  of 
General  Arnold,  who,  since  his  return  from  relieving  Fort 
Stanwix,  commanded  the  left  wing  of  the  army.  Living- 
ston, in  fact,  was  with  him  as  aide-de-camp.  The  jealousy 
of  Gates  was  awakened  by  these  circumstances.  lie  knew 
their  attachment  to  Schuyler,  and  suspected  they  were 
prejudicing  the  mind  of  Arnold  against  him;  and  this 
suspicion  may  have  been  the  origin  of  a  coolness  and  neglect 
which  he  soon  evinced  toward  Arnold  himself.  These  young 
officers,  however,  though  devotedly  attached  to  Schuyler 
from  a  knowledge  of  his  generous  character,  were  above  any 
camp  intrigue.  Livingston  was  again  looking  forward  with 
youthful  ardor  to  a  brush  with  the  enemy;  but  regretted 
that  his  former  chief  would  not  be  there  to  lead  it.  "Bur- 
goyne,"  writes  he  to  Schuyler  exultingly,  "is  in  such  a 
situation,  that  he  can  neither  advance  nor  retire  without 
fighting.  A  capital  battle  must  soon  be  fought.  I  am 
chagrined  to  the  soul  when  I  think  that  another  person  will" 
reap  the  fruits  of  your  labors,  "f 

Colonel  Varick,  equally  eager,  was  afraid  Burgoyne  might 
be  decamping.  "His  evening  guns,"  writes  he,  "are  seldom 
heard,  and  when  heard,  are  very  low  in  sound. "J 

The  dense  forests,  in  fact,  which  covered  the  country 
between  the  hostile  armies,  concealed  their  movements,  and 
as  Gates  threw  out  no  harassing  parties,  his  information 

*  RiedesePs  Memoirs, 
f  MS.  Letter  to  Schuyler. 
t  MS.  Letter  to  Schuyler, 


398  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  [CH.  LIV. 

concerning  the  enemy  was  vague.  Burgoyne,  however,  was 
diligently  collecting  all  his  forces  from  Skenesborough,  Fort 
Aane  and  Fort  George,  and  collecting  provisions;  he  had 
completed  a  bridge  by  which  he  intended  to  pass  the 
Hudson,  and  force  his  way  to  Albany,  where  he  expected 
co-operation  from  below.  Everything  was  conducted  with 
as  much  silence  and  caution  as  possible.  His  troops  paraded 
without  beat  of  drum,  and  evening  guns  were  discontinued. 
So  stood  matters  on  the  llth  of  September,  when  a  report 
was  circulated  in  the  American  camp,  that  Burgoyne  was  in 
motion,  and  that  he  had  made  a  speech  to  his  soldiers, 
telling  them  that  the  fleet  had  returned  to  Canada,  and  their 
only  safety  was  to  fight  their  way  to  New  York. 

As  General  Gates  was  to  receive  an  attack,  it  was  thought 
he  ought  to  choose  the  ground  where  to  receive  it;  Arnold, 
therefore,  in  company  with  Kosciuszko,  the  Polish  engineer, 
reconnoitered  the  neighborhood  in  quest  of  a  good  camping- 
ground,  and  at  length  fixed  upon  a  ridge  of  hills  called 
Bemis's  Heights,  which  Kosciuszko  proceeded  to  fortify. 

In  the  mean  time,  Colonel  Colburn  was  sent  off  with  a 
small  party  to  ascend  the  high  hills  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Hudson,  and  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy  with 
glasses  from  their  summits,  or  from  the  tops  of  the  trees. 
For  three  days  he  kept  thus  on  the  look-out,  sending  word 
from  time  to  time  to  camp  of  all  that  he  espied. 

On  the  llth  there  were  the  first  signs  of  movement  among 
Burgoyne's  troops.  On  the  12th  and  14th,  they  slowly 
passed  over  a  bridge  of  boats,  which  they  had  thrown  across 
the  Hudson,  and  encamped  near  Fish  Creek.  Colburn 
counted  eight  hundred  tents,  including  marquees.  A  mile 
in  advance  were  fourteen  more  tents.  The  Hessians 
remained  encamped  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river,  but 
intervening  woods  concealed  the  number  of  their  tents. 
There  was  not  the  usual  stir  of  military  animation  in  the 
camps.  There  were  no  evening  nor  morning  guns. 

On  the  15th,  both  English  and  Hessian  camps  struck  their 
tents,  and  loaded  their  baggage  wagons.  By  twelve  o'clock 
both  began  to  march.  Colburn  neglected  to  notice  the 
route  taken  by  the  Hessians;  his  attention  was  absorbed  by 
the  British,  who  made  their  way  slowly  and  laboriously  down 
the  western  side  of  the  river,  along  a  wretched  road  intersected 
by  brooks  and  rivulets,  the  bridges  over  which  Schuyler  had 
broken  down.  The  division  had  with  it  eighty-five  baggage 
wagons  and  a  great  train  of  artillery;  with  two  unwieldy 
twenty-four-pounders,  acting  like  drag  anchors.  It  was  # 


1777.]  BEMIS'S  HEIGHTS  FORTIFIED.  399 

silent,  dogged  march,  without  beat  of  drum,  or  spirit-stirring 
bray  of  trumpet.  A  body  of  light  troops,  new  levies, 
and  Indians,  painted  and  decorated  for  war,  struck  off  from 
the  rest  and  disappeared  in  the  forest,  up  Fish  Creek. 
From  the  great  silence  observed  by  Burgoyne  in  his  move- 
ments, and  the  care  he  took  in  keeping  his  men  together, 
and  allowing  no  straggling  parties,  Colonel  Col  burn  ap- 
prehended that  he  med  itated  an  attack.  Having  seen  the  army 
advance  two  miles  on  its  march,  therefore,  he  descended  from 
the  heights,  and  hastened  to  the  American  camp  to  muku 
his  report.  A  British  prisoner,  brought  in  soon  afterward, 
stated  that  Burgoyne  had  come  to  a  halt  about  four  miles 
distant. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  army  was  under  arms  at 
daylight;  the  enemy,  however,  "remained  encamped,  repair- 
ing bridges  in  front,  and  sending  down  guard  boats  to 
reconnoiter;  the  Americans,  therefore,  went  on  to  fortify 
their  position.  The  ridge  of  hills  called  Bemis's  Heights, 
rises  abruptly  from  the  narrow  flat  bordering  the  west  side  of 
the  river.  Kosciuszko  had  fortified  the  camp  with  intrench- 
mcnts  three-quarters  of  a  mile  in  extent,  having  redoubts 
and  batteries,  which  commanded  the  valley,  and  even  the 
hills  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river;  for  the  Hudson,  in 
this  tipper  part,  is  comparatively  a  narrow  stream.  From 
the  foot  of  the  height,  an  intrenchment  extended  to  the 
river,  ending  with  a  battery  at  the  water  edge,  commanding 
u  floating  bridge. 

The  right  wing  of  the  army,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  Gates,  and  composed  of  Glover's,  Nixon's,  and 
Patterson's  brigades,  occupied  the  brow  of  the  hill  nearest 
to  the  river,  with  the  flats  below. 

The  left  wing,  commanded  by  Arnold,  was  on  the  side  of 
the  camp  furthest  from  the  river,  and  distant  from  the 
latter  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile.  It  was  composed  oC 
the  New  Hampshire  brigade  of  General  Poor,  Pierre  Vat 
Courtlandt's  and  James  Livingston's  regiments  of  New, 
York  militia,  the  Connecticut  militia,  Morgan's  riflemen, 
und  Dearborn's  infantry.  The  center  was  composed  of 
Massachusetts  and  New  York  troops. 

Burgoyne  gradually  drew  nearer  to  the  camp,  throwing 
out  large  parties  of  pioneers  and  workmen.  The  Americans 
disputed  every  step.  A  Hessian  officer  observes:  "The 
enemy  bristled  up  his  hair,  as  we  attempted  to  repair  more 


400  tlFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  [CH.  LIV. 

bridges.     At  last,  we  had  to  do  him  the  honor  of  sending 
out  whole  regiments  to  protect  our  workmen."5 

It  was  Arnold  who  provoked  this  honor.  At  the  head  of 
fifteen  hundred  men  he  skirmished  bravely  with  the  superior 
force  sent  out  against  him,  and  retired  with  several  prisoners. 
Burgoyne  now  encamped  about  two  miles  from  General 
Gates,  disposing  his  army  in  two  lines;  the  left  on  the  river, 
the  right  extending  at  right  angles  to  it,  about  six  hundred 
yards,  across  the  low  grounds  to  a  range  of  steep  and  rocky 
hills,  occupied  by  the  elite;  a  ravine  formed  by  a  rivulet 
from  the  hills  passed  in  front  of  the  camp.  _  The  low  ground 
between  the  armies  was  cultivated;  the  hills  were  covered 
with  woods,  excepting  three  or  four  small  openings  and 
deserted  farms.  Beside  the  ravines  which  fronted  each 
camp  there  was  a  third  one,  midway  between  them,  also  at 
right  angles  to  the  river,  f 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th,  General  Gates  received  intel- 
ligence that  the  enemy  were  advancing  in  great  force  on  his 
left.  It  was,  in  fact,  their  right  wing,  composed  of  the 
British  line  and  led  by  Burgoyne  in  person.  It  was  covered 
by  the  grenadiers  and  light-infantry  under  General  Fraser 
and  Colonel  Breyman,  who  kept  along  the  high  grounds  on 
the  right;  while  they,  in  turn,  were  covered  in  front  and  on 
the  flanks  by  Indians,  provincial  royalists  and  Canadians. 

The  left  wing  and  artillery  were  advancing  at  the  same 
time,  under  Major-General  Phillips  and  Riedesel,  along  the 
great  road  and  meadows  by  the  river  side,  but  they  were 
retarded  by  the  necessity  of  repairing  broken  bridges.  It 
was  the  plan  of  Burgoyne,  that  the  Canadians  and  Indians 
should  attack  the  central  outposts  of  the  Americans,  and  draw 
their  attention  in  that  direction,  while  he  and  Fraser, 
making  a  circuit  through  the  woods,  should  join  forces  and 
fall  upon  the  rear  of  the  American  camp.  As  the  dense 
forests  hid  them  from  each  other,  signal  guns  were  to 
regulate  their  movements.  Three,  fired  in  succession,  were 
to  denote  that  all  was  ready,  and  be  the  signal  for  an  attack 
in  front,  flank  and  rear. 

The  American  pickets,  stationed  along  the  ravine  of  Mill 
Creek,  sent  repeated  accounts  to  General  Gates  of  the 
movements  of  the  enemy;  but  he  remained  quiet  in  his 
camp  as  if  determined  to  await  an  attack.  The  American 
officers  grew  impatient.  Arnold  especially,  impetuous  by 
nature,  urged  repeatedly  that  a  detachment  should  be  sent 

*  Schlozor's  Briefwechsel. 

t  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  1.,  236. 


1777.]  ABNOLD  ATTACKS  THE   ENEMY.  40l 

1'iith  to  check  the  enemy  in  their  advance,  and  drive  the 
Indians  out  of  the  woods.  At  length  he  succeeded  in  getting 
permission,  about  noon,  to  detach  Morgan  with  his  riflemen 
and  Dearborn  with  his  infantry  from  his  division.  They 
soon  fell  in  with  the  Canadians  and  Indians,  which  formed 
the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy's  right,  and  attacking  them 
with  spirit,  drove  them  in  or  rather  dispersed  them. 
Morgan's  riflemen,  following  up  their  advantage  with  too 
much  eagerness,  became  likewise  scattered,  and  a  strong 
reinforcement  of  royalists  arriving  on  the  scene  of  action, 
the  Americans,  in  their  turn,  were  obliged  to  give  way. 

Other  detachments  now  arrived  from  the  American  camp, 
led  by  Arnold,  who  attacked  Eraser  on  his  right,  tc  check 
his  attempt  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the  camp.  Finding  the 
position  of  Fraser  too  strong  to  be  forced,  he  sent  to  head- 
quarters for  reinforcements,  but  they  were  refused  by  Gates, 
who  declared  that  no  more  should  go;  "he  would  not  suffer 
his  camp  to  be  exposed."* 

The  reason  he  gave  was  that  it  might  be  attacked  by  the 
enemy's  left  wing. 

Arnold  now  made  a  rapid  counter-march,  and,  his  move- 
ment being  masked  by  the  woods,  suddenly  attempted  to 
turn  Fraser's  left.  Here  he  came  in  full  conflict  with  the 
British  line,  and  threw  himself  upon  ic  with  a  boldness  and 
impetuosity  that  for  a  time  threatened  to  break  it,  and  cut 
the  wings  of  the  army  asunder.  The  grenadiers  and  Brey- 
man's  riflemen  hastened  to  its  support.  General  Phillips 
broke  his  way  through  the  woods  with  four  pieces  of  artil- 
lery, and  Riedesel  came  on  with  his  heavy  dragoons.  Rein- 
forcements came  likewise  to  Arnold's  assistance,  his  force, 
however,  never  exceeded  three  thousand  men,  and  with 
these,  for  nearly  four  hours,  he  kept  up  a  conflict  almost 
hand  to  hand,  with  the  whole  right  wing  of  the  British  army. 
Part  of  the  time  the  Americans  had  the  advantage  of  fighting 
under  the  cover  of  a  wood,  so  favorable  to  their  militia  and 
sharpshooters.  Burgoyne  ordered  the  woods  to  be  cleared 
by  the  bayonet.  His  troops  rushed  forward  in  columns  with 
a  hurrah!  The  Americans  kept  within  their  intrenchments, 
and  repeatedly  repulsed  them;  but,  if  they  pursued  their 
advantage,  and  advanced  into  open  field,  they  were  in  their 
turn  driven  back. 

Night  alone  put  an  end  to  a  conflict,  which  the  British 
acknowledged  to  have  been  the  most  obstinate  and  hardly 

•  Col.  Varick  to  Schnyler.     Schuyler  Papers, 


402  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON  [cH.  LlV. 

fought  they  had  ever  experienced  in  America.  Both  parties 
claimed  the  victory.  But.  though  the  British  remained  on 
the  field  of  battle,  where  they  lay  all  night  upon  their  arms, 
they  had  failed  in  their  object;  they  had  been  assailed 
instead  of  being  the  assailants;  while  the  American  troops 
had  accomplished  the  purpose  for  which  they  had  sallied 
forth;  had  checked  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  frustrated 
their  plan  of  attack,  and  returned  exulting  to  their  camp. 
Their  loss,  in  killed  and  wounded,  was  between  three  and 
four  hundred,  including  several  officers;  that  of  the  enemy 
upward  of  five  hundred. 

Burgoyne  gives  an  affecting  picture  of  the  situation  of  the 
ladies  of  rank  already  mentioned,  during  this  action.  Lady 
Harriet  had  been  directed  by  her  husband,  Major  Arkland, 
to  follow  the  route  of  the  artillery  and  baggage,  which  was 
not  exposed.  "At  the  time  the  action  began,"  writes  Bur- 
goyne, "she  found  herself  near  a  small  uninhabited  hut, 
where  she  alighted.  "When  it  was  found  the  action  was 
becoming  general  and  bloody,  the  surgeons  of  the  hospital 
took  possession  of  the  same  place,  as  the  most  convenient  for 
the  first  care  of  the  Avounded.  Thus  was  the  lady  in  hearing 
of  one  continued  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry,  for  four  hours 
together,  with  the  presumption,  from  the  post  of  her  husband 
at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers,  that  he  was  in  the  most  exposed 
part  of  the  action.  She  had  three  female  companions,  the 
Baroness  of  Kiedesel,  and  the  wives  of  two  British  officers, 
Major  Harnage  and  Lieutenant  Keynell;  but  in  the  event 
their  presence  served  but  little  for  comfort.  Major  Harnage 
was  soon  brought  to  the  surgeons  very  badly  wounded;  and 
in  a  little  time  after  came  intelligence  that  Lieutenant 
Reynell  was  shot  dead.  Imagination  wants  no  helps  to 
figure  the  state  of  the  whole  group." 

Arnold  was  excessively  indignant  at  Gates's  withholding 
the  reinforcements  he  had  required  in  the  heat  of  the  action; 
lad  they  been  furnished,  he  said,  he  might  have  severed  the 
Ine  of  the  enemy  and  gained  a  complete  victory.  He  was 
urgent  to  resume  the  action  on  the  succeeding  morning, 
and  follow  up  the  advantage  he  had  gained,  but  Gates 
declined,  to  his  additional  annoyance.  He  attributed  the 
refusal  to  pique  or  jealousy,  but  Gates  subsequently  gave  as 
a  reason  the  great  deficiency  of  powder  and  ball  in  the  camp, 
which  was  known  only  to  himself,  and  which  he  kept  secret 
until  a  supply  was  sent  from  Albany. 

Burgoyne  now  strengthened  his  position  with  intreneh- 
ments  and  batteries,  part  of  them  across  the  meadows  which 


1777.]  LETTER    FROM   TLItfTOH.  403 

bordered  the  river,  part  on  the  brow  of  the  heights  which 
commanded  them.  The  Americans  likewise  extended  and 
strengthened  their  line  of  breastworks  on  the  left  of  the 
camp;  the  right  was  already  unassailable.  The  camps  were 
within  gunshot,  but  with  ravines  and  woods  between  them. 

Washington's  predictions  of  the  effect  to  be  produced  by 
Morgan's  riflemen  approached  fulfillment.  The  Indians, 
dismayed  at  the  severe  treatment  experienced  from  these 
veteran  bush  fighters,  were  disappearing  from  the  British 
lamp.  The  Canadians  and  royal  provincials,  "mere  trim- 
mers/' as  Burgoyne  called  them,  were  deserting  in  great' 
numbers,  and  he  had  no  confidence  in  those  who  remained. 

His  situation  was  growing  more  and  more  critical.  On 
the  21st,  he  heard  shouts  in  the  American  camp,  and  in  a 
little  while  their  cannon  thundered  a  feu  dejoie.  News  had 
been  received  from  General  Lincoln,  that  a  detachment  of 
New  England  troops  under  Colonel  Brown  had  surprised  the 
carrying-place,  mills,  and  French  lines  at  Ticonderoga, 
captured  an  armed  sloop,  gunboats  and  bateaux,  made  three 
hundred  prisoners,  beside  releasing  one  hundred  American 
captives,  and  were  laying  siege  to  Fort  Independence.* 

Fortunately  for  Burgoyne,  while  affairs  were  darkening  in 
the  North,  a  ray  of  hope  dawned  from  the  South.  While 
the  shouts  from  the  American  camp  were  yet  ringing  in  his 
ears,  came  a  letter  in  cipher  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  dated 
the  12th  of  September,  announcing  his  intention  in  about 
ten  days  to  attack  the  forts  in  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson. 

Burgoyne  sent  back  the  messenger  the  same  night,  and 
dispatched,  moreover,  two  officers  in  disguise,  by  different 
routes,  all  bearing  messages  informing  Sir  Henry  of  his 
perilous  situation,  and  urging  a  diversion  that  might  oblige 
General  Gates  to  detach  a  part  of  his  army;  adding,  that  he 
would  endeavor  to  maintain  his  present  position,  and  await 
favorable  events  until  the  12th  of  October,  f 

The  jealousy  of  Gates  had  been  intensely  excited  at  finding 
the  whole  credit  of  the  late  affair  given  by  the  army  to 
Arnold:  in  his  dispatches  to  government  he  made  no  mention 
of  him.  This  increased  the  schism  between  them.  Wilkin- 
son, the  adjutant-general,  who  was  a  sycophantic  adherent 
of  Gates,  pandered  to  his  pique  by  withdrawing  from 
Arnold's  division  Morgan's  rifle  corps  and  Dearborn's  light- 
infantry,  its  arm  of  strength,  which  had  done  such  brilliant 

*  Col.  Varlck  to  Schuyler.     Schuyler  Papers 
t  Burgoyne  to  Lord  George  Germain. 


404  LIFE   OF   AVASHINGTON.  fen.  LtV, 

service  in  the  late  affair:  they  were  henceforth  to  be  subject 
to  no  order  but  those  from  head-quarters. 

Arnold  called  on  Gates  on  the  evening  of  the  22d.  to 
remonstrate.  High  words  passed  between  them,  and  matters 
came  to  an  open  rupture.  Gates,  in  his  heat,  told  Arnold 
that  he  did  not  consider  him  a  major-general,  he  having 
sent  his  resignation  to  Congress — that  he  had  never  given 
him  the  command  of  any  division  of  the  army — that  General 
Lincoln  would  arrive  in  a  day  or  two,  and  then  he  would 
live  no  further  occasion  for  him,  and  would  give  him  a  pass 
t>  go  to  Philadelphia,  whenever  he  chose.* 

Arnold  returned  to  his  quarters  in  a  rage,  and  wrote  a 
note  to  Gates  requesting  the  proffered  permit  to  depart  for 
Philadelphia;  by  the  time  he  received  it  his  ire  had  cooled 
and  he  had  changed  his  mind.  He  determined  to  remain  in 
camp  and  abide  the  anticipated  battle. 

Lincoln,   in  the   mean   time,   arrived   in   advance   of   his 


Brown  himself,  with  part  of  his  attachment,  had  embarked 
on  Lake  George  in  an  armed  schooner  and  a  squadron  of 
captured  gunboats  and  bateaux,  and  was  threatening  the 
enemy's  deposit  of  baggage  and  heavy  artillery  at  Diamond 
Island.  The  toils  so  skilfully  spread  were  encompassing 
Burgoyne  more  and  inore;  the  gates  of  Canada  were  closing 
behind  him. 

A  morning  or  two  after  Lincoln's  arrival,  Arnold  observed 
him  giving  some  directions  in  the  left  division,  and  quickly 
inquired  whether  he  was  doing  so  by  order  ctf  General  Gates; 
being  answered  in  the  negative,  he  observed  that  the  left 
division  belonged  to  him;  and  that  he  believed  his  (Lincoln's) 
proper  station  was  on  the  right,  and  that  of  General  Gates 
vight  to  be  in  the  center.  He  requested  him  to  mention 
.is  to  General  Gates,  and  have  the  matter  adjusted. 

"'He  is  determined,"  writes  Vtirick,  "not  to  suffer  any  one 
to  interfere  in  his  division,  and  says  it  will  be  death  to  any 
officer  who  does  so  in  action."  Arnold,  in  fact,  was  in  a 
bellicose  vein,  and  rather  blustered  about  the  camp.  Gates, 
he  said,  could  not  refuse  him  his  command,  and  he  would  not 
yield  it  now  that  a  battle  was  expected. 

Some  of  the  general  officers  and  colonels  of  his  division 
proposed  to  make  him  an  address,  thanking  him  for  his'past 

*  Col.  Livingston  to  Hchuyler.     Schuyler  Papers. 


1777. 1  GATES  AND  ARNOLD  QUAKHEL.  405 

SIT  vices,  particularly  in  the  late  action,  and  entreating  him 
to  stay.  Others  suggested  that  the  general  officers  should 
endeavor  to  produce  a  reconciliation  between  the  jarring 
parties.  Lincoln  was  inclined  to  do  so;  but,  in  the  end, 
neither  measure  was  taken  through  fear  of  offending  General 
Gates.  In  the  mean  time  Arnold  remained  in  camp,  treated, 
he  said,  as  a  cipher,  and  never  consulted;  though  when 
Congress  had  sent  him  to  that  department,  at  the  request  of 
General  Washington,  they  expected  the  commander  would 
at  least  have  taken  his  opinion  on  public  matters.  i 

On  the  30th,  he  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in  an  indignai? 
letter  to  Gates.  "Notwithstanding  I  have  reason  to  thin  I: 
your  treatment  proceeds  from  a  spirit  of  jealousy,"  writes 
he,  "and  that  I  have  everything  to  fear  from  the  malice  of 
my  enemies,  conscious  of  my  own  innocency  and  integrity, 
I  am  determined  to  sacrifice  my  feelings,  present  peace  and 
quiet,  to  the  public  good,  and  continue  in  the  army  at  this 
critical  juncture,  when  my  country  needs  every  support. 

"I  hope,"  concludes  he,  "you  will  not  impute  this  hint  to 
a  wish  to  command  the  army,  or  to  outshine  you,  when  I 
assure  you  it  proceeds  from  my  zeal  for  the  cause  of  my 
country,  in  which  I  expect  to  rise  or  fall."* 

All  this  time  the  Americans  were  harassing  the  British 
camp  with  frequent  night  alarms  and  attacks  on  its  pickets 
and  outposts. 

"From  the  20th  of  September  to  the  7th  of  October," 
writes  Burgoyne,  "the  armies  were  so  near,  that  not  a  night 
passed  without  firing,  and  sometimes  concerted  attacks  upon 
our  advanced  pickets.  I  do  not  believe  either  officer  or 
soldier  ever  slept  in  that  interval  without  his  clothes;  or  that 
any  general  officer  or  commander  of  a  regiment  passed  a 
single  night,  without  being  upon  his  legs  occasionally  at 
different  hours,  and  constantly  an  hour  before  daylight."! 

Still  Burgoyne  kept  up  a  resolute  mien,  telling  his  soldier?, 
In  a  harangue,  that  no  was  determined  to  leave  his  bones  o  i 
the  field,  or  force  his  way  to  Albany.  He  yet  clung  to  tho 
hope,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  might  operate  in  time  to  relieve 
him  from  his  perilous  position. 

\\V  will  now  cast  a  look  toward  New  York,  and  ascertain 
the  cause  of  Sir  Henry's  delay  in  his  anxiously  expected 
operations  on  the  Hudson. 

*  Gatea's  Papers,  N.  Y.  Hist  Lib.  t  Burgoyue'a  Expedition,  p.  166. 

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